مهدی جاودانی مقدم

In the geopolitical landscape of the 21st century, few nations have ascended as dramatically as China. Over the past few decades, China has transitioned from a largely agrarian economy to a dominant global economic powerhouse, now recognized as the second-largest economy in the world after the United States. This rapid economic development is accompanied by a commensurate rise in political clout, elevating China’s status as a central player in international relations. As a result, China’s role in the global order has undergone a significant transformation, influencing not only its regional neighbors but also the broader international community. This shift has profound implications, particularly for entities like the European Union (EU), which find themselves navigating new and complex dynamics in the face of China’s growing influence.The European Union, as a unique political and economic entity composed of multiple member states, possesses a diverse range of interests and challenges in its relations with China. The EU's approach to China is shaped by its dual objectives on one hand, to harness the economic opportunities presented by a burgeoning Chinese market and, on the other, to address pressing concerns related to human rights violations, security threats, and the broader geopolitical ramifications of China’s actions. The EU has embarked on a nuanced strategy to engage with China, seeking to balance economic cooperation with the need to uphold its values and principles, particularly in response to issues such as civil liberties, environmental standards, and the territorial integrity of nations.This evolving relationship between the EU and China is not without its challenges. The EU must navigate a landscape filled with competing interests, both internally and externally. Member states of the EU have divergent views toward China based on their historical ties, economic dependencies, and individual strategic priorities. This fragmentation poses a significant challenge to forging a cohesive and effective European strategy toward China. Furthermore, the rise of nationalism and populism within several EU member states complicates the landscape, as these political movements often advocate for a more cautious or confrontational stance toward external powers, including China.Parallel to these dynamics is the Islamic Republic of Iran, which finds itself in a unique position due to its strategic geographic location and vast natural resource wealth, particularly in oil and gas. Iran has recognized the potential benefits of fostering closer ties with China within the broader context of its foreign policy. The historical animosities stemming from Western sanctions have led Iran to seek alternative partnerships to bolster its economy and enhance its geopolitical standing. In recent years, Iran has made significant strides in deepening its engagements with China, viewing it as a priority partner capable of counterbalancing Western influence and providing vital economic support.This burgeoning relationship is particularly pronounced in light of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), commonly known as the Iran nuclear deal. Although the deal faced significant challenges, particularly after the United States’ withdrawal in 2018, China emerged as a crucial player in supporting Iran diplomatically and economically. Beijing’s involvement has fueled expectations in Tehran regarding Chinese investment in infrastructure, energy projects, and trade relations. As Iran grapples with the ramifications of international sanctions, the potential for a mutually beneficial partnership with China has become increasingly attractive.However, this deepening relationship is not without its complexities and potential pitfalls. The shifting dynamics of international politics, including the EU's recalibration of its foreign policy toward China, could significantly impact Iran’s strategic calculations. As the EU seeks to reassert its influence in Asia through initiatives like the Global Gateway and its own Indo-Pacific strategy, Iran may face new diplomatic challenges. The EU is likely to weigh its economic interests in China against the value of a principled stance on issues like human rights and regional security, potentially complicating Iran's position.Moreover, the broader geopolitical landscape marked by the U.S.-China rivalry adds another layer of complexity to the EU-Iran-China triangle. As the United States attempts to counter China's growing influence, it may adopt strategies that compel its allies, including EU members, to reassess their relationships with China. This could force Iran to navigate tenuous waters, balancing its partnerships with both China and the EU while remaining vigilant about being caught in the crossfire of great power competition.This multifaceted interaction between the EU, China, and Iran brings us to the core objectives of this research. The first objective is to analyze the key political and economic strategies that the EU employs in its dealings with China. This investigation will focus on the EU's engagements, including trade partnerships, investment agreements, and collaborative initiatives aimed at addressing global challenges such as climate change and public health. Understanding these strategies allows for a comprehensive assessment of how the EU seeks to influence China while safeguarding its interests.The second objective centers on examining the implications of the EU’s China policies on Iran's foreign and economic strategies. This involves scrutinizing how shifts in the EU’s approach toward China could impact Iran’s attempts to leverage its relations with Beijing for economic gains and strategic support in the context of its broader geopolitical ambitions. It is essential to consider how Iran perceives the EU’s stance toward China and whether this perception translates into strategic adjustments in its own foreign policy.Ultimately, this research aims to provide a nuanced understanding of the complex interplay among these three important geopolitical actors. By delving into the evolving relationships between the EU, China, and Iran, we can shed light on the possible future trajectories of their interactions and the impacts on regional and global stability. The goal is to offer insights that not only inform scholars and policymakers but also contribute to a more comprehensive dialogue about the challenges and opportunities that lie ahead in this dynamic triad.

