مسعود اخوان کاظمی

Aging population is the product of population transition in which fertility and mortality decrease from high to low levels. The proportion of elderly people in the population is increasing and the number of young people is decreasing. The dimensions and consequences of this issue, despite the fact that in social sciences, such as; The economics of population aging, psychology of aging, sociology of aging, etc. have been analyzed and evaluated, but this issue has not been paid much attention by sociologists and political thinkers. Based on this, the present research aims to theorize the effects and consequences of this issue from the perspective of political sociology in the form of the theory of non-commitment. In this regard, what effects does the aging of the population have, for example, on the political behavior of citizens or their electoral tendencies or on their political demands from the government; Or what effects and consequences the aging of leaders, politicians and decision-makers will have on the behavior and performance of governments, in the future of policy-making, will be analyzed and analyzed. Demographic trends on the issue of aging confirm the fact that both current conditions and future trends of population aging are related to politics and power. In this research, with the aim of explaining and analyzing the subject and in order to obtain the required information, library data and documents have been used, and the method used in this research is analytical-descriptive.

  According to many sociologists, the political press is one of the most important indicators of political development and it is mentioned as one of the main pillars in democracy. An active press, while accelerating the improvement of political development, prevents tyranny and political stagnation in a country. The press, as one of the most important tools of mass surveillance, makes the sphere of power more transparent, and those in power will be accountable for their performance. In this regard, the main question of the present article is, by what mechanism do the press and media influence the process of political development? In analyzing and answering this question, first by using the existing theories in the field of political development, the relationship between the press and analysis and evaluation was established. Then, while examining the activity of the press in Kurdistan province after the Islamic revolution, the extent of their effectiveness in the process of political development of this province has been examined. One of the indicators of political development that is discussed in the current research is the level of political participation of citizens in elections. To collect and analyze the data of this issue in Kurdistan province, the statistical research method has been used. The findings of the research show that at any point in the Kurdistan province, during the years after the Islamic revolution, the activities of the press and news media have grown, and the process of upgrading the indicators of political development has also improved. Of course, it should be acknowledged that the mere quantity of the press is not effective in improving the process of political development, but what is important is the degree of freedom of the press and media and the threshold oftolerance of regulatory institutions.

Due to the authority of celebrities for the citizens,this group has been reflecting people's concerns through social networks in recent years in order to attract more fans and gain more credibility.However,reflecting the needs of the society on the part of the stars required meddling in matters outside their specialized field such as politics,economy and etc,and this created challenges and obstacles in the process of political development and in the process of democratization.The question is,what place have celebrities played in the political development of Iran after the Islamic Revolution?In response to the mentioned question,the hypothesis was raised that due to the influence of figures and the celebrity of politics in the Iran,this group can pose challenges in the process of political development.The purpose of this research is to show the position of artists in weakening the process of political development and celebritization of politics.The findings of the research indicate that the interventions of artists in various political-social issues may bring positive and superficial results in the future,but ultimately it will lead to results that will disrupt the process of political development and democratization.This article is presented with reference to documents and library resources and qualitative method of analytical-descriptive type.

The articulation of the bond between the individual and society, the government and its citizens, and the guarantee of liberty and justice within a political community are among the fundamental principles of constitutional law and their guardianship. However, the existence of emergencies led to the temporary suspension of the law, a concept accepted in most legal traditions worldwide. Yet, recent scientific research suggests that modern governments increasingly create state of necessity to justify this suspension. An analysis of this issue within the Islamic Republic of Iran highlights a different narrative compared to the global perspective, which can be conceptualized as a “state of sensitive” This is a dual state where politicians never place themselves in a position to suspend the law but legally pursue such suspension. This study aims to answer the question of “how the Iranian political system legally suspends and collapses law and decision-making in ‘ state of sensitive” Employing a hermeneutic approach, the findings of this study show that the Iranian constitutional tradition has anticipated certain principles, employed specific language, and established institutions that can lead to a state of perpetual suspension, or even collapse of the law, without the formal declaration of a state of necessity and is viewed as a strict enforcement of the law.

