محمدجواد فتحی

With the transformation of criminal justice approaches from an exclusive focus on the offender toward the restoration of victims' rights, attention to mechanisms for compensation—particularly within the framework of restorative justice—has gained increasing importance. The institution of diyyah (blood money), as one of the most deeply rooted instruments of compensation in Islamic jurisprudence and Iranian criminal law, possesses the capacity to support victims not only as a tool for material redress but also within a restorative, moral, and even psychological framework. This article, using a descriptive–analytical method and drawing on jurisprudential sources and modern criminological theories, endeavors to demonstrate that diyyah, beyond its financial function, can provide a foundation for reconciliation, social relationship restoration, and the rehabilitation of the victim’s dignity—especially when accompanied by components such as apology, restorative dialogue, and the participation of supportive institutions like the Diyyah Headquarters (Setad-e Diyyah). Within this framework, Qur’anic and jurisprudential teachings, emphasizing peace, forgiveness, and reparation, along with peace-oriented criminology and victimology theories, provide the theoretical grounding for analyzing diyyah as a restorative institution. The article also explores the feasibility of implementing methods such as victim-offender circles in the context of diyyah payments and argues that, although Iran's legal system is not yet structurally familiar with such methods, it does hold jurisprudential and legal-philosophical potential for achieving consensual justice. A comparative analysis of diyyah in jurisprudential teachings with the concept of restorative justice—as a novel idea in peace-oriented criminology—reveals that the institution of diyyah has considerable potential for protecting the bodily integrity of victims and resolving crimes through participatory and reparative means. Restorative justice, by emphasizing non-criminal and informal approaches, accords an active role to the victim, a feature that aligns with penal policies grounded in Qur’anic- jurisprudential teachings that are "non-punitive," "restorative," and "victim-centered." Accordingly, the institution of diyyah can serve as a bridge between retributive and restorative justice, effectively addressing the needs of victims in society. 

proportionality in all things and programs is one of the brightest manifestations of our lives in today's world. For this reason, the efficiency and effectiveness of criminal law depends on the observance of proportionality in its design and implementation. In order to respond to social needs, criminal law must be designed and implemented according to the conditions and transformations of the society. It can be claimed that criminal law is fair and rational if it has internal proportionality (in connection with motives and goals) and external proportionality (in connection with conditions and possibilities). If proportionality, as one of the first principles, does not govern criminal law, it cannot have the necessary efficiency and effectiveness. Criminal law, on the one hand, must be in harmony with individual and public wishes, goals and expectations, and on the other hand, with the external situation and facilities of the society, so that it can be effective in social organization and provision of individual needs and interests. Therefore, one of the most important principles governing criminal law is the "principle of proportionality". This article seeks to prove that in criminal law, more important than any other principle and solution is to observe "The principle of proportionality". If criminal law is designed and implemented without considering this principle, the government's plans in this field will become a heavy burden on the shoulders of the society, and as a result, it will fail to fulfill its mission.

The geo-economic and geo-strategic importance of international straits has made world powers such as China consider it inevitable to try to gain some influence in such vital arteries. The current research, using a qualitative method with a document analysis approach, is trying to answer the question, what is the position of the Bab al-Mandab Strait in the strategic view of China? From an economic point of view, this strait is the main link between East Asia and the Horn of Africa, the Suez Canal, the Mediterranean and finally European countries. The lack of access to the strait is a challenge and obstacle on the way to the new Silk Road; Because both the long-term plan of this country for economic influence in the African continent through the horn of this region will face problems and also because focusing on the alternative route, i.e. the Cape of Good Hope, multiplies the distance and cost of reaching the European continent. . From a political point of view, the presence in Bab al-Mandab is related to China's effort and stable competition against the United States in the vicinity of the strait and the possibility of Washington threatening this country's interests in the future. The result is that China's hardware or military plans and software and development-oriented efforts in the two countries adjacent to Bab-al-Mandeb, namely Djibouti, focusing on the development of the multi-purpose economic and military port of Durala, and Yemen, focusing on strengthening the infrastructure of Aden ports. , Al-Makha and trying to penetrate Prim Island on the one hand and avoiding entering into regional crises on the other hand, can be evaluated in order to guarantee and consolidate economic and political goals.