The war between Russia and Ukraine is one of the most important developments of the new century, which has faced different reactions of international actors. In fact, The war between Russia and Ukraine is one of the historical milestones in the transition period of international relations, which can cause many changes in the international arena due to the presence of many actors involved in it. This war, which is referred as the beginning of the new order or the end of the transition period, although it took place in Europe, it has involved many regions and actors. In the meantime, Saudi Arabia, as one of the strategic players in the Middle East, has pursued a conservative approach despite its strategic partnership with the United States. This research seeks to answer the main question, what is the foreign policy of Saudi Arabia towards the Ukraine war and how and by the influence of which variables have it formed?

The research methodology employed is qualitative. By using the descriptive-analytical method and in the framework of neoclassical realism, the data collected from internet and library sources have been analyzed.

One of the geo-strategic and geo-economic regions that directly and indirectly entered this crisis is the Persian Gulf region. The states of Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, due to their position and importance, especially in the field of energy, indirectly see themselves in the war campaign in Ukraine. Among these states, Saudi Arabia by considering of its place and role in the international system has acted and reacted more than other states of this council towards this crisis. This issue is mostly affected by the position of Saudi Arabia as one of the largest oil exporting states and its strategic partnership with the United States, which has also developed relations with Russia in recent years.The available evidence shows that Saudi Arabia has displayed a balanced policy regarding the Ukraine war with regard to its internal and external variables. The foreign policy of Saudi Arabia, influenced by its strategic culture, is solely formulated and implemented by the authoritarian rules. Therefore, Saudi leaders' perception of their position and regional and international developments play a very important role in the country's foreign policy. The Ukraine war, from the point of view of the Saudi leaders, is affected by the expansion of NATO to the east, and practically the meeting point of the West and the East. Therefore, from the point of view of Saudi Arabia, which has always had a threatening perception of the expansion of Iran's influence in the region, especially after the Arab Spring and especially in Yemen since 2015, Russia's reaction in the form of an invasion of Ukraine to counter the expansion of NATO is completely understandable. Nevertheless, the importance of maintaining the special and strategic relations between Saudi Arabia and the West has caused this country to take a stand against Russia in its declaration policies and foreign policy positions. Another important point that should not be neglected is that the leaders of Saudi Arabia are dissatisfied with the policies of the United States in recent years, especially towards Iran and the pivote to Asia policy and decentralization from the Middle East, as well as realizing the declining position of the United States in the international system and the need to rebuild its foreign relations in the new world order.

The Ukraine war in 2022 is considered one of the most important proxy wars between West and Russia after the Cold War. The importance of this issue has caused different states to adopt different policies towards it according to their political, security and economic relations with each of the two sides of the conflict. In the meantime, although many states, including Arab governments, have criticized Russia's invasion of Ukraine, but despite their political-security orientation towards the West, most of them, especially Saudi Arabia, have adopted a balanced foreign policy in this war between Russia and the West.In sum, The findings of this research show that a set of variables such as the perception of the  Saudi Arabia's elites about the nature of the Ukraine war along with the performance of the United States in recent years in response to the developments of the West Asian region, especially towards the Islamic Republic of Iran and the pursuit of the buck passing strategy and reduction of its obligations in this region, the requirements of Saudi Arabia's 2030 vision and structural changes in the international system caused saudi to adopt a "balance" (not "neutral") policy toward Ukraine war in order to maintain relations with both sides of the conflict.