The main question of the current research is: What was the role of the crisis of influence in the fall of the Pahlavi regime and the victory of the revolution? The obtained results show that the Pahlavi regime, in order to gain influence and popularize its policies and ideology, took measures such as land reforms, the White Revolution, 2500-year celebrations, changing Islamic history to the monarchy, promoting non-native and non-religious culture. Such remedies not only did not lead to the expansion of the regime's influence among the Iranian society, but the regime's influence among the people decreased day by day, which ultimately led to the weakening of its influence and social base and the collapse of the Pahlavi regime. The research method is descriptive-analytical and causal research. The method of data collection in this research was done in the form of library and documents.

The purpose of this article is to examine China-Syria relations and its impact on Turkey's regional power, and it tries to answer the question of how China-Syria relations in the years 2011 to 2021 have affected Turkey's regional power and interests.
To answer the purpose of this research, explanatory-analytical method has been used.
The geopolitical position of Turkey in the region of West Asia, the Black Sea and the Mediterranean has placed this country in the center of an important geopolitical environment in the world. After the instabilities caused by the Arab uprisings in the region in 2011, Turkey took a power-oriented approach to strengthen its regional power to protect its position against threats and challenges. In the meantime, the Syrian crisis has become a conflict between the interests of China and Turkey in the region, and China's support for the Syrian government has affected Turkey's regional power. In response and using the explanatory-analytical research method, the hypothesis of the article is that "China-Syria relations through China's political support to Bashar al-Assad and the establishment of economic and trade relations with this country have affected Turkey's regional power at this point and It has weakened it".
The findings of the research show that the establishment of political-economic relations between China and Syria and this country's support for Bashar al-Assad's government and Beijing's support for anti-terrorist operations in the region are in conflict with the interests of Turkey's regional power and have weakened this country's power-oriented approach in the region.

Through policies and strategies in various dimensions (political, military, economic, cultural and social), Israel seeks to attract new allies in different parts of the world, including in Africa. In this regard, the African Union has recently accepted Israel as an observer member of the union. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to analyze the dimensions and objectives of Israel's presence and influence in Africa. The present study uses a descriptive-analytical method to answer the question, what are the dimensions and goals of Israel's presence in Africa? The findings of this study show that due to the prevailing policy of Alliance of the periphery doctrine and its shaping factors in Israel, and enjoying the geopolitical, geo-economic and geostrategic advantages of African countries and having great economic, security and military potentials, as well as taking into account the pragmatic political and economic considerations of African countries, Israel seeks to expand its relations with these countries and increase its presence on the African continent, with goals such as enhancing its international legitimacy and political prestige, undermining the anti-Israel unity of the Arab-Islamic countries, downplaying the Palestinian question, responding to a shift in US regional policy, and increasing its security and as well as achieving its strategic confrontation with Iran and its allies (promotion of water security and population security) and economic exploitation.

The Syrian crisis which began in 20111 with anti-state demonstration against its president is still ongoing after a decade. This country has become an arena of struggle between rival armed forces, both domestic and foreign. The main purpose of the current research is to decipher the patterns and elements governing the continuation of the Syrian crisis despite the harmful human and financial losses in the life span of this country. The question arising from this research is that: How can the problem of stability and continuation of the Syrian crisis be understood after a decade of conflict? The hypothesis that is proposed in the answer is that the insistence of domestic, regional and extra-regional actors on the rules over the win-lose game and the lack of political compromise is considered to be the cause of the stability of the Syrian crisis. The findings of the research show that the intensity of conflicts of interests of the stakeholders in the Syrian crisis has created a zero-sum game at the internal, regional and extra-regional levels, which is not offer a positive perspective in coping with the crisis in a short period of time. This article has been written using descriptive-analytical method and library sources.