 Apology, as one of the mechanisms of restorative justice, not only allows the victim to regain a sense of self-worth and respect but also serves as a restorative and soothing step in the restorative justice process. in Iranian law, the legislator recognizes moral damages resulting from crime as compensable and identifies apology as one of the tools for compensation. However, the necessary legal mechanisms for this purpose have not been established. This article aims to explore the ontology and characteristics of apology, identify the process of apology within the restorative justice system, and explain its impact on the three dimensions of crime.

This study was conducted using a descriptive-analytical approach.

 From a legal perspective, an effective apology not only aids in compensating the victim's non-material damages but also contributes to reducing tensions arising from the crime and facilitates the processes of reconciliation, dispute resolution, and criminal mediation. this issue is significant in the Iranian legal system, especially within the framework of laws related to restorative justice, and requires further attention to strengthen apology as an important component in the process of compensating for non-material damages. From the perspective of criminological principles, an apology not only helps improve the relationship between the victim and the offender but also creates the necessary groundwork for the offender's reintegration into society and reduces the risk of reoffending.

Climatic changes, especially in developing countries, during the past few decades, have caused large populations of people to migrate from arid areas to semi-arid and temperate areas, and this issue provides grounds for committing all kinds of crimes and violating human rights. has constructed . This is despite the fact that in various reports, including the report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, policymakers and decision-makers at domestic levels were requested to somehow manage climate change so that the temperature rises to less than 1.5 degrees by 2030. slow The management of climate change and its effect on reducing the commission of crimes becomes more noticeable when it is known that the lack of management of climate change has negative economic, social and security effects. The main question that is considered in this research is what are the effects of climate change management on committing crimes at the level of the United Nations and the Islamic Republic of Iran? The conclusion obtained from this research is that climate change management at the United Nations level is trying to function by emphasizing restorative justice and sharing responsibilities in the field of prevention and combating crimes affected by climate change. While at the level of the Islamic Republic, there is no special and necessary management in this area.

The purpose of the current research is to examine the Palestine issue in the intellectual system of Ayatollah Boroujerdi (RA) and Imam Khomeini (RA) using descriptive-analytical method. The research question is, what is the difference between the approach of Ayatollah Borujerdi and Imam Khomeini to Palestine? The Palestinian government was divided into two separate governments in 1948 by the vote of the United Nations and the influence of major world powers, the Palestinian government and the Israeli regime were the result of this decision. against this, widespread protests were formed, including seminaries and religious authorities, in different periods of time. During the Pahlavi II regime, Ayatollah Boroujerdi reacted to this tragic incident as stated in his declaration, and with the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, the way of dealing with the Palestinian issue became stronger and There were much space for supporting Palestine. The findings of the research show that Ayatollah Boroujerdi and Imam Khomeini had different approaches in dealing with the Palestinian issue. Imam Khomeini's and Ayatollah Boroujerdi's view on the Palestinian issue is based on the view of two sources on the discussion of religion and politics and their activity in the religious and political spheres. The hypothesis of the article is that according to the intellectual foundations of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Boroujerdi regarding the relationship between religion and politics, Imam Khomeini believed in active activism and material and spiritual support for the Palestinian issue, but Ayatollah Boroujerdi, due to his protection of  the fledgling seminary, had chosen a passive activism approach in support of the Palestinians.