This research, employing a descriptive-analytical method with a problem-oriented approach, examines the positive and ideological nature of the Islamic Revolution in the West Asian region as a unique phenomenon. It has managed to transform into an identity-giving model for the states and groups within the Axis of Resistance. The study adopts a developmental research approach, recognizing the Axis of Resistance as an unwritten security alliance among Shiite and non-Shiite resistance movements in West Asia and beyond, aimed at combating the Israeli regime and Western dominance in the Middle East, thereby advocating for the liberation of Palestine. From the early days of the Islamic Revolution's victory, Iran, by rejecting both Western and Eastern influences, proclaimed the formation of the "Party of the Oppressed" encompassing all the world's oppressed, positioning itself as an inspiring model for militant Muslims. Consequently, countries like Saudi Arabia, which seek to expand the Wahhabi ideology and lead the Arab world, accuse Iran of exporting the revolution and attempting to overthrow regional governments. Aligning with the West, they strive to portray Iran as a threat to regional countries, emphasizing its influence in four capitals (Beirut, Damascus, Baghdad, and Sana'a). On the other hand, the Zionist regime attempts to establish friendly relations with Iran's neighboring countries to implement its "Iranophobia" project. By infiltrating Turkey and Iraq in Iran's western borders, Azerbaijan and Central Asia in the northern borders, and the Gulf countries, especially Qatar, in the southern borders, Israel aims to encircle Iran and reduce its influence in leading the Axis of Resistance.

The purpose of forming the axis of resistance has been to defend and support the liberating movements and the oppressed of the world against the colonial policies of the domination system. Iran has always been accused of exporting the ideology of revolutionary Islam and forming the Persian Shiite Empire. The main question of this research is, what is the purpose of Iran with its active presence in the axis of resistance? The hypothesis of the current research is that the Islamic Revolution of Iran, in accordance with the principles of its constitution and by emphasizing the national interests, supports the oppressed and the liberating movements of the world, and by being present and playing a role in the axis of resistance, it gives meaning and meaning to its nature and survival. The theoretical framework of this research has been developed based on the theories of the Copenhagen school, the research method has been compiled with a descriptive-analytical approach and by reading first-hand sources, and it comes to the conclusion that playing the role of the Islamic Revolution in the axis of resistance was in line with its ideological nature. Recognizing the universal capabilities of Islam, he has led this axis and its other actors.

Iran's role in Syria is widespread not only in the recent war, but also in the course of history, so that these relations can be considered the oldest political, economic and military relations between Iran and one of the Arab countries in the Middle East. In the period after the Islamic Revolution of Iran, the cooperation between the two countries was mostly due to the existence of a common enemy. Therefore, the existence of the Ba'athist regime in Iraq and the Zionist regime, and now Salafi extremism as common enemies of the two countries, have been the most important variables affecting the strategic alliance between Iran and Syria. This study tries to answer the question using "descriptive-analytical method and from the perspective of the principles governing world politics in the Middle East and the principles of international law:" Iran's role in the Syrian crisis according to the realist logic of world politics in "How can the Middle East and the rules of international law be assessed?" The findings of this study show that the Islamic Republic of Iran, citing the originality of sovereignty and legitimate defense in international law and relying on intervention with the invitation and consent of the Syrian government and in the framework of defensive realism and threat balance, maintains its security from security. Syria has begun.

Due to its geopolitical position and energy resources, Iraqi Kurdistan is considered a strategic and important region for regional and extra-regional powers. This issue has caused the formulation and follow-up of a special policy towards this region in the past, in line with or in some cases in conflict with the strategy of these countries towards Iraq, a part of their policy to achieve their interests and goals in West Asia. These conditions have intensified especially since the US invasion of Iraq in 1991 and the establishment of a very distinct state of self-government in this region, followed by the occupation of this country in 2003 and the recognition of the autonomy of the Kurdistan Region in the 2005 Iraqi Constitution. In this context, the main question of this research is how the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States towards the Kurdistan region of Iraq can be explained and evaluated in the period from 2003 to 2023. The findings of this research, which was carried out with a descriptive-analytical method and using documentary sources, show that the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the Kurdistan region of Iraq is in the framework of the foreign policy of defensive realism and based on the strategy of balancing threats and the foreign policy of the United States. In this region, aggressive realism foreign policy based on the strategy of shifting responsibility has been pursued.

