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The rise of China and the gradual decline of American hegemony are poised to significantly challenge the existing political, economic, and security alignments of the Persian Gulf in the near future. Beijing's strategic and instrumental focus on the Persian Gulf region, coupled with the necessity of maintaining a stable energy supply, has led to the emergence of an extensive network of economic and trade connections between China and key actors in the region. Accordingly, the present article seeks to answer the following question: What impact does the foreign policy of China and the United States in the Persian Gulf have on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? This question is addressed through the hypothesis that the declining presence of the United States in the Persian Gulf and the expansion of China's influence—as a fundamental ally of Tehran—could, by shifting the regional balance of power in Iran's favor, contribute to the enhancement of Tehran’s national security. However, the analysis of indicators related to Iran–China relations leads to a rejection of this hypothesis. This is because, rather than challenging the existing order, China has acted to preserve the status quo. Beijing’s deep commercial and military ties with the traditional allies of the United States in the Persian Gulf are among the most controversial and divergent factors in its relationship with Tehran. While there may be notable differences between the approaches of China and the United States in the Persian Gulf, their interests have so far largely aligned, with both seeking a stable and tension-free region.

This study aims to evaluate urban development from the perspective of public policy-making with emphasis on the role of the Islamic Council of Shiraz city)emphasis on the fifth counci (.The present research is applied in terms of nature and purpose and descriptive-analytical in terms of method. The data collection method of the present study is a mixture of library and field methods. The statistical population of the study consists of managers and supervisors of different departments of Shiraz Municipality (executive experts) and university professors familiar with the subject of the research (university experts) from which random sampling was done. Also, Morgan table was used to determine the sample size. The data collection tool is a researcher-made questionnaire whose questions are based on the review of domestic and foreign research, which consists of 3 sections: The study of demographic variables, the evaluation of the policy of the Islamic Council of the city (including 23 questions in 5 dimensions) and the third part of the urban development evaluation questionnaire (including 33 questions in 5 dimensions) which is used to collect data after confirming the validity and reliability. After completing the questionnaires, the information contained in it was coded and analyzed using SPSS and SmartPLS statistical software at a significance level of 5%. The results of research model analysis showed that at 95% confidence level, the main hypothesis of the research, namely urban policy-making with emphasis on the role of the Islamic Council of Shiraz city has led to urban development of Shiraz and the five sub-hypotheses related to this hypothesis were confirmed. Also, the findings at the mentioned level of confidence showed that the overall effect of urban policy variable with emphasis on the role of the Islamic Council of the city on urban development is 0.899, which shows the very good effect of this model in explaining the variance of urban development evaluation variable.

In the post-Cold War era, the international system continues to undergo a state of transition. In the emerging geopolitical landscape, the West Asia, and specifically the Persian Gulf region, occupies a unique role in the policy of major powers (e.g., the USA and China), thanks to its special geopolitical, geostrategic, and geo-economic significance, alongside its stable oil and gas reserves. China, as a growing East Asian country, has increasingly directed its focus towards strategic regions, such as the Persian Gulf, in recent decades. This shift is driven by China’s growing need to maximize its increasing power. China’s critical need for fossil resources has been a primary driver compelling the Chinese political elite to consider the Persian Gulf as a pivotal region in their foreign policy. To be more specific, since the late 1980s, China has been reliant on oil imports to sustain its economic growth and move up the global power hierarchy. This fundamental issue has, in turn, prompted Beijing to adopt a pragmatic and non-ideological perspective to consider closer collaboration with major energy actors such as the Islamic Republic of Iran (in opposition to Washington) and Saudi Arabia (in alignment with Washington). Relying on a descriptive–analytical approach, the present study endeavored to address the questions of what role China assumes in the economic and political future of the Persian Gulf region, and how it can impact Iran’s national interests.

Literature Review:

 In “China–Iran Relations Through the Prism of Sanctions,” Scita (2022) explains how China has dealt with the sanctions imposed on Iran. Scita not only delves into Beijing’s response and approach to the imposed sanctions, but also assesses the extent to which China complies with the these sanctions. The author notably argues that China–Iran relations are influenced by their relations with the US as well as their status in the international arena. In their article titled “Iran, China and the Persian Gulf: An Unfolding Engagement,” Shariatinia and Kermani (2022) address the question of how Iran views China’s growing involvement in the Persian Gulf region, particularly in light of China’s strong ties with Iran’s primary regional competitors.