One of the divisions of jurisdiction of criminal courts is the division of these courts into Courts grade one and Courts grade two. Relative jurisdiction is studied as another kind of criminal courts jurisdiction beside local and inherent jurisdiction. In Relative jurisdiction, Courts grade one deal with more important crimes by multiple judges and Courts grade two deal with less important crimes by single judge. In Iranian law according to criminal procedure code 1392, Relative jurisdiction is accepted in both general and special courts. In English law, also, Relative jurisdiction of criminal courts accepted such a way that the crimes, based on importance, divided into three parts: Indictable offences, Summary offences and Offences triable and this will be heard either by Magistrates’ Court or crown court accordingly. In addition, in the law of both countries, relative jurisdiction in the retrial is also provided and these courts are divided into two categories.

In international documents and the Code of Criminal Procedure, the right to request an expert is recognized for the accused. The more technical and specialized crimes are, the more it is necessary to use expert opinions to identify the issue and bring it in line with the law, and in the meantime, to deal with economic crimes, including smuggling of goods; with its dynamism and complexity, rooted in the confusing business, banking and customs affairs, it requires professional and impartial experts.The legislature has adopted a policy of criminalization and maximum detection and speed of proceedings with a minimum of acquittance to combat the smuggling of goods, without explicitly prohibiting referral to an expert; The provisions of Article 47 of the Law on Combating Commodity and Currency Smuggling in 2013 have been interpreted as follows: The courts have deduced the legislative will on the "prohibition" and, in practice, have closed the way to refer the experts to the accused of smuggling goods.However, if approved by the Constitutional Council; We will see the imposition of differential rules in the blatant violation of one of the defendants' rights of defense. In this study, by examining the rules and procedures of the courts, the roots of the theory of "prohibition of referring technical issues of smuggling cases to experts" are examined.

The United States, as the most important trans-regional active state in West Asia, has gradually gained a great deal of influence in this area in order to achieve its goals, and has formed numerous military and security alliances with regional governments. However, emerging trends such as China's economic revolution and the shale oil boom in the United States, coupled with the deliberate decision of the country's political elite to temporarily withdraw from some parts of West Asia have led to the assumption of diminishing importance of the region and subsequent the U.S withdrawal. And the focus is on areas adjacent to China. The main issue of the present study is to analyze the concept of the U.S withdrawal from West Asia in the light of regional goals and strategies. The main question of the research is “whether the U.S intends to leave West Asia in the light of its regional strategic policy?”.

The research method is descriptive-analytic and it is a fundamental in terms of its nature. The method of data gathering is based upon library studies and the use of books, articles and online resources.

West Asia is of great importance to the U.S in terms of its geostrategic position, its vast fossil fuel resources, and its large consumer market. The course of the U.S foreign policy in West Asia shows an upward and intrusive trend. The U.S has set specific goals for itself in West Asia, the most important of which are Iran's influence, Israel's security, ensuring the free flow of oil, the trade in arms and arms sales, and China and Russia. Achieving such goals naturally requires the use of pivotal strategies that provide the basis for achieving the desired and optimal results. Strategies such as networking, alliances and coalition buildings with Arab allies, supra-regional balancing, the formation of the Arab NATO, Open Doors strategy in war, baiting, adding fuel to the fire, disintegration and conquest are the most prominent issues for the political and security elites of this country. The basis of all these strategies is several issues: one is that costly wars that damage the American economy and the image, on the other hand, the presence of this country will be smarter and the use of mobile naval forces as well as the use of the drone industry has become more important compared to deployed infantry. Threats to the economy including potential instability and challenges to energy exports as well as threats to the regime's military bases have not been exacerbated, but a more qualitative and cost-effective presence has emerged in recent years. Qualitative presence of this country is done in the form of utilization of the drone industry and rapid reaction forces, and cost-effective presence is also applied in the form of partial security and transfer of responsibility to allies such as Saudi Arabia and the UAE. The United States seeks to place the burden of security costs on its traditional allies and to intervene directly only when its vital interests are at stake.