The purpose of the present research is to study effective criteria on Russia’s policy towards Islamic countries in the Middle East after Arab revolutions. In this regard, the main research question of the current study is: what factors have led Russia to adopt a balanced policy towards Islamic countries in the Middle East during 2011-2020? Moreover, the research relies on the hypothesis that during that the above time period, Russia, on the one hand, assisted Shi’ite groups led by Iran to fight against excommunication (Takfiri) terrorism, and on the other hand, expanded its relations with Sunni Muslim countries in order to prevent stimulation of religious fundamentalism in its Muslim republics. The current study which was conducted by a descriptive analytic method in the theoretical framework of constructivism, presents a rather distinctive analysis of the essence of Russia’s relations with middle eastern Islamic countries after Arab revolutions. The results indicate that since Arabic revolutions in 2011 and formation of new groups in the regional and international level in the Middle East, especially the Syrian crisis that initiated a new stage in Russia’s relations with the Islamic world, Moscow has attempted to adopt a balanced policy towards Islamic countries in the Middle East to remove the danger of Islamic extremism, avoid tension with those countries and reinforce relationship with them. Therefore, it is expected that Russia highlights the role of Islam in its foreign policy and that Russian politicians show more interest in constructive collaboration with middle eastern Islamic countries.

Territorial disputes including the Palestine issue are rooted in the spread of modern nationalism after the French Revolution based on the doctrine of the right to self-determination, in which each nation has the right and authority to form a nation-state within its territorial boundaries, based on the linguistic, historical, cultural and geographical evidences. Most of the contemporary territorial conflicts including the Palestine issue are not one-dimensional and in most cases have two tangible and symbolic geopolitical dimensions. The tangible aspect refers to the disputed objective element like existing land and its symbolic aspect indicates the identity disputes, the sense of belonging religious or racial groups to a land or their belief in the ownership of land by historical claims. Therefore, Palestinian peace proposals need to concentrate on hard or tangible and soft or symbolic geopolitical elements and challenges involved in the conflict. The last peace plans have failed to address these geopolitical features suitably and efficiently which have led to their failure. "Deal of century" as the last peace proposal which was made by U.S former administration have failed to address tangible and symbolic geopolitical challenges of Palestinian issue and is unable to make balanced and lasting recommendations on Palestinian geopolitical challenges.

The current research is qualitative, its approach is descriptive-analytic and it has used documentary research method in order to collect library data. In this regard, the authors have tried to use Persian, Arabic and Latin articles and books. In addition, we have utilized valid and related documents especially "Deal of century" Document which has been published by the U.S Department of State. After collecting data and categorizing them, the authors have attempted to analyze data based on the theory-based analysis method and used modern or critical geopolitical approach to explain the geopolitical challenges of the Palestinian peace plans with emphasis on "Deal of Century".

The findings of the research have been discussed in the three section. In the first section, we concentrate on the geopolitical importance of Palestine in both tangible and symbolic aspects. In the second part, the authors will explain geopolitical challenges of the previous peace proposals like Camp David Accords within the two main tangible and symbolic categories. In the last section, the article attempts to bring out the most significant geopolitical challenges of "Deal of century" which may lead to its failure.

Ignoring geopolitical components and challenges involved in the Palestinian disputes can be considered as the main and prominent feature of "Deal of century". This proposal pursues three main goals: Changing peace paradigm in favor of Israel, Marginalizing Palestinian forces in the conflict and ignoring the rights of the Palestinians and Changing US macro approach to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.In short, the most significant geopolitical challenges of "Deal of century" are: the failure of Palestinians to form a unified state with active sovereignty, the territorial division of the Palestinian state (even if it will be established), a completely unilateralist approach to supporting Israel, the ignorance of symbolic importance of Jerusalem for Muslims, the full granting of Jerusalem sovereignty to the Zionist regime, denial of Palestinian's right to return to their homeland as an authorized right of Security Council resolutions, paving the way for continuation of the Zionist regime's long-term settlement policy, deepening and intensifying border divisions, accelerating water disputes and hydro political conflicts in East Shamat and with neighbors, especially Syria and Jordan and marginalizing the Palestinian resistance. Therefore, this proposal is unable to address these tangible and symbolic challenges of the Palestinian issue efficiently and has failed to make progress in the way of reaching a lasting and beneficial solution for the conflict. Unity or divergence of Islamic states over the Palestinian issue and their support for the formation of an independent and unified Palestinian state, compromise or resistance approach of neighboring states, especially Egypt, Syria and Jordan, US support for Israel and united position of the Palestinian forces especially Fatah and Hamas can be named as the main and most significant geopolitical factors influencing the success or failure of Palestinian peace proposals including "Deal of century".