Neoclassical realists posit that a country’s ambitions are primarily shaped by the capabilities of its government in the realm of foreign policy, as well as by its position in the international system. They contend that a government’s relative capability in mobilizing domestic resources forms the basis for formulating a balanced strategy in the international scene. In this light, it can be observed that conditions are indeed conducive to China’s economic growth and realization of its potential, owing to the recent significant changes in China’s foreign and domestic policies and the ensuing normalization of relations between this growing Asian country and the capitalist West. China’s vast geographic expanse, a population numbering in billions, the young and large workforce, and efficient management, have enabled China to achieve rapid and substantial economic growth. For over four decades, China has consistently maintained remarkable economic growth, averaging around 8%. However, to sustain the economic growth, China needs access to foreign markets, cheap and abundant raw materials, and notably, energy resources. Focusing on a country’s domestic capacitates and the structure of the international system (i.e., possibilities and limitations), the theory of neoclassical realism can explain the overt and covert competition between Washington and Beijing in the Persian Gulf.

The analysis revealed two scenarios about China’s presence in the Persian Gulf and its impact on Iran. The first scenario pertains to the maintenance of the status quo. In this case, the USA would continue its presence in the Persian Gulf region. If the Arab nations in the Persian Gulf trust the American presence and the alliance commitments, and the US exerts more pressure on its regional partners, it is conceivable that strategic industrial cooperation with China may be halted somehow without further progress. The second scenario revolves around the decline of the US presence in West Asia, including the Persian Gulf region. This essentially signifies the dominance of the Great Power Competition doctrine and the strategic prioritization of the Indo–Pacific region, specifically China, in American foreign policy.

What is particularly noteworthy here is the fact that the nature of the strategic relations between China and the countries in the Persian Gulf has not only placed the US in a strategic quandary in the region but has also significantly influenced Tehran–Beijing relations. Not solely relying on Iran to achieve all its regional objectives, China has tried to diversify and deepen its relations with the Arab countries in the region in order to diversify its energy supply sources. However, this approach does not imply ignoring Iran. China, given its strategic stance, has consistently aimed to maintain the most positive relations possible with Tehran, albeit at a more limited level. The findings point to the conclusion that China’s approach to the Persian Gulf region should not be viewed solely in terms of the energy economy and cooperation in the energy sector. It is also essential to analyze its implications within the context of regional security and solidarity. In fact, the Persian Gulf is recognized both as a focal point for global energy production and distribution, and one of the most unstable parts of the world.

Councils, as institutions that derive their legitimacy and popularity from the people, can play an important role in urban policy-making through their decisions regarding urban form, especially in the fields of urban planning and architecture. The present study aimed to evaluate the urban policies of the Islamic City Council of Shiraz in the field of urban planning and architecture from the perspective of sustainable development. The research method was descriptive-survey, using a questionnaire tool. The statistical population of this study consisted of managers and heads of various departments of Shiraz municipality (executive experts) and university professors familiar with the research topic (academic experts). The sample size was calculated to be 113 individuals using Morgan's table. The validity and reliability of the questionnaire were confirmed. The study's findings indicated that for evaluating the urban policies of the Islamic Council, the Hagoort and Gunn model (1984) consisting of 5 dimensions of issue identification, policy formulation, decision-making, policy implementation, and policy evaluation can be used. To measure these dimensions, 19 components related to urban policy-making were identified based on the opinions of academic and executive experts in the field of urban planning. The results showed that at a significance level of less than 0.05, the dimensions and components related to urban policy-making were significant. The results also indicated that the status of the dimensions and components of the Islamic Council's urban policies was evaluated as average. The Friedman test results for ranking the dimensions and components of policy-making showed that among the dimensions, issue identification and among the components, the delegation of power and resources to the members of the Islamic Council obtained the highest rank. The results of the one-sample t-test also indicated that the performance of the Islamic Council in terms of urban planning and architecture policies was less than 0.05. In the field of urban planning, the best performance of the Islamic Council pertained to the consultation and legal supervision of the urban planning department and its affiliated units with a score of 0.803, and in the field of architecture, the best performance pertained to consultation and approval of regulations and decisions in the field of architecture with a score of 0.705.