A few historical governments have existed for a long time, but the government is relatively old and lasts up to a few centuries, especially in its modern form. A modern government is an organization that controls legal law and applies it legitimately. The government is the only organization with the authority and right to use legitimate violence. Throughout history and during the past eras, many governments have been formed in all parts of the world, and each of them has reached the point of collapse after some time. Although the existence of the state is more durable and survival compared to the government, and in other words, it is "more or less than ever," the specific policies of the formation of the states are taken into consideration. However, the point is under what conditions they fall apart; it has received less attention from researchers. This article aims to answer the question, under what conditions can a government be destroyed or collapsed?To find the causes and factors of the collapse and fall of governments, the current research, using the theories of systemic analysis, besides explaining the various forms of government collapse, examines all the internal and external factors and factors of the collapse of a government. To understand this issue, it has been taken from systemic analysis; systemic analysis refers to a point of view that can be used to investigate and analyze a phenomenon. Systemic analysis leads to a better understanding of phenomena and avoids reductionism. In recent decades, system analysis has been proposed as an efficient tool for new sciences and specialized supplementary studies in various social fields in scientific and academic circles. This causes a general and multifaceted understanding of why and the phenomena and events governing behavioral affairs.In systemic analysis, the political system, as an intellectual system, has several subsystems. A crisis in any of these subsystems, including the economic or political subsystem, can lead to the fragility and collapse of the government. In this view, the government is a set of interconnected and systematic elements and propositions. Disruption in any of these elements can lead to the collapse or destruction of the state.In addition to the internal connection between its components, the government as a system also has a connection with external changes at different and numerous levels. The state has the property of food with its external elements. As a result of these connections between the government and the environment and the actions and reactions between them, differences or imbalances occur in the government system.In a general classification, the collapse and disintegration of governments can be classified in the form of two main categories—external factors and factors and internal factors. External factors deal with the relations between the government and other countries in the international community. The second category also refers to the relationship between the government and its internal society. It is essential to mention that these two groups of factors influence each other, and a change in the intensity and weakness of one causes a change in the intensity and weakness of the other. This means that the collapse of the government extends from the internal situation to the foreign relations of the troubled government. Also, the weakening of foreign authority substantially impacts its internal stability.Research studies indicate that at the external level of the government system, essential factors such as war and foreign invasion, climate change, the pressures of powers and economic sanctions, and issues of a succession of governments can become the fragility of the government and against it. It will eventually collapse. In the internal dimension, crises in three subsystems, political, economic, and social, can turn into the collapse of the government. In other words, factors such as political crises and the distortion of governance, economic crises such as inflation and damage, and social issues such as the crisis of failure to start and the crisis of participation are the main factors affecting the collapse and disintegration of a government. The weakening, incapacity, decline, and decay of governments either due to external factors, in the economic forms of political policies and foreign invasion and war, and in some cases, due to climate change and the succession of governments to another place. It occurs or results from internal changes in the political, economic, and social structure, civil wars, accumulation of crises, and loss of internal legitimacy.

Violence is one of the anomalies in the social and political interactions of the society, which, in addition to disrupting the peace and order of the society, has many security consequences for the country, and Iranian society is no exception to this rule. The creation of violence in social and political interactions has many reasons and roots, one of the most important reasons for the tendency to violence is the relative deprivation of society members. The current research seeks to analyze the causes and different forms of violence in the social and political interactions of Iranian society (protests of the fall of 1401) using the theory of relative deprivation. Therefore, the research question will be as follows; What is the reason and root of the trend of social and political interactions in Iranian society towards violence? The hypothesis that is proposed to answer the above question is; The members of Iranian society, especially the youth, feel that according to their abilities and rights (haves and ares), their expectations and expectations (wants and shoulds) are not met and they face political and social exclusions, so they tend to violence to assert their rights. they find The present article was written using analytical-descriptive method and using library and internet data.

Environment is one of the main pillars of sustainable development. In this regard, efforts are being made to adjust the development process in such a way that the natural system does not lose its dynamism and balance while maximizing economic activities. The facts around us show that the planet is undergoing an environmental crisis. Depletion of forests, air and water pollution, global warming and climate change, rising seas, accumulation of urban and industrial waste and depletion of resources, destruction of pastures, reduction of biodiversity, destruction of the ozone layer, are all examples of environmental crises. One of the most important environmental crises in arid and semi-arid areas is the devastating phenomenon of desertification and wind erosion, which the occurrence of dust storms and the motion of the fine dusts are the consequences of it. In recent years, dust storms in the Middle East, especially from the origins of Saudi Arabia deserts and Iraq, have had a lot of harmful effects on Iran, whose scope has grown to major cities. The extent of the damage of this phenomenon was not limited to the threat of agricultural and industrial land, but rather to the disruption of citizens' normal lives. It has clearly become a serious environmental threat with economic, political and security implications, and has led to the reaction of public opinion. The purpose of this study is to investigate the effects of environmental factors and especially the fine dusts as a geopolitical phenomenon on national security and tension between countries. Therefore, it has been attempted to show that, given the origin of the fine dusts, which are mostly from Iraq, and their harmful effects and consequences for most of the regions of the southwestern part of Iran in recent years. This issue can in the future be a serious threat to national security, and will ultimately led to the hostility of relationship between Iran and Iraq. The present study focuses on the Hammer Dixon environmental approach to explain the potential causes of conflict between Iran and Iraq based on the issue of environmental pollution.