The Zionist regime, which is facing many challenges and security issues, considers the best measure to overcome these problems and continue to survive in the Middle East regional environment to weaken the existing countries in West Asia and, accordingly, to balkanize this region.The research, seeks to answer the question, what is the importance and position of Iraqi Kurds in the policy of balkanization of the Middle East by the Zionist regime? The findings of the research show that balkanization of the Middle East is one of the main policies of the Zionist regime in the form of its various doctrines, especially the periphery doctrine, the sparks of which can be seen throughout the ethnic and religious minorities of the region. In the meantime, considering the dispersion of Kurds in the heart of the Middle East and in four important countries of the region and benefiting from numerous geopolitical advantages, this group is considered the best option for the policy of balkanizing the Middle East by the Zionist regime. In the meantime, the Kurds of Iraq, as the backbone of the Kurds in the region, have received special attention from the Zionist regime due to their unique features such as bordering the Islamic Republic of Iran and having rich oil resources. Therefore, the Zionist regime has always supported the independence of the Kurds, especially the Kurds of Iraq, with the aim of changing the geopolitical borders of the Middle East and weakening the countries present in it.

In the 20th century, the Middle East region has always been considered as one of the most important strategic regions in the world politics due to its geopolitical location and geo-economics characteristics. In fact, although the Middle East has been very important as the cradle of human civilization and then in the form of Islamic civilization in periods of world history, but in practice, after more than six centuries, in the 20th century, this region was again The heartland of international politics is back. This issue, especially with the exploration and extraction of oil in this region and its increasing importance in the international political economy and the competition of great powers over the world's energy resources, created the ground for the escalation of instability and continuous chaos and conflicts within the region. This article tries to examine the factors affecting the importance of the Middle East in Russia's grand strategy, and to address the main question, what are the most important areas of change and continuity of Russia's political-security strategy in the Middle East after September 11 until now? The hypothesis of this research, which was carried out in the descriptive-analytical method, is based on the fact that Russia's approach in the Middle East originates from several foreign policy priorities and principles, some of which can be understood from Russian doctrine and government statements. In general, Russia's national security strategy seeks to increase energy security, and the goal of Russia's military doctrine is to expand "military-political" and "military-technical" cooperation with foreign countries.

The Syrian crisis, undoubtedly, has been one of the most important milestone in the Middle East developments in the last two decades and the center of meeting the aims and interests of numerous regional and international actors. In the meantime, the Zionist regime was focused on the opportunities of this crisis, although it was initially focused on the prospect that this crisis would weaken or topple the Syrian political system and collapse the resistance axis in the region, but as time went on, it perceived challenges and threats emanating from this crisis more effectively in managing the crisis. in this context, the direct and direct presence of the islamic republic of iran in syria and along the borders of occupied Palestine became one of the priorities of the national security threat. Within this framework, the paper seeks to answer the question that the occurrence of the Syrian crisis followed by the presence of the Islamic Republic of Iran in this country, what threats are facing the Zionist regime? the results of this study show that the long - standing presence of the islamic republic of iran along with the borders of occupied Palestine and especially the opening of the third front of resistance in the Golan, created an extension of iran's geopolitical influence in levant and increasing the power of this regime under the israel area. Moreover, the continued presence of Iran in Syria does not only reinforce the ties of the Islamic Republic of Iran with the field currents of resistance, but it will allow for its effectiveness on the Palestinian refugees living in Levant, which can confront the Zionist regime in many internal and external challenges.

Salafism and neo-Salafism as a historical phenomenon in the Islamic world, in the last three decades, with the formation and intensification of the activities of Salafist groups, has become more prominent. This article tries to address the main question, what are the roots and historical contexts of the formation and growth of Salafism and its reflection in the Islamic world, especially in the recent crises in West Asia? The hypothesis of this research, by using a descriptive-analytical method, show that the rise and spread of Salafism is the product of a multidimensional and deep phenomenon of identity and politics as a subjective construct that is in dialectic with the objective realities of Islamic states and the interventions of the great powers has added to its complexity and breadth and fueled the differences and divergences among Islamic religions and states, especially in the last two decades in West Asia.