The perception of the U.S withdrawal from the Middle East is an exaggerated fact, but the U.S influence in the region is certainly declining. Just as Eastern Europe is important for Russian Federation, East Asia is politically, security-wise, and economically important for China, West Asia is a strategic region for the U.S. However, there is a dichotomy over the U.S foreign policy in West Asia over whether to stay in or leave the region. Some argue that threats to the U.S interests are stronger today than ever, and this requires an increased the U.S presence, while others argue that over-investment by the U.S in the region has had devastating consequences, so it is first necessary to reduce the level of presence, and given the country's independence from regional energy, it should withdraw in the long run and focus more on controlling China. It must be said, however, that the U.S Middle East policy will not undergo a complete transformation in the future, and that the issue of the U.S withdrawal from West Asia will be ruled out. The strategic importance of West Asia and the field evidence do not support this claim; Statements such as the dangerous behavior of rivals and enemies, the security of Israel, the defense of Arab allies, the serious challenge of great powers such as China and Russia, energy security and the control of energy export corridors and maritime trade have caused the claim of the U.S withdrawal from West Asia not be documented with field facts in the current situation.

Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei (the Supreme Leader) in the dispute over the Islamic Republic of Iran's peaceful nuclear program and the long-term diplomatic engagement with the West, which eventually led to the formation of the so-called Borjam nuclear deal. They played an effective and decisive leadership role. The present study seeks to answer the main question, on what basis did the Supreme Leader of the Revolution manage the conflict over Iran's nuclear program and the processes leading to the nuclear deal - Borjam - and the so-called post-Borjam period? The hypothesis that has been tested in answer to this question is that His Holiness has guided the above process by combining the two models of hard leadership and soft leadership in the form of a new model of intelligent leadership style. He has implemented this process in two ways: institutional-structural (hard) and non-institutional (soft). The findings of the article show that institutional-structural management has been implemented through the Islamic Consultative Assembly, the Supreme National Security Council, the formation of the Borjam Supervision Team, and military institutions. The non-institutional management model also emphasizes the fundamental role of the people, avoiding excesses in the UN Security Council, clarifying the nature of the other side, encouraging negotiations, inviting national unity, emphasizing the need to fully lift sanctions, adopting strategic rationality and Ongoing monitoring of the other side's movements, resolving internal strategic weaknesses, determining the mission of the government and the negotiating team, and requiring the continuation of the nuclear industry have been implemented.

One of the central issues is the impact of the idea and assumption of strategic loneliness on the goals, motives, and regional strategies of the decision-making elites of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the tense and critical area of West Asia. The current research investigates why the Islamic Republic of Iran suffers from strategic loneliness, and which doctrines have it used to get out of strategic loneliness? The study hypothesizes that the change of regime from Pahlavi to the Islamic Republic caused, on the one hand, Iran to have practically no stable and robust ally except Syria. On the other hand, a front of allies within the region and beyond has surrounded the country. This issue has led Iran to endogenous deterrence and abroad activities to cope with foreign threats. The findings show that supporting liberation movements, blocking threat sources, confronting the United States, deterring US regional allies, alongside prominent strategies such as regional ban and counter-access, unconventional land and sea warfare, classical and neo-ballistic missile deterrence, drone industry, Hezbollah model, and Lebanonization, alliances with trans-regional actors, religious and cultural diplomacy indicate the wrong idea of strategic loneliness. Iran follows these policies to get out of strategic loneliness and regional isolation. The research method is qualitative and refers to the primary library documents.

The invasion of the Arab-Western coalition (centered on Saudi Arabia) has made the Yemeni scene one of the most complex crises in the West Asian region. The final outcome of the Yemeni crisis, while having a significant impact on shaping the security order in the future of the West Asian region, will also determine the country's position in the future equations of the region. The main feature of this crisis is the multiplicity of actors involved and the conflict of stakeholders' demands.With due attention to the strategic position of Yemen in regional and world politics and the possession of the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, each of the actors is trying to steer Yemen in the direction of its desired scenarios. In fact, each of the influential actors in Yemen, based on their interests and values, considers a favorable situation (scenario) for Yemen, while this scenario can be considered for the other actor an unfavorable and threatening scenario. The present study seeks to answer the questions: What are the main uncertainties of the Yemeni crisis? And with regards to the uncertainties of the Yemeni crisis, what scenarios can be imagined for the Yemen's position in the future equations of the West Asian region? To answer this question, the scenario building method and the critical uncertainty approach have been used.Havingidentified the uncertainties based on the opinions of experts, from their interaction, four scenarios, which are the isolation of Yemen in the regional equations, the alliance with the Eastern-Islamic Front (enhancing Yemen's position in the regional equations), the alliance with the Salafi-Western Front (weakened and trusteeshipYemen) and strong Yemen (independent of the intervention of regional and supra-regional actors) have been presented.