Today the opponents for overthrew the governments,spread fake news and make the atmosphere of the society tense to reduce the political participation of citizens in elections and threaten national security.They do Now the question is, what are the security risks of social networks playing a role in elections? In response to the above question, the hypothesis was raised that the use of social networks by the opponents in the election process can lead to a change in the voting behavior of citizens and as a result threaten national security.In this article, a combined theoretical framework is used to show the role of social networks in elections, and an explanatory method is used to identify the security harms of the presence of social networks in elections.This research has been done with the aim of investigating the social-political consequences of the security damage of the role-playing of social networks in the elections.

Socio-political analysis of recent environmental movementsAbstractRecent environmental movements have been involved in politics since the 1980s in order to counter the threats posed by environmental degradation and to take direct action to protect the environment andfrom the very beginning, they tried to influence the environmental policies of the governments by using peaceful and non-peaceful methods in the form of interest groups and green parties, and the governments reciprocally tried to use the capacity of environmental movements to guide and direct public opinion in order to protect their interests.This study seeks to answer the question, how can recent environmental movements be analyzed in the context of political sociology? Therefore, the present study examines the case study of late environmental movements based on Robert Dahl's theory of political pluralism from the perspective of political sociology with a qualitative and interpretive method. Research findings show that recent environmental movements using democratic methods, in the form of interest groups and green parties, can pose serious challenges to political governance and influence and direct the policies of governments to improve the environment.In contrast, governments seek to use their capacity for political and social purposes by recognizing and strengthening environmental movements. As a result, a two-way relationship has developed between governments and recent environmental movements in which both parties enter into power relations with each other using their own methods and tools.Keywords: Political Sociology, Recent Environmental Movements, Government, Pluralism.

The Salafist movement, by misplaced reliance on the moral thought of the Ummah in the Islamic world, has somehow redefined and reconstructed the concept of the Ummah and given it a new shape according to its political goals. Also, this current has formed in the lands very close to the borders of Iran. In Iran, the Kurdish areas adjacent to the country's borders are prone to Takfiri Salafism in various ways. The majority of the residents of these areas are elderly and economically, the general population is poor. Intellectual and cultural problems, and sometimes moral problems, the government's weak control over these areas and many other problems also exist in addition to the mentioned problems. In the current research, which is an applied-developmental research in terms of its purpose, in the stage of data collection, the method of library and documents, as well as the descriptive mixed method (questionnaire, interview and observation), means a combination of two sets of quantitative research methods and Qualitatively used. The final analyzes of the research are presented based on field information and the approach of preserving national interests in relation to the phenomena of extremism, violence and terrorism, which are common moral vices in societies. The findings of the research show that, in general, the Sunni areas located in the eastern and western margins of the country, due to their relationship with neighboring people in neighboring countries, severe economic poverty, and their susceptibility to takfiri moral ideas, are suitable grounds for accepting Salafi tendencies. have. In the meantime, in particular, the geography of the Kurdish regions has been effective in the development and trend towards Salafi-Takfiri. Also, external factors, national factors, and finally, individual factors are involved in the expansion of the Salafi-Takfiri movement in Kurdish regions.

Despite the relatively balanced relationship between Turkey and Israel in the past, but with the dominance of ideologically oriented parties with opposing beliefs, such as the Justice and Development Party in Turkey and parties such as Likud in Israel, this relationship has been maintained and even strengthened at times, contrary to expectations. ; This research has been carried out with the aim of investigating the mentioned contradiction and revealing the hidden points of this relationship. This article, using the descriptive-analytical method and applying the theory of chaos, which proposes a specific and predictable order beyond the apparent differences between the governments, aims to answer the question why, despite the superiority of tension-causing factors, the main structure of Turkish relations and Israel, contrary to the announced policies, has been stable and strategic in practice? The findings of the research show that despite tension-causing rhetoric and disputes such as the issue of Palestine, Kurds, human rights, etc., in practice, relations between Turkey and Israel have maintained their relative stability, and the aforementioned disputes and rhetoric are merely a camouflage for the practical policies of the parties such issues as economic, security, etc. The central ideology, being a supporter of human rights, etc., is only a cover from Turkey and Israel to achieve bilateral goals and bigger goals such as the Ottomanization of Turkey and becoming one of the regional powers on the part of Israel, and contrary to the declared policies, it is a fixed order. And it has been stable in their practical relations.

