مسعود جعفری نژاد

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, independent countries entered the international arena, and in addition to the challenges of the socialist regime, these countries faced new issues in the new political system.Armenia was one of those newly independent countries that faced security threats such as Pan-Turkism ideology among its neighbors.The conflict over the Karabakh region between Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan, the lack of diplomatic relations with Turkey and the blocking of the common borders with that country, the threat of a military attack by Turkey and the territorial claim of the Republic of Azerbaijan over the territories of Armenia are examples of security threats against its country. The upcoming research has been compiled with the descriptive-analytical method and using the theory of defensive realism. The main research question is based on what are the security threats and challenges of Armenia after the Cold War? The hypothesis of the research is that the Karabagh conflict, the blocking of the peripheral borders of Armenia and the attempt to spread the ideology of Pan-Turkism are among the most important examples of post-Cold War security threats. It is that country.

Culture and the existence of cultural commonalities are considered as one of the basic components of the convergence of countries. In the meantime, the Kurds, as one of the largest ethnic groups in the Middle East, have many cultural commonalities. In the two countries of Iran and Iraq, , the existence of these commonalities has caused this ethnic group to take steps towards convergence in the two countries of Iran and Iraq. The issue of cultural commonalities of the Kurdish people in Iran and Iraq is an important issue that is based on the fundamental elements of pluralism. Accordingly, the main question of the article is posed as follows: What are the important elements of the cultural-political commonalities of the Kurdish people in Iran and Iraq with regard to the regional cultural geography? The type of research method is descriptive-analytical and based on library studies. Accordingly, the findings of the article show that racial, language, religious, archaeological and historical connections are among the main components of the cultural commonalities of the Kurdish peoples of Iran and Iraq. Cultural connections between the Kurds of Iran and Iraq have always led to the strengthening of the process of political and cultural convergence among this people. Today, in the interactions between the two countries, what is most important is the emphasis and attention on the continuity of relations and the emphasis on the cultural commonalities that the Iraqi Kurds have with the Iranians, and it is essential that these ties be promoted.

Today, one of the important issues of developing societies, including Iran, is the category of generational relations. This research compared the attitudes and social values of the fourth generation with the first generation of the Islamic Revolution of Iran (case study: university students of Tehran province). Therefore, the question is what are the differences and similarities between the attitudes and values of the fourth generation of the Islamic Revolution and the first generation from a social point of view.The aim of this research is to compare the social attitudes of the fourth generation with the first generation of the Islamic Revolution (statistical sample: university students of Tehran province). The type of applied research and its method is a survey using documentary sources and a questionnaire. Based on this, two indicators in the social field were proposed as research hypotheses. In the social field, two indicators "mass communication tools and virtual space" and "social vitality" were determined and selected.The results and findings of the research show that the social index of access to social media and virtual space of the fourth generation of the Islamic Revolution is different from the first generation, and the social happiness index of the fourth generation is similar to the first generation.

The Balkan region is one of the crisis-prone regions of the world in the European continent, which has been associated with numerous and bloody wars after the collapse of Yugoslavia and the emergence of six new countries in it. At the heart of the crises in the Balkan region, the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the years 1992-1995 caused different governments to play a role in this region and present their views and opinions, and the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States of America are considered to be the most important foreign actors involved in this crisis. The current realization has explained the confrontation between Iran and America in this crisis by using the descriptive-analytical method and based on the theoretical approaches of aggressive realism and constructivism. The present article, with a correct understanding of the crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina, believes that the Islamic Republic, taking into account the history and depth of the presence of the Islamic Revolution in Bosnia and Herzegovina, by adopting a consistent approach in supporting the Muslims of Bosnia and Herzegovina, while developing relations with other countries in the Balkan region It has increased stability in the Balkan region, while America's passive attitude towards the crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina has intensified the conflict and continued the crisis in this country.