In the new age of politics, culture and citizenship influenced by new media play a prominent role in the emergence of events.Traditional paradigms have generally been regarded by governments as major actors in the field of inter-nation relations, but in the modern era and in the cultural policy paradigm,by means of the media, the citizens theirelves act as an active participant in all everyday issues in the national and global arenas.The theoretical and practical foundations of the cultural belief paradigm are such that the functioning of the mass media has evolved more than any period in the history of their emersion.In this paradigm,cultural politics is signifying practices through which identities,relationships,and social rules are reinforced,transformed,or redefined. The present study,using the documentary-library method,seeks to answer the question of what are the cultural effects of modern media on the meaning and practice of new social movements? The research findings show that the media,in the age of the cultural policy paradigm,while changing and revolving around the citizens'cognitive foundations,has made public and universal issues a top priority and with decentralization of power and an increasing influence on the functioning of the political system and decision-makers,Citizens are more prominent in the political and social scene.

Syria and Yemen are now active focal points of unrest in the West Asian region, and Iran and Saudi Arabia are the most prominent actors in the crisis. An important issue for understanding and managing these two models. The country is in control of developments. The present study seeks to answer the question of how the crisis in Iran and Saudi Arabia is perceived in terms of the crisis in Syria and Yemen and how they have managed the developments in these countries. The region is Iran's influence and Yemen is Saudi Arabia's backyard, so according to the three main components of the crisis, namely threat, time and awareness, the two countries differ in their perceptions of these crises. Iran is in an acute and threatening situation at point 'A', but the Yemeni crisis is due to the geographical distance from the direct line. The axis of resistance and the lower threat level for Iran is at the "C" point of the cube. On the other hand, Saudi Arabia considers the Syrian crisis an opportunity, so it is at the "C" point, the Yemeni crisis One of the most acute and threatening issues for Saudi Arabia is at point "A". Research findings indicate that Saudi Arabia and Iran's foreign policy is in sharp conflict with the Syrian and Yemeni crises; .

The crises of Syria (in the Middle East region) and Ukraine (in Eastern Europe), which began with some internal, regional and global issues, have continued to threaten the interests of stakeholders such as the Russian Federation. There are many theoretical models for analyzing crises and how the reactions and reactions of stakeholder stakeholders and stakeholders are presented. The crisis model is one of the important theoretical models in this relation. The action and reaction of actors during the crisis stemmed from their perception of the severity of the defeat of the three elements. It should also be noted that actors often face three types of software, hardware, and intelligence management in crisis situations in order to control risky conditions and to deal with destabilizing elements. Russia is not averse to taking clever measures and avoiding a passive approach to manage the upheaval of Syria and Ukraine, as the length of the conflicts imposes more damages on Russia than anything else. It is worth noting that one of the important reasons that the author choose Russian Federation as a case study is its interest and influence in both crises, as well as many aspects of social-cultural contexts, political structure. The economic and geographic location of the two countries has been struck by the crisis, and there are some interesting and remarkable similarities about the bases and reasons for the onset and continuation of the crises. This paper is intended to find an answer this question that “How did the Russian Federation perceive the crises in Syria and Ukraine and how did it manage its transformation, according to the model of the crisis cube?
 

The research method is descriptive-analytic and it is a fundamental in terms of its nature. The method of data gathering is based upon library studies and the use of books, articles and online resources.