An important issue on which the political and economic experts and the public have recently focused is the failure of privatization and failure to transfer governmental property to the private sector (the public) and extensive transfer of national property to the sector so-called quasi-government. A review on the privatization process in Iran, after 30 years, indicates that after years of struggling to cut the government's hand in the economics, not only people own no large corporations, but the government is also excluded from running them and a powerful sector, i.e. quasi-government has been formed along with the public and private sectors. Using theoretical-analytic method and according to the theory of "violence and social order" by Douglas North, John Joseph Wallis, and Barry Winga, which is based on the conscious distribution of rent among elites in a restricted order, the present study aims at finding an answer to this question what caused diversion of privatization and transfer of government property that is considered national capital to the quasi-government sector (public non-governmental and military institutions). In this sense, it can be said that in the restricted order, the dominant coalition to control social order and prevent the dissatisfaction of the core members of power have to grant political and economic privileges (rent) to these members. In this context, the transfer of property to sectors that are neither public nor private in Iran is based on this trend.

The term modern social movements is used to describe movements that were active in France in the late 1960s through collective action in the social sphere. The most important new social movements are the civil rights movement, the women's movement, the peace movement and the environmental movement. The rapid growth of industrial and capitalist societies, regardless of environmental degradation, has created many problems. The most important problems are soil erosion, resource reduction, ozone depletion, greenhouse effects, extinction of animal and plant species and various types of soil and climate pollution. The combination of these factors has provided the basis for the formation and activation of environmental movements. The present paper tries to answer the question of how emerging environmental movements can be analyzed in the form of new social movements? And what are their effects on new social movements? Therefore, with the qualitative interpretive method, and the method of case studies, it examines the nature and why of emerging environmental movements. The research findings show that environmental crises and the need to solve environmental problems that have become a pervasive and global crisis, have provided the basis for the formation, activity and impact of emerging environmental movements. Therefore, in order to deal with the existing crises, emerging environmental movements first informed and increased public awareness, and then created pro-environmental organizations and groups, and finally, by entering In the field of politics, and using new tools and methods, they have expressed their demands and protests in a peaceful and non-violent way, in order to force governments to respond and finally enter directly into The field of politics as influential groups and political parties in the field of public policy. As a result, the volume and scope of social power and the political influence of emerging environmental movements have led to the revitalization and enrichment of new social movements; in a way that today they can be identified and analyzed as powerful social forces and influential actors in the field of political sociology.

The present study examines and analyzes the impact of the participation crisis on the fall of the second Pahlavi regime from the perspective of crisis theory. The main question of the present study is what role did the participation crisis play in the fall of the Pahlavi regime? The research findings indicate that with the end of dictatorial rule in 1320, Iranian society entered a new phase and the provision of open political space and the activities of political parties and organizations doubled the motivation of the people for political participation. But with the coup d'état of August 28, 1943, a new era of authoritarian rule began in Iran. Political tyranny, lack of growth and inefficiency of parties, lack of free elections, suppression of freedoms and political rights of the people, severe weakness of popular organizations and lack of freedom of the press, caused the Pahlavi government to face a crisis of political participation. The continuation of the crisis of participation in the Pahlavi government and the negligence of the officials of the government to resolve the crisis, paved the way for the fall of the Pahlavi regime. The method of this research is descriptive-analytical and causal research. Data collection in this study was done through library and documentary methods.

The Democratic Party of Iran (Qavam) was one of the parties formed after the fall of Reza Shah's government in Iran. The party was founded by the then Prime Minister of Iran, Ahmad Ghavam. The Democratic Party initially expanded greatly with the support of Qawam, but later, the fortune star of the party declined, and finally with the removal of Qavam from the post of Minister, the Democratic Party was dissolved. This study seeks to answer the question of whether the Democratic Party of Iran had the characteristics of an institutionalized party? This study examines the institutional characteristics of the Democratic Party of Iran using Huntington's theories on institutionalization. This study also tries to study the causes of party inefficiency in the contemporary history of Iran by studying the Democratic Party. The research findings show that according to Huntington's characteristics, the Democratic Party lacked institutional features, and mainly due to the instability of parties in Iran, one can cite the lack of institutionalization of these organizations. The method used in this research is descriptive-analytical. Resources used in the research include library works, scientific journals and documents of prestigious contemporary history research centers.

