ناصر فرشادگهر

Russia within the framework of Eurasian politics Seeking to strengthen its relations with Middle Eastern countries and achieving the goals and interests of Moscow, That's why he turned himself into a key Actor in the Syrian crisis. Russia's activities in the Middle East and conflict in the Syrian crisis, increased communication and cooperation with Iran. Current Russian and Iranian contacts, in history on after Soviet collapse Unprecedented. Russian and Iranian authorities a solid foundation of bilateral dialogue and cooperation have established, but despite the potential for engagement and collaboration, The strategic alliance is not formed between the two countries And there are still serious obstacles that can even stop this cooperation. accordingly, The question arises as follows, Russian Eurasian Politics How has the Russian relationship with Iran been influenced and What role has the Syrian crisis played in this relationship? The hypothesis which the research is based is that, Russian Eurasian Politics Has highlighted Iran's position in Russian foreign policy And relatively continuous relationships Two countries in the Syrian crisis Has caused a change in Tehran-Moscow relations, But the structural factors of the international and regional system Has prevented strategic and strategic unification of the two countries. The present study uses library and internet data And written descriptive-analytical method And to see the scientific and exact findings of the research The theoretical approach to structural realism has been used.

This study examines the time series behavior of oil production for OPEC member countries in a fractional integration modeling framework. It’s aim is to identify the potential for structural breaks and outliers. The analysis is based on a monthly data from January 1973 to October 2008 for 12 OPEC member countries. The results indicate that a mean reverting persistence in breaks has been experienced in ten of twelve oil production countries. Thus; it is obvious that shocks affect on the structure of OPEC oil production and have persistent effects in the long run for all countries. In some countries is expected the effects to be permanent.

Fluctuation of oil price during ex-president Khatami and President Ahmadinejad''s presidency have had many effects and consequences in various political، economics and social fields. Somehow lower cost of oil in 1st period of expresident Khatimi''s presidency caused a kind of micro-orientation in decision of government and had conclusions such as creating exchange reserve account، acceleration in privatization plan، … etc. But unfortunately in 2nd period of Khatami''s presidency by increase in oil price، we were witnessed of evolutions in policies and return to procedure of rantier government and somehow even we can know the failure of Reformers in 2005 related to this matter. This procedure continued by increasing the price of oil during Ahmadinejad''s presidency and caused to taking distributive and supportive policies which with regard to international situation these policies appeared in the form of inflation، none-satisfactions،… et. In second period of Ahamadinejad''s presidency decrease of oil price similar to first period of Khatami''s presidency imposed a kind of micro-orientation to decisions of government and its conclusion was Plan of Economic Evolution، Purposivism of Subsidies، … etc. Generally، in spite of this research policies and general effects entered into economics، politics and society during this period (1997-2013) are influenced very much and were parallel to fluctuation of oil price and its results is evident in the scale of inflation، increasing of cash flow، exchange reserve account، quota، Plan of Economic Evolution، Purposivism of subsidies، … etc.

Due to its vital role in the continuity of political and economic development of countries, providing energy is included in the formulated axioms and strategies in different countries of the world today. Therefore, America’s national security strategy of 2010 has placed the security of energy in a special position in the future of foreign policy of the country. Given that gas reserves and fossil energy resources are concentrated in specific regions of the world, the necessity for transference of these resources to the consumer markets is among the most strategic issues in the foreign policy of suppliers and consumers of energy. In this regard, geopolitics plays a key role in the resource transference management. In comparison with the other economic rivals in the region, Iran enjoys the shortest, safest, and the most frugal communication channel with international waters, Middle East and European countries. Consequently, extension of consultations, holding bilateral and regional seminars and meetings to further introduce this advantage, removing some misunderstandings and anti-Iranian propaganda, especially in relation to insecurity of Iran’s routes, and most important of all, more investment in infrastructure communication, particularly in the areas of road and railway are considered as the main priorities of Iran in economic field. As a result, according to the present advantages, to achieve the goals of the perspective document, the realm of foreign policy should benefit from great efforts of the authorities and those involved in the domain.

The Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and the World Trade Organization (WTO) are two of the most visible international economic institutions today. but, they are aften associated with two diametrically opposed players in the global economy. the WTO with the savage rules of the market and OPEC with the demonized intergovernmental manipulation of prices. OPEC has pivotal role as the forum for the negotiations, regulation of petroleum supplies and ultimately of prices and the role of the WTO as a foremost forum of negotiations and regulations of trade in virtually all tradable items at large. This article inquires some lights on the issue of whether the multilateral trading system has any room to accommodate OPEC as an organization and to analyze the interface between these two organizations in the existing international economic order and their respective roles over the petroleum industry.

This paper first examines the Caspian Sea geographically and then geopolitical-economic importance of the lake. The potential significance of the Caspian 100 billion barrel oil reserves and the engagement of littoral states, European countries and the United States will be also studied. Another section of the paper deals with Russia, Iran and the newly independent countries arising from the Soviet collapse and re-states the new discourse of Iran's engagement with the new littoral states. In this section, the historical background of the Caspian Sea regime and the policies pursued by Iran and Russia particularly during the Qajar era are scrutinized. The third section of this paper will address the history of instruments concerning the rights of the Caspian Sea in the 1828, 1921 and 1940 treaties. Current tensions, littoral state's viewpoints in such issues as condominium and individual ownership are analyzed. The conclusion reviews the debates, how to bring these countries closer together and establishment of a legal regime based on international law.

This article tries to examine one of the most fundamental problems of oil producing countries i.e. their inability to have access to the real oil revenue of their own countries. Thus, while deliberating on the economic, political, and social consequences, the author discusses the effects of a decrease in the oil price on the economy of these countries and presents a simple model for estimating the effect of the dollar exchange rate on the global demand and supply of oil. Taking into view the fluctuations of dollar, the study also estimates the U.S. share of the whole global demand. Hence, the direct effects of the real value and purchasing power of one barrel of oil, global inflation and the dollar exchange rate and on the value of each barrel of oil are examined and tables related to purchasing power of each OPEC barrel of oil in the last two decades have been presented. Appling IMF Index, a real and nominal value of OPEC oil is provided. At the end, to defend the real price and oil revenue of the OPEC, some practical solutions are proposed.

What conditions lead the U.S. presidents to use economic sanctions? Both relations with the target country and domestic politics are considered as conditions leading to the employment and later removal of economic sanctions. Using time-series cross-sectional data, the analysis shows that the president considers both the relations with the target country and U.S. domestic factors when deciding to impose economic sanctions, although the relations with the target have a much greater impact on the decision. Once the economic sanctions are in place and the president must decide to maintain or alter them, the domestic political influence disappears, and the president considers only the relations with the target when modifying sanctions policy.