It is not possible to control people's behavior without paying attention to their thoughts and knowledge. After facing defeat on both the military and political fronts, the enemies of the Islamic Republic of Iran have now shifted their strategy to cognitive warfare, understanding its significance and potential impact. Therefore, it is necessary for the members of society, especially the officials, to face the enemy effectively by knowing and mastering the methods of cognitive warfare. In this regard, the most effective source for understanding the definitions, concepts, and examples of war science is the statements and orders of the Supreme Leader (Madazla-ul-Ali). As the highest political official in the country and the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, he, along with the nobles, has established numerous measures and guidelines for addressing general societal issues. They have provided a way to deal with the enemy's cognitive war.This research is an exploratory study, and the data analysis method is grounded theory. This study seeks to answer, "What are the concepts, definitions, and examples of warfare from the perspective of the Supreme Leader?" Also, the research aims to explain the concepts, definitions, and examples of cognitive warfare from the point of view of the Supreme Leader. To collect information, the library and fiche methods have been used. The study extracted all the Supreme Leader's orders related to cognitive warfare from his website (Khamemei.ir), separated the statements related to the concept, definitions, and examples of cognitive warfare, and then classified each statement's content under a specific category.The results showed that there were 10 statements about definitions of cognitive warfare, 10 statements about concepts of cognitive warfare, and 24 statements about examples of cognitive warfare.

The main strategy of the United States to advance its goals in the early third millennium AD was preemptive attack and preventive war, in fact, the incident of September 11 belongs to those thoughts, programs, groups, and radical and radical political tendencies in the field of American foreign and defense policy that in Throughout the presidency of Bush Sr. and Clinton, they were in isolation, and during the period of Bush Sr., it was possible to appear and emerge, and it was transferred from the margins to the text of the foreign policy of the United States. The process of developments in Iraq after the American attack had greatly changed the political structure of Iraq. After Saddam, Iraq experienced a new era, one of the components of which was the spread of insecurity and terrorism in this country. In order to carry out this research, which has been written in a descriptive-analytical way, the following question has been raised: What are the security consequences of America's presence in Iraq after Saddam? In order to answer the question raised, this hypothesis has been presented that:

The Balkans, in a specific sense, refers to the collection of countries in Southeast Europe that gained independence following the collapse of the former Yugoslavia, most of which are on the path to membership in the European Union. The Balkans, with its great ethnic diversity, is the intersection of three religions: Islam, Catholic Christianity, and Orthodox Christianity, and regarding its historical background, it is considered a crisis-prone area next to the European Union. Iran has long-standing deep cultural ties with the countries of this region, and the Persian language has historically held significant appeal among the intellectuals of this area. However, undoubtedly, Iran's presence and role in the Bosnian crisis during the 1990s is considered the most significant involvement of Iran in this part of Europe. The present study aims to explore the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Balkans region, emphasizing Iran's role in Bosnia. The results indicated that the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Balkans is consistent with the constructivist approach in international relations, and this region possesses considerable potential in cultural, political, and economic fields for the development of relations.

The statement of the second step is a strategic document to continue the path of the revolution, which, in addition to describing the past situation, shows the path of the future and can be considered as a guiding light to better see the future path of Islamic Iran. One of the most important areas that is considered in the statement is the defense and security of the country, which is carried out by the armed forces. The purpose of this research is to examine the role of the armed forces of the Islamic Republic of Iran in realizing the declaration of the second step of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. The findings of this research, which was carried out using a descriptive method of content analysis, show that the armed forces, including the Islamic Republic Army, having characteristics such as being popular, having an Islamic identity, knowledge and insight, and religious observance, adherence to Islamic principles and Elahi, defensive readiness and maintaining security and territorial integrity and the Revolutionary Guards by maintaining the values and ideals of the revolution and its achievements, defensive readiness, creating and maintaining internal unity and training Islamic leaders to remain revolutionary and maintain their authority and Faraja, by establishing stability in the country's security, guarding and protecting Naja, maintaining its authority, maintaining the morals and spirituality and religious and religious values of its members, dealing with people correctly and politely, having authority against lawbreakers, can fulfill the statement.

Revolutions have always been in danger of "restoration". This issue has also been raised about the Iranian revolution. From the very beginning days of the victory of the revolution, the monarchists had created an organization abroad with the desire to return the monarchy and started their conspiracies and crimes against the Iranian nation and the Islamic revolution. The royalists and their supporters, with the help of Western governments and some of their politicians, with the tactics of media diplomacy, and to overcome the discourse of the revolution, through the launch of dozens of sites and satellite networks and the cooperation of television channels, such as ManoTo, tried to revive the monarchy project.  But the project of restoring the Sultanate has not only been unsuccessful so far, but sociological evidence (such as the hashtag "you are my lawyer") has also shown that it will not be successful in the future either. In this regard, this research will address the main question of why the media diplomacy tactic has failed in the West's soft war against the Islamic Republic.