The present article examines the components of Imam Khomeini's leadership and political behavior from the perspective of theorists of political psychology and political science. Political psychology and its approaches belong to broad fields such as the role of leadership and personality cult in political behaviors. The purpose of this article is to explain the nature, personality and political behavior of Imam Khomeini's leadership and the reason for his profound influence on social and cultural political developments. Findings of the research that resulted from examining the basic question based on the characteristics of Imam Khomeini's leadership and political behavior? The results of this study are obtained from a comparative study of the two theories of "Alfred Adler" and "Max Weber" with the characteristics of Imam Khomeini's leadership. A comparative comparison of Adler's theory shows that among the appropriate strategies of Imam Khomeini's political behavior, one can point to task orientation, justice, self-purification, avoiding hypocrisy, lifestyle, creativity, assertiveness and the like. Comparatively to Weber's theory, we conclude that the Imams, contrary to charismatic leaders and contrary to the above theory, considered the source of legitimacy in terms of the stabilizing role of the people, the divine and the personal, and were strongly opposed to discipleship and mass and passive attitude towards the people. The method of this research is descriptive-analytical and causal research. Data collection in this study was done through the use of library resources and documentary analysis.

The astonishing economic development of South Korea in the four decades, since the end of the Korean War, has surprised many observers and researchers around the world. In less than four decades, South Korea has grown from one of the poorest countries in the world to an industrially advanced country. South Korea's economic development is often referred to as the "Han River Miracle"and has given it the nickname "Asian Tiger". Today, it is the twelfth largest economy in the world and has the fourth largest foreign exchange reserves in the world. This study seeks to answer the question: What were the reasons for the rapid and miraculous economic development of South Korea in the post-World War II period? The hypothesis of this research is that the existence of a development-oriented government in South Korea has been the main reason for the development of this country in the mentioned period. In fact, South Korea's leapfrog development would not have been possible without a development-oriented and elite government determined to thrive and develop economically. Such states have characteristics such as having development-oriented elites, efficient and development-oriented bureaucracy, weak civil society, relative state independence, and strengthening state independence. The theoretical framework of the article is based on the theory of the developmental government of Adrian Leftwich and the method of descriptive-analytical research using library resources, articles, books and prestigious domestic and foreign journals.

The constitutional movement paved the way for Iran to enter into new political relations in a new era, which could lead to the formation of a democratic government; but from the very beginning, this movement faced major problems and obstacles in achieving democracy. Accordingly, the study seeks to answer the question, "In the context of theories of transition to democracy, how did the lack of compromising elites during the constitutional movement lead to the re-establishment of tyranny and the non-institutionalization of political development? To answer this fundamental question, it was hypothesized that "the lack of compromising elites in resolving political disputes during the constitutional movement, paved the way for the elimination and exclusion approaches in elite political culture, thus reproducing tyranny and hindering the institutionalization of political development. The present study has described and analyzed the political and social developments of the constitutional period, using theories of transition to democracy, especially the third generation of these theories, the theory of the conciliatory elites of Schmidter and O'Donnell. This theory gives the main role to the political elites in the process of achieving political development and considers the most important tactic to be the expansion of compromise between all the ruling political elites and the opposition. From this study, it is concluded that, due to the lack of a conciliatory approach between the ruling political elites and the opposition, the constitutional movement has not led to the establishment and consolidation of the desired political order.

The present study examines and analyzes the impact of the distribution crisis on the fall of the Second Pahlavi regime from the perspective of Lucien Pye Crisis Theory. The main question of the present study is what was the role of the distribution crisis in the fall of the Pahlavi regime. The findings of this study indicate the fact that the Pahlavi regime was in a distribution crisis for reasons such as authoritarianism, lack of proper distribution of power, lack of political participation, and unbalanced and unjust allocation of oil revenues. The Pahlavi regimechr('39')s confrontation with the citizenschr('39') participatory-based demands in politics, the excessive concentration of wealth among the Pahlavi regimechr('39')s leaders, and the promotion and distribution of values contrary to the religious and traditional beliefs of Iranian society eventually exacerbated the distribution crisis and led to the fall of the Pahlavi regime. The method of this research is descriptive-analytical and causal research. The technique of collecting data and the method of the study are library-based documentary analysis.