Considering the reasons for Syria's importance in political, security, military and economic areas and the occurrence of a crisis in Syria shows that perceptions of the Russian authorities are based on three indicators of the severity of the threat, the amount of time and the level of consciousness. Evidences suggest that in Syrian crisis, given that there was enough time available to the Kremlin decision makers which pave the way for engagement in bureaucratic and advisory actions, and because the threat is mild and with sufficient time to make decisions, bureaucratic actions have been turned up and many plans have been chosen to choose the best strategy, but due to the lack of detailed information about the plans and strategic options of the rivals of the time, the place and the type of possible actions of the enemies, the level of uncertainty Russian strategy has not been comprehensive.

The research findings shows that the perception of the authorities of the country was seriously threatened by the crisis as a result of the Ukrainian crisis in the strategic depth and the Russian Federation's secretion, hence the following high-risk crises or at the point A of the Cube on the other hand, the Russians face a lot of pressure for practical action, and the element of strategic surprise has put them under pressure. However, according to the Russian authorities, the Syrian crisis is in the midst of crises and stagnation, or at the C-point, and there is no direct threat to the vital values ​​of Russia, so there is little threat, and this is due to the presence of terrorist elements in the autonomous states of Chechnya and Dagestan, as well as fears from collapse of the balance of power in the Middle East. On the other hand, there is a great deal of opportunity for the Russian authorities and political authorities. Russia has placed a major emphasis on crisis intelligence management with the priority of leveraging hardware and software in crises such as Ukraine, so the scope of Russian actions is prioritized including using an invasive military force, an energy weapon, diplomatic political mechanisms (Geneva one and two, Minsk one and two, and Normandy four) and the media. On the other hand, in the Syrian crisis, due to the fact that there is no direct threat to the Russian land and is outside the country's security loop, it has made the crisis intelligent management model more effective, with a focus on the use of soft, optimal and less costly mechanisms. Hence, the line of Russia's actions in the Syrian crisis has been prioritized, with the urgency of aggressive behavior from diplomatic politicos, the ban on the Tunis Summit, the ban on the Paris Summit, the active participation in the Summit of Astana and Sochi, the alliance and coalition, financial and economic assistance, and information, military support Weapons and media are stretched.

The most prominent and important task of those in charge of the military-security sector of a country is to select and apply the desired strategy in order to give objectivity to border-territorial security.Iran is in the midst of crisis-ridden and challenging West Asia, and its western regions have long been threatened with existential and lasting threats.In addition to deploying experienced military-intelligence units in the border areas, Iranian political-defense decision-makers see the adoption of an extraterritorial strategy to keep threats from international borders as a leverage whose absence makes it difficult to ensure security in such a crisis-ridden region.The main question of the research is what is the position of the extraterritorial deterrence strategy in the system of Iran's defense-security policy in the West Asian region. Iran's foreign policy strategy has four layers of defense in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and Yemen. In this strategy, the Quds Force has formed the axis of the network, and Hezbollah of Lebanon, Hashd al-Shaabi, Ansarullah, the Fatimid Brigade and Zeinabion have formed the network's linksThis strategy is not aggressive in nature, but aims to create a kind of deterrent and defensive system to deal with threatening resources.The research findings show that the desired consequences of the extraterritorial deterrence strategy, such as countering the threat of terrorism, asymmetric balance against enemies such as the United States and Israel, strengthening strategic depth, and ultimately maintaining territorial security, have caused it to have an important position in Iran's foreign policy.Iran has a very important position.