The theoretical framework of the article is based on the investigation of the evolution in political culture. Political culture has been defined as follows: patterns of orientation towards political issues, such as parties, courts, the constitution and the history of the state. Orientation means having talent and readiness for political action, which factors such as tradition, historical memories, motivations, norms, feelings, emotions and symbols determine these actions. Orientations can be divided into different types: cognitive orientations, which consist of knowledge and awareness of political issues; emotional orientations, that is, emotions and feelings about political issues; and value orientations, meaning judgments about political issues.The research on political culture evaluates four criteria: (1) How much does a person know about the nation, the political system in its general sense, history, size and position, power, the characteristics of the constitution and things like these? What are the characteristics ofhis emotions? What are his more or less noticed beliefs and judgments about them? (2) What knowledge does he have about the constructions and roles of different political elites and the proposed political policies that exist in the emerging policy-making process? What are his feelings and beliefs about these constructions, leaders and proposed political policies? (3) What knowledge does it have about the downstream flow of policy implementation, structures, people, and decisions involved in these processes? What are his feelings and beliefs about them? (4) How does he identify himself as a member of the political system? What does it know about the rights, powers, obligations and strategies related to access to the point of influence?Discuss:Iran's political culture before the revolution was authoritarian, which was rooted in the patrimonial power structure. The Islamic revolution caused a change in the political culture. The most important factors that caused the transformation in Iran's political culture after the revolution are: the change in the power structure from the monarchy to the republic; the number of elected positions (representatives of parliament, leadership experts, presidency, city council, and the like); Holding multiple elections (once a year on average); the growth of civil parties and institutions; The formation of the public sphere that has enabled dialogue between citizens and elites (especially with the emergence of social networks that have provided a good technological tool for criticism and dialogue). Therefore, with the change in the political culture of Iranian society, the possibility of returning and restoring the monarchy has been lost forever. Therefore, the media actions of royalists for the project of reviving the monarchy could not be successful in principle due to the change of social contexts. Therefore, actions such as media campaigns; Campaign no to mandatory hijab; And the I advocate hashtag basically failed. The media war to overcome the discourse of the Islamic revolution could not be successful, because the political culture of the society was no longer receptive to the monarchy.

Political culture determines the emotional-cognitive basis of how citizens relate to the government. The authoritarian culture of the Pahlavi era, which was the legacy of long centuries of oppressive monarchies in Iran, had created a vertical and authoritarian power structure that did not allow the society to act and participate in politics. This construction of power followed politics in a closed circle and basically promoted a limited political culture. The Islamic revolution changed the political culture of Iran. With the transformation in the political culture, the possibility of reviving the monarchy was lost forever. For this reason, the project of reviving the monarchy, which was followed by the tactic of media diplomacy, could not be successful, because basically the social platforms are no longer receptive to the monarchy and the construction of authoritarian power.

The revolution in Iran had tremendous effects on the Muslim countries, especially the Shiites of the west-Asian region and some countries at the level of the international system. The Islamic Revolution has become an effective phenomenon in modern Shiite geopolitics, regarding its appeal in its slogans, goals and principles, ways and methods, content and results of movements, historical and religious commonalities, and regional and international conditions. Now the main question is “which issues affect the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the West Asian region?” Among the effective factors in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic, we can mention the principle of invitation, Tuli and Tabari, “the creation of hearts” (that is, the support of Muslims and the oppressed), adherence to contracts and agreements and international customs, the principles contained in the constitution, which Iran's approach towards other countries and international organizations are determined and bilateral and multilateral relations are formed within the framework of these rules. The foreign policy of the Islamic Republic, relying on the Shia Islamic identity, is a way to spread the life-giving teachings of Islam and send the message of spirituality, freedom and independence to the world. In this research, using the descriptive analytical method, the causes and factors affecting the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran will be analyzed based on the theory of constructivism, inspired by the Shiite identity in the West Asian region

The main strategy of the United States to advance its goals in the early third millennium AD was preemptive attack and preventive war, in fact, the incident of September 11 belongs to those thoughts, programs, groups, and radical and radical political tendencies in the field of American foreign and defense policy that in Throughout the presidency of Bush Sr. and Clinton, they were in isolation, and during the period of Bush Sr., it was possible to appear and emerge, and it was transferred from the margins to the text of the foreign policy of the United States. The process of developments in Iraq after the American attack had greatly changed the political structure of Iraq. After Saddam, Iraq experienced a new era, one of the components of which was the spread of insecurity and terrorism in this country. In order to carry out this research, which has been written in a descriptive-analytical way, the following question has been raised: What are the security consequences of America's presence in Iraq after Saddam? In order to answer the question raised, this hypothesis has been presented that: the presence of America in Iraq caused the crisis and created insecurity .