"Strategic isolation" has been one of the most important challenges of the security doctrine of the Zionist regime since the establishment of this regime until now. In this regard, Israel is trying to achieve regional and global allies by formulating a strategy of alliance with great powers and peripheral alliance in order to maintain its survival. This issue has been pursued in the last two decades, focusing on the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf, including the United Arab Emirates, and has been operationalized in 2020 in the form of the "Ibrahim Agreement". This article deals with the main question of what was the foreign policy of the Zionist regime towards the United Arab Emirates and what effects do their relations have on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The findings of this research, which was carried out in a descriptive-explanatory way, show that Israel's foreign policy towards the UAE aims to promote cooperation at all levels and expand the strategic depth in the Persian Gulf region, balancing hard and soft against Iran, the insecurity of its surrounding environment and, consequently, the reduction of its national security factor are being followed.

With the victory of the Islamic Revolution as a representative of the discourse of revolutionary Islam, the issue of Palestine and the support of liberation movements have been recognized as one of the basic principles of Iran. between the resistance groups, to assume the leadership position of the core of the resistance axis, the main question of this research is what is the role of Iran's model in the formation of the resistance axis. In this research, it is assumed that Iran, as a phenomenon with its own characteristics, has been able to be an identity model for the survival of the resistance movement. The theoretical framework of the research was developed based on the Copenhagen school and the security theory of Bozan. The research method was descriptive-analytical and the required information and data were collected based on documentary and library methods.The result obtained from this research is the formation of a security axis with Iran's leadership, which should play an optimal role and while deepening cooperation and developing relations, in other fields, especially the economic dimension and promoting the position of resistance in the political arena. Domestic countries take steps

One of the most important aspects of the foreign policy is making a favorable image of the state in international environment. Although this issue has been assumed and performed through public diplomacy from the past, it has become extremely important in the light of the rapid use of virtual space and international media and the competition of narratives in global politics.  In this situation, the Islamic Republic of Iran, which had been faced a phenomenon called "Iranophobia" since the victory of the Islamic Revolution, in the last two decades has been strongly influenced by the global citizenship and netizen, on the one hand, and the dynamics of internal developments on the other hand which has added to the waves of Iran-phobia in the region and in the international system. This article aims to examine the dimensions, evolution and consequences of Iranophobia and tries to answer the main question, what are the most important challenges of Iranophobia in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, focusing on the Raisi administration? The findings of this research, which was carried out in a descriptive-analytical method, show that the representation of Iran's issues and developments in line with Iranophobia, especially towards the Raisi administration, is not only has been aimed at limiting the potential and actual capabilities of Iran's diplomacy and its soft power but also, by fourth wave of Iranophobia with the development of virtual space and the intensification of the activities of foreign media, has been pursued to reduce the social capital of the government.  Therefore, explaining the achievements and strengthening national branding in various fields, especially at the domestic level, and consolidating the neighborhood policy and promoting public diplomacy at the regional and international levels, is a basic necessity and a prerequisite for the effectiveness of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Raisi administration.

A Study on change and continuity Factors in US political-security strategy in the Middle East(2001-2021)The Middle East has always been one of the most important strategic regions in world politics in the twentieth century due to its geopolitical position and geo-economics characteristics. In fact, the Middle East after more than six centuries, in the twentieth century, again become heartland of international relations. This article seeks to examine the factors influencing the importance of the Middle East in the grand strategy of the United States, to address the main question: what are the most important factors affecting change and continuity of US political-security strategy in the Middle East after 9/11? The hypothesis of this descriptive-analytical study is based on the extent of US dependence on regional energy, the arms trade, the role of lobbies, the policy of producing security and insecurity in the Middle East as a trans-regional hegemony, and the emergence of new governmental and non-governmental actors that challenge US hegemony, and in particular its efforts to contain China and pivot to Asia policy are the most important factors affecting change and continuity in US political-security strategy in the Middle East over the past two decades.

Xinjiang Muslims can be considered one of the most important considerations of the Chinese government's internal security, which has also affected the country's foreign and security policy. Although this issue is influenced by the social identity of the Muslims in the region and the Chinese government's policy of "assimilation and integration", the security and political priority of this issue in China is not only affected by its internal conditions but also by regional conditions. International also plays a prominent role in prioritizing it. In this regard, the situation in the Central Asian region after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 has had a direct impact on China's security priorities in the Xinjiang region. In fact, although Beijing was the second emerging power after Moscow to put the full development of its relations with these newly independent republics primarily on the political and security fronts and secondarily on economic and cultural issues. But at the same time, it was affected by the internal challenges and harms of these countries. The findings of this descriptive-analytical study show the proximity of Xinjiang region and the identity and cultural closeness of its inhabitants with the Central Asian tribes, separatist movements, religious extremism, terrorism and drug trafficking in the field of sensitivity and Beijing has been strict about the political and security issues of the region and its Muslims.