The Syrian crisis has threatened the interests of the Russian Federation more than any other transregional actor; therefore, to protect its interests in the strategic region of the Middle East and the Mediterranean subsystem, it has sought to manage the developments. The central question of the research is what are the characteristics of the Russian model of crisis management in Syria? To answer this question, Charles Hermann’s Crisis Cube theoretical model and the three components of “threat”, “time”, and “awareness” have been used. The crisis has left Russia with a choice between three management models: peaceful and software, coercive and aggressive, and intelligent management. In the Syrian crisis, the threat to Russia's core values is insignificant and on the other hand, there is plenty of time to respond to threats, and of course, there is a lack of awareness of the events and where they occur; hence, according to the Crisis Cube model, the Russian Federation's interpretation of the developments in Syria is that the crisis is slow, so there is no urgency for aggressive and coercive actions. The findings show that the Russian officials, based on the type of inference and interpretation of the three main characteristics of the Crisis Cube, concluded that the model of intelligent crisis management with the priority of using software levers will bring about better results for them. This research has been done qualitatively using a descriptive-analytical approach and the method of data collection has been documentary-library method.

In the post-Cold War space, the geopolitical and practical model of US political and security officials has been formulated that there should be no room for the emergence of potential threats. Therefore, geopolitical discourse as a major tool in US foreign policy has become a reality, and Americans have labeled "political Islam" as a symbol of terrorism. In this regard, US geopolitical discourse was implemented by activating a pre-emptive war strategy to realize geopolitical interests: interventionism, counterterrorism, unilateralism, and ideological conflict, which can be referred to as geoterrorism strategy. . To put it another way, new post-Cold War semantic and discourse forms were introduced by the United States to antagonize and alienate them, which apparently put the fight against violence and terrorism at the forefront of its global geopolitical agenda. So the main question of this study is what is the relationship between geoterrorism and the US counterterrorism discourse in the post-Cold War order? The research hypothesis is that: "Geoterrorism is the bedrock of the discourse and the basis of US strategic policy in the post-Cold War space through which it fights against fundamentalist terrorism and the enemy of Western civilization (Islam) as its ideological counterpart after the fall of the Soviet Union. It has sought to fulfill its strategic demands, especially in the West Asian region."

The Middle East is a regional anarchy system that often works according to the realistic rules of power politics. The inherent nature of this regional system has brought about changes in the behavior of actors, on the security and the interests of other members of the Middle East region. In the regional rivalry of Iran and rival regional players, especially in Saudi Arabia, one can see the effects of ideological and geopolitical rivalry. The activation of the allies and the support of the groups is another part of the signs of rivalry between Iran and these Saudi-dominated regional who have been ousted by the glorious Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1357. Several regional issues have led to the emergence of a convergence of views between Iran and regional rivals in the Middle East, and has made it difficult to achieve stability and understanding in interrelations. The present paper seeks to answer the question of how regional geopolitical codes on the one hand affect political behavior and rivalry with regional rivals in the Middle East. On the other hand, how does this effect affect the future of the Islamic Revolution of Iran? Does it leave? The hypothesis of the research is that the choice of geopolitical code by the region of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the competition with the countries supporting the terrorism and affiliated with the West in the region (including Saudi Arabia, Qatar, UAE and Turkey) in the field of identity issues, Security and national interests. Based on this, Iran has defined the geopolitical codes as well as the definition of its friends and enemies, how to protect them, and at the same time defending their own interests and confronting threats, and justifying these actions and responses to threats. There are a number of uncertainties that threaten the Islamic Revolution of Iran, and from this perspective, it is important to examine the codes that are in crisis, and then their impact on the future of the Islamic Revolution. The method of this research is descriptive-analytic. The research data are collected in a library and through a picturing tool.

The analytical and critical recognition of the place of Jihad's component in ISIS's intellectual and political behavior form the core of the paper. It has been attempted to answer the fundamental question based on the qualitative methodology of historical analysis and documentation and the means of pinpointing which component of jihad is in ISIS's intellectual and political behavior. The findings of the paper show that such as denial of defensive jihad and the emphasis on Jihad Fatah, placing jihad under the principles of religion, customary and individualizing jihad, expanding the scope of jihad inclusion, ignoring the rules of Jihad and emphasizing on total violence and new innovations in Jihad, such as jihad marriage, medicine, children, and cyber-media jihad constitute the basic components of the Islamic State's view of jihad. From the perspective of ISIL, jihad has become conceptualized and used as an instrumental means, and the result of their false and distorted religious views has been manifested in the form of a heinous and brutal act.