Despite the increasing recognition of sports diplomacy, a more comprehensive understanding of its impact on conflict resolution is felt. This study seeks to address the current gap in the literature by providing a nuanced exploration of the role of sports diplomacy within the context of 'sport and conflict resolution.' The main question is: "What is the role of sports diplomacy in conflict resolution for state and non-state actors?". It is hypothesized that the strategic deployment of sports diplomacy is an effective tool in establishing communication and strengthening dialogue in conflict resolution between the involved parties. The research findings indicate that the state actors have used sports diplomacy to fulfill their foreign policy goals to secure their direct or indirect interests. In fact, for states, sports always come second after survival and security, and non-state actors, who are often established as mediators to create and promote peace, use sports diplomacy to remove friction and resolve conflicts between state and non-state actors, create stability, strengthen peace, and ultimately provide human security. The qualitative research method is based on description analysis, and data collection was done through library and virtual resources.

The concern about the spread of violence and the emergence of social fluidity has turned the need for future research into a social need. The Islamic revolution has the capacity to transform the levels of studies related to social transformations. In this revolution, compared to other revolution and social movements, various dimensions of violence were at their lowest level. In this research, while examining the causes of the hegemonic discourse of the Islamic revolution and explaining the semantic capacities in it, it is attempted to identify and analyze the factors that reduce or increase violence in the most radical movement of recent decades in Iran. In this research, the discourse analysis method has been used to establish a meaningful relationship between independent and dependent variables and an effort has been made to present within the framework of Ayatollah Khamenei’s theory of cultural engineering, while recognizing the factors affecting the reduction or increase of violence, the causes of the hegemonic discourse of the Islamic Revolution, and the development of a coherent program in a safe environment to carry out social changes. The conclusion of the research is that clinging to the native culture influenced by religious and national patterns can reduce the possibility of violence to a minimum while providing the necessary platform for the necessary changes and reforms in the structures of the political system and social

In the current research, it is tried to explain the concept of expediency and examine its application in the electoral process of the two systems of Islamic revolution and liberal democracy. And on this basis, while explaining the structure and components of expediency in Shia jurisprudence and comparing it with the philosophy of the liberalism system, let's explore the nature of the differences, similarities and of course the results of these two approaches.In this work, which is based on the structural analysis and investigation of these two government systems, we found that the explanation of expediency in these two discourses was accompanied by complications and components that ultimately led to the formation of elections. In the Velayat al-Faqih system, this is the ruling of the government that determines the establishment of institutions and the regulation of events in elections, and its ultimate goal is to preserv

In recent years, the application of unfair economic sanctions against Iran led to the emergence of restrictions in the domestic business space. Therefore, based on the need that was felt more than before in the country, the discourse of resistance economy was raised for the first time by the Supreme Leader. Resistance economy is a practical and theoretical discourse to exemplify a type of economy that is expressed by the leadership to face economic sanctions. Therefore, the present study aims to answer the question, what does resistance economy mean in the speech of the Supreme Leader? The purpose of this research is to investigate the resistance economy discourse of the Supreme Leader. The hypothesis of this research is that the speech of the Supreme Leader's resistance economy includes domestic and foreign economy, which is presented as a local model of progress. This research, which has been conducted by the discourse analysis method, has used the theme analysis method in the data analysis and has drawn the resistance economy discourse of the Supreme Leader in the form of a theme network model. Sampling in this research was done in a purposeful way and after analyzing 15 texts of speeches of the Supreme Leader regarding resistance economy, theoretical saturation has been reached. Finally, the findings of the research show that the Supreme Leader's resistance economy discourse has three overarching themes: "endogenous economy", "external economy" and "native model of progress".

After the 44-day war of 2020 and the capture of areas of Karabagh by the Republic of Azerbaijan with the direct support of the Zionist regime and Turkey, the balance of power between the two republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan was disrupted and has brought an important security threat to the surrounding countries. It has been reported that the Republic of Azerbaijan is seeking to establish a communication route with the Autonomous Republic of Nakhichevan from the territory of Armenia in Siwnik Province. If this request is fulfilled, Turkey will reach the South Caucasus by land, and the Turkic-speaking countries will have a land connection to the Xinjiang Province of China. they find Facing the expansion of radicalism arising from pan-Turkism, the security threat against the historical border of Armenia and Iran, the presence of NATO in the South Caucasus region and the Caspian Sea are new examples of threats against the neighboring countries of Armenia. In this research, the theory of realism and defensive realism is used, and the research method is descriptive and analytical. The main question is what is the position of Siwnik Province in Armenia in the security equation of the surrounding countries? The hypothesis of the research is based on the geopolitical importance and strategic position of Siwnik Province of Armenia due to the creation of a geographical barrier in the spread of Pan-Turkism in the region and the expansion of NATO to the South Caucasus and the Caspian Sea. It is one of the expansionist policies of the Republic of Azerbaijan for the surrounding countries, which extends to a wider area up to the western borders of China.