The world is the arena of competition and cooperation of space political and economic actors to ensure security, maintain national interests and develop the level of welfare. One of the most important factors to reach this goal is to identify, make policies and use power to access strategic areas of the world. The available data show that in the near future, the Indian Ocean will become the center of global attention in the 21st century. This region of the world is related to factors such as increasing international trade, demographic changes, integration of economies, modernization of ports and shipping, increasing dependence of economic powers in energy supply and growth of strategic interests of powers. Therefore, the Indian Ocean will emerge as an area of ​​intense competition between America, China, India and other world powers. After that, Iran's national security will be affected, especially in the field of maritime security. This issue is one of the important symptoms of the transition from traditional geopolitics and entering the new structure of global geopolinomics. In this framework, the main question of this article is what are the most important issues and issues in the equations of world powers in the context of the new global geopolinomic structure focusing on the Indian Ocean and what effect will it have on Iran's national security? The findings of this research, which was carried out in a descriptive and analytical way, show that the security of sea lines, reliable access to energy, the competition between China and the United States, tensions over sea and subsea resources, and then the formation of security alliances are important issues. They are in the strategic area of ​​the Indian Ocean, which will have a direct impact on the country's national security, especially in the field of maritime economy and military deterrence on the sea.

The Middle East is one of the most important international regions that has undergone profound and wide-ranging changes in recent years, especially after the Arab uprisings (2011), the UAE, despite its extensive relations with the Zionist regime over the years, as the third Arab country, officially declared its relations with the Zionist regime in September 2020, leaving behind a domino of normalization of relations between the Arabs and the Zionist regime. Moved from 26 years. In this framework, this article seeks to answer the main question, what are the most important influencing variables in making public relations between the United Arab Emirates and the Zionist regime, and what effect does this issue have on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The findings of this article, emphasizing the balance of threats, show that balancing against the axis of resistance (and especially Brotherhood groups), thinking about the post-American Middle East and fearing Washington's policies, attracting American support and using Zionist lobbies, as well as benefiting from the benefits The technology of the Zionist regime is considered the main and influential variables in making public relations between the United Arab Emirates and the Zionist regime. Such an event has created a new geopolitical atmosphere for the Islamic Republic of Iran, which in the future can have an impact on the national power and regional influence of the resistance axis led by Iran.

Roots and Causes of Iranophobia in EuropeToday, western media air a wave of distortion against Iran. One of their presumed goals in depicting this distorted picture is to intensify “Iranophobia” throughout the West-Asia region and worldwide. Imam Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, has repeatedly pointed to the issue of Iranophobia and highlighted the fact that Washington uses the ploy of Iranophobia to sell weapons to Arab countries and to make Muslims neglectful of the Zionist regime.Nations do not hold animosity against Iran. Not even Western nations hold enmity against Iran. They might spread propaganda to promote Iranophobia and Islamophobia. They might propagate Islamophobia in certain places and Iranophobia and Shia-phobia in other places. They might make such efforts, but wherever the truth becomes clear to the people, not only will they not show enmity towards the Islamic Republic, but they will also embrace and support such movements by nations. It is the oppressive powers and the pharaohs of the world that show enmity. This enmity is like that which Pharaoh showed towards Musa [Moses]. He knew that Moses was right. He knew that.