Yemen is now one of the critical centers of activity in Western Asia, and has launched many actors at the local, regional and transnational levels with a view to achieving the desired conclusion during the developments. An important issue regarding the developments in Yemen is the question of the roots of the emergence and continuation of this crisis and the main strategies and main reasons for the intervention of various actors. The present research seeks to answer this question from a critical geopolitical point of view, what are the main causes of the intervention of regional and transnational activists in the Yemeni crisis? The research hypothesis is that Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have looked at the strategic areas of Yemen such as Iran, the United States, China, and Israel, have acted in the wake of the importance of the Strait of Bab-el-Mandeb, the Gulf of Aden and other strategic Yemeni ports. Research findings suggest that the Yemeni crisis is more than the result of an ideological disagreement between the Houthis and SUnited States indirectly aim to dominate the strategic sectors of Yemen, reduce their dependence on the Strait of Hormuz, control the Strait, control the ports of Aden, Mukalla, Mocha, Al Hudaydah and Mion Island, Socotra, Zuqar and Hanish. On the other hand, stakeholders such as Iran and China have taken the strategy of undermining the goals of the invading countries. The research is descriptive and analytical, and the data collection method is also a library document.

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The Personal liberty Right is not an absolute Rights. The ICCPR and The Iran and Afghanistan Law’s are Recognized Liberty as a Principle throughout of the Criminal Proceedings. and Ruled to Deprive of Liberty is and Exception as the Last Resort by According Law Unless the Period of Time should be Appropriate Short and with Sufficient Guarantee.
As Article 9 of the ICCPR permitted the Deprive Liberty of Suspect by Law. Human Rights Committee(HRC) are Required Member States to Obey the International Fair Trial Standards. The Afghan Legal System Considered; Suspect the Person who is in the Authority of Law Enforcement Officers and The Legla Conditions of Deprivetion Liberty In Afghanistan Criminal Procedure Code has been Limited to Important Evdent Crimes.
But In Iran legal System that Person Considered Accused and Law Enforcement Officers have Authority to Deprived the Accused Librty in the Police Detintion Center for a Maximum of 24 Hours into Evident and non-Obvious Crimes, whether Impotant or not Important.While According to the International Fair Trial Standard, For minor Cases the Law Enforcement Officers may impose suitable Non-Custodial Measures, as Appropriate.

Adverse economic, social and cultural effects of smuggling along with specialized and complex discovery and proof of its realization, prevention of smuggling and deal effectively with perpetrators of acts with fast and sure punishment, quickly replacing the lost rights of the state treasury and at the same time, protection of investors and contributing economic prosperity in the country are the most important requirements for special rules for dealing with cases of smuggling. In this regard one- way vision and overcoming the repressive approach; prevents the realization of the principles and guarantees of fair trial, including the presumption of innocence, the principle of access to justice, the principle of equality of arms, the principle of independence and impartiality of courts and exercising the rights of defense such as the right to have adequate time and facilities to prepare a defense and the right to object to the vote in the accepted cases of retrial.

Today, regionalism is one of the requirements of foreign policy and shape according to the surrounding areas andSpecific potential of each country, the government towards regional strategies to specific guidelines. Countries are trying to use the regional role and capacities available, to increase their international power increase. Iran and Turkey as two important countries in the Middle East region in terms of certain conditions that are always looking to increase its regional role. Accordingly, the question of this study is that developments in Syria and Iraq, Iran and Turkey have what effect on regionalism? Based on these findings, opportunities, political, economic, ideological, economic and security challenges and strengthen regional policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Turkey following the developments in the region.It is worth noting that the thesis of the Copenhagen School regional security challenges and opportunities in the form of three interdependent components: security inte Definitions of interdependent . This research using descriptive analysis and data collection as well as a library of document.