The research aims to investigate the obstacles to institutionalizing the values of Sacred Defense in the educational system in the second forty-year of the Islamic Revolution. It seems that despite the passage of four decades since the Islamic Revolution, the policies implemented in the educational system of this land, especially in the field of institutionalizing the high values of the Sacred Defense in the educational system, have not been able to properly fulfill their mission in the field of education and achieve great success. In this research, which has been done analytically and descriptively, an attempt has been made to answer this important question: what are the most important obstacles to the institutionalization of the values of Sacred Defense in the second forty-year of the revolution? In response to the mentioned question, the research hypothesis was based on the principle that the cultural officials' negligence in institutionalizing the values of Sacred Defense and the lack of training of competent agents are considered to be the most important obstacles in this field. In this context, it seems that the multi-part systems involved in the field of educational policy, the lack of priority of institutionalizing the culture of Sacred Defense in the field of education compared to other fields, the lack of large investments in this field, and the lack of connection between the educational body and other parts related to the cultural teachings of Sacred Defense in a specialized way are among the important issues and components in investigating the obstacles.

National authority for a country preserves its identity, its dignity and the means to achieve its ideals. Power is the most important goal of the countries that seek to achieve it, and this is subject to the realization of certain characteristics and components. The national authority of the Islamic Republic of Iran is based on soft authority rather than hard authority; however, the Supreme Leader of the Revolution's emphasis on strengthening and increasing military strength is only for the purpose of defending and deterring the threats that the Islamic Republic is facing. In this research, the concept and indicators of national authority in the thoughts of the Supreme Leader have been studied. His Highness addressed to the officials to strengthen the indicators of national authority. According to him, the authority of Islamic Iran requires that the country be able to appear at its highest level in all areas and affairs. Expressing characteristics such as political authority, preserving the principles of the revolution, and honorable treatment based on the principle of dignity, wisdom and expediency with the leaders of other countries, cultural authority by reproducing indigenous humanities, scientific authority, military authority and most importantly, strengthening the country economically and The severance of dependence on other countries can be formed by emphasizing a resilient economy and supporting domestic production.

According to the analysts, Francis Fukuyama's "End of History" theory has been one of the theoretical foundations of US government policy in the last three decades and the orientation of US foreign policy was based on the premise that liberal democracy and market economy would be the model to be prescribed to get rid of problems. The main research question is what were the bases and examples of Fukuyama's criticism and objection to the neoconservatism in more than two decades and according to his changing views, what scenarios can be drawn for the future of US foreign policy? The purpose of the research is to explain the issue that according to Fukuyama's critical views and America's confrontation with Trumpism phenomenon, in which direction is the process of the American foreign policy going in a form other than the political-economic system of liberalism. The findings of the research based on the descriptive-analytical method show that the foreign policy of the United States, considering the upcoming challenges, including the fluid and complex international situation, as well as the occurrence of internal divisions in the United States, it will pursue its strategies in the form of a balanced combination of cooperation and competition and not be limited to pursuing the challenging values of liberal democracy. Fukuyama considers the difference in dealing with the media as a part of the differences in the polarized American society and the new communication technologies as an aggravation of the decline of American liberalism.

The Islamic Republic of Iran is a government that claims to pay attention to the basic rules of Islam and according to the verses of the Qur'an and hadiths as well as the life of the Prophet (PBUH) and the Imams (AS) and finally using the power of ijtihad in Shiite jurisprudence tries to model Establish a democratic government based on Islamic rules. The framework of the Islamic model is a way to achieve both the goal of the development of the republic and the populism of the government, as well as to move towards the greater use of Islamic rules. This article examines the relationship between the state and the nation from the perspective of the two leaders of the Islamic Republic using the method of understanding and insight. The results show that Imam Khomeini in his collection of speeches in Sahifa Noor and Imam Khamenei in his collection of speeches express exactly the duties of the Islamic state as follows: implementation of divine law, lawfulness, cooperation and interaction, guidance and supervision, service and religion In general, they know that the Islamic State is the trustworthy advocate of the people, which should promote religious beliefs and serve the interests of the people. The results show that these views and ideas are completely in line, which shows the common line of thought and following the Islamic model of these two leaders and their common and identical views on the relationship between the government and the nation.