Population geopolitics is one of the most important elements influencing power and national security in international relations. This issue, however, is less important today than in the past, with the increasing importance of knowledge and technology and the limitation of the elements of hard power, but it is certainly still considered one of the influential factors in domestic and foreign policy in world politics. In the meantime, this issue has undoubtedly been one of the key constant concerns of the Zionist regime since its inception. This issue has become doubly important due to the closed nature of Judaism and the limited number of Jews in the world, and on the other hand, because this regime has established its presence and consistency based on the existence of a purely Jewish population. In addition, the regime's continued occupation of the Palestinian territories and the challenges posed by the immigration crisis, as well as the emergence of new issues within the borders of occupied Palestine, have added to the Zionist regime's special focus on population and its constant change. In this context, the main question of the present article is how the demographic geopolitics of the Zionist regime has affected the national security of this regime? The findings of this descriptive-analytical study show that the demographic geopolitics of the Zionist regime has created both opportunities and challenges for the regime. Although the opportunities are more qualitative, the quantitative dimensions, distribution pattern, and demographic composition in this regime has reduced its national security. Thus, the crisis of an incomplete nation-state is the root of many crises in the Middle East. This issue has a very special and more acute situation in the Zionist regime due to the geopolitical nature of its population. Nevertheless, the geopolitics of the Zionist regime's population poses both opportunities and challenges to its national security. This issue can be studied in four dimensions: quantitative, qualitative, distribution pattern, as well as demographic structures.Quantitatively, the Zionist regime is facing a demographic challenge due to its emphasis on the purely Jewish nature of the Zionist regime and the limited number of Jews in the world. Influenced by the importance of population size as an important factor in the stability of nation-states, as well as the special circumstances of the Zionist regime's ongoing constant war with its neighbors and the challenges posed by Jewish immigration, it poses challenges to its national security. Nevertheless, the quality of the Zionist population can be considered a positive factor in the geopolitics of the Zionist population. In particular, this regime, by having an educated population and being a pioneer in the field of science and technology, has been able to solve many of its geopolitical problems, including water shortages, uncultivable lands, etc., and with its scientific diplomacy, the conditions for overcoming isolation. Created its geopolitical region and weight gain. In the pattern of distribution as the third population dimension, in the Zionist regime, due to the desert situation, half of the land and many dangers from neighbors, the population and main industries are concentrated in the Mediterranean coastal plain, which is one of the vulnerabilities of this regime. The demographic structure of the Zionist regime, as the fourth geopolitical dimension of the population, shows that the Zionist regime can be considered a deeply divided society along ethnic-national lines. In such a way that there are three main gaps - the inter-ethnic divide between Arabs and Jews; Intra-ethnic divisions among Jews and divisions between religious and secular - practically fragile Zionist regime's internal security, making it prone to unrest and civil war. Accordingly, the demographic variables of the Zionist regime have created both opportunities and challenges for the regime, although the opportunities are more qualitative, the quantitative dimensions, distribution pattern, and demographic composition of the regime have reduced its national security. Under these circumstances, the demographic geopolitics of the Zionist regime in the future due to demographic changes (increasing Arab population to Jews and increasing religious population to secular as well as increasing class distance between different Jewish races and consequently increasing reverse migration) negative role It will lead to more in the national security of the Zionist regime.

Review:Cultural diplomacy is the architecture of a two-way highway in order to create channels to introduce the true image and values ​​of a nation, and at the same time, trying to correctly receive true images from other nations and understand their values. Examining the quantitative and qualitative levels of our country's relations with Europe indicates that cultural diplomacy, as it should, has not been able to help official diplomacy and help as a catalyst to facilitate and deepen relations. This article aims to explain the obstacles and harms faced by this approach in relations with Europe, especially Germany, Austria and the Netherlands, and in this regard, it discusses the opinions of some cultural diplomacy custodians and at the end presents There are solutions and suggestions to remove the obstacles and reduce the negative effects in the field of cultural diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the face of Iranphobia in Europe.Keywords: cultural diplomacy, foreign policy, Iranophobia, international relations, European Union

Following the Arab revolutions of 2011 and the formation of new arrangements in the political and security equations of the Middle East, Russia tried to pursue a balanced policy towards Islamic countries while avoiding tensions with them. The main purpose of this study is to investigate the factors affecting Russia's foreign policy towards the Islamic world after the Arab revolutions of 2011 and to answer the question: What are the main components of Russia's foreign policy towards the Islamic world, especially in relation to Countries of the Middle East region? The main hypothesis that has been tested is Russia's foreign policy towards the Islamic world, especially after the Arab revolutions in the Middle East, to fight religious fundamentalism, to avoid entering the Shiite-Sunni religious divide, and to try to improve Russia's image. Among Sunni Islamic societies, religion has taken root. In the present paper, a descriptive-analytical method and in the form of a theoretical framework of constructivism, a relatively different analysis of the nature of Russia's relations with the Islamic world in the period after the Arab revolutions in 2011-2020 was presented.