the modern world brings a special privilege to persuasion , disclosure , openness and creation of a coalition against savagery and using force .today 's diplomatic goals emphasize on creating attraction and creating followers with high motivation and willingness to achieve agreements .never have they ever been so open to ideas and pictures .with increasing access to information and speed of information transmission , the ability of governments to promote their views to foreign public opinion has become the main characteristic of diplomacy in media diplomacy .in the meantime , the discourse of islamic revolution of iran with the thoughts of western intervention and domination and thoughts and thoughts of western and un - islamic led to the west media resort to supporters of pahlavi regime and supporters of monarchy in the form of media diplomacy to overthrow the islamic revolution of iran over the years .presenting a more realistic image with positive features of monarchy regimes and magnifying the problems of contemporary is one of the most important strategies for western media flow and royalists to overthrow the islamic republic of iran .in fact , western media diplomacy alongside economic pressures , pursues another war as diplomacy against ian in this strategy the ultimate goal is to create a threat by the people .in a way that people realize that the system has no more efficiency and is already weakened to collapse .

Imam Khomeini with a deep and comprehensive view of Islam and jurisprudence created a fundamental impact on society and with a new and innovative view of jurisprudence led the society to the peak of pride and dignity. Imam with a maximum view of religion and the full realization of jurisprudence sought rational management of the people's world. From the beginning of the movement, he wished to prepare and compile a comprehensive plan for the Islamic government and a practical plan for Muslims based on the treatise of the jurist. He considers jurisprudence as a real and complete theory of human administration and believed that Shiite jurisprudence is the richest jurisprudence that has been created with the tireless efforts of Shiite scholars. From his point of view, jurisprudence includes all aspects of human life and is comprehensive. Imam, while believing in dynamic jurisprudence and having the necessary characteristics, considers jurisprudence as an endless sea that can be properly and easily responsible for the management of society. Therefore, he considers Islamic jurisprudence to be capable of adapting to all the requirements and new issues and considers familiarity with global conditions and full knowledge of the time and characteristics of issuing narrations and paying attention to the role of time and place in ijtihad. Imam, while answering and being up-to-date and comprehensive in jurisprudence, believes that jurisprudence guarantees the growth and interest of nations.

In the Holy Quran, much emphasis has been placed on simple biological necessity. From the point of view of the Holy Quran, a simple life, on the one hand, leads to self-health, piety, empathy, cooperation with the deprived and the oppressed, and taking care of their affairs. Extravagance and worldliness and the resulting worldliness are the main causes of neglect, play and forgetting God, and oppression and violation of the rights of others will be its natural consequences. As a result, according to the divine law, the destruction of societies that are affected by this method and behavior and insist on it. As a result of this Qur'anic insight and teaching, the narrations, sayings, hadiths and practical and theoretical life of the Infallibles (AS) are full of dealing with the worldly and otherworldly benefits and benefits of living simply and condemning and condemning luxury, worldliness, pride and arrogance. .Imam Khomeini, who was fully acquainted with Islamic teachings, by using these Quranic teachings and narrations, always in his practical and theoretical life, on the one hand, lived a simple life and avoided luxuries and pride, and on the other hand, With a very obvious concern from the beginning of the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the government officials, political agents, incumbents and senior managers of the Islamic Republic of Iran emphatically on maintaining a simple life and humility and avoiding luxury and welfare And in their own words,

The purpose of this paper is to provide a sociological analysis of the effects of social capital on political development. According to theoretical expectations, "social capital" reinforces "political development". To test this theoretical proposition, "social capital" was broken down into three dimensions: "structural", "cognitive" and "communicative", which are divided into seven subscales - "networks", "relationships" and "cooperation", "values", "mutual understanding", "trust" and "commitment" were measured. "Political development" was measured by eight subscales with an emphasis on political participation. The method of this research is fuzzy Delphi. Data were collected using a questionnaire containing pairwise comparisons and scoring based on a five-point Likert scale. According to the results, social capital has different effects on different dimensions of political development, so that it has a differential effect on political participation. In particular, relations, cooperation, and social values play a more decisive role in "political campaigning" than in "political protest." On the other hand, any kind of "interference in changing the political structure" is more possible through "social trust" and "social commitment" than through "social networks". The most important point is that political development in the radical sense, which is aimed at making changes in the political structure, is possible by creating and strengthening social trust and commitment.