The present research studies the future scenarios of social networks' confrontation with traditional media and how to form a robot journalist.

This research was conducted with the prospective research method using the scenario writing technique. To achieve the uncertainties, the Interpretative-Structural Modeling (ISM) method was used with the benefit of Mic Mac software, and to discover the scenarios, the balance of mutual effects method was used with the benefit of the Scenario Wizard software.

The output of the Scenario Wizard software showed 4 scenarios with zero compatibility (probable), 11 scenarios with one compatibility (believable scenarios), 32 scenarios with two compatibility (possible scenarios). According to the findings of the research, four factors of technological degradation Affairs, generation z (digital natives), media ownership and the power of large-scale traditional media were identified as key factors.

Possible scenarios show that the trend of audience decline in traditional media continues, and the government may limit the technology-based affairs, but the restrictions applied in the field of technology will change the trend of increasing influence of social networks and decreasing the audience of traditional media. Therefore, in order to overcome the issue of lack of audience and continue professional life, traditional media should turn to intelligent forms of journalism, including "robot journalism".

This study explores the future of social media in the face of traditional Iranian media in terms of power relations. This research has been done by futures research method using scenario writing technique. To achieve the uncertainties, the interpretive-structural modeling (ISM) method using Mick Mac software has been used and to discover the scenarios, the interaction balance method has been used using the script wizard software. Out of 3206 possible combined scenarios, the Wizard scenario output showed 4 scenarios with zero (probable) compatibility, including scenarios of the beautiful city, Gutenberg Heritage, The Independent Age, and The Matrix world. Includes a transformation.

This study seeks to identify the effective drives that can impact the future of online social networks in the face of Iranian mass media on the horizon of 1404. The research method is a combination of quantitative and qualitative, which has been done using Futuristic Research Method. This is a des[1]criptive and exploratory research with the approach of identifying uncertainties. In this regard, a total of 20 experts and specialists in the field of media, communications and online social networks, who were selected by the Snowballing method, took part in the in-depth interviews. In this study, the Delphi Method was used to identify the motives, using SPSS software, and the Interpretive Structural Modeling (ISM) method was used to discover the final key factors affecting the future of social networks. The data collection tool in the structural interpretive modeling section includes a researcher-made questionnaire containing a table of interaction matrix, and the data were analyzed by MicMac software. The research's findings showed that 27 drivers have an impact on the future of social networks, which can be classified into four general sociocultural, political/legal, economic and technological factors.  According to the research's findings, technology-based affairs, digital natives, media ownership and the power of large-scale traditional media are the four final key factors influencing the future of social networks in the face of Iranian mass media on the horizon of 1404.

. But the continuation of the process of elite migration after the end of the war (and the establishment of political order in Iran) did not stop the process of elite migration. Given this, the question arises that what are the harms of the policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in order to counter the migration of scientific elites? In response to this hypothesis, it has been suggested that the harms caused by research policies, the lack of proper information about support programs, the pathology of policies due to the mobility of international students and the harms caused by the lack of proper bedding for elites are the most important harms of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Inhibition of elite migration. The policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran to deal with the emigration of elites includes economic policies, policies to return the elites to the country, facilities provided to the finalists of the Olympiad, policies to play a pivotal role in the international student mobility market and policy-making in the field of research. The results of the present study show that although the Islamic Republic of Iran has used various strategies to combat elite migration, but nevertheless, these policies have faced many harms and challenges, which has slowed down the process of elite migration. Has not stopped. The type of research method is descriptive-analytical and based on library studies.

 The Tension in relations between the two influential Islamic countries, Iran and Saudi Arabia, have affected relations between Iran and the Islamic world, including Pakistan's neighboring Islamic State. Between 1991 and 2018, the Saudi actions, which stemmed from the influence of the country's norms, ideas and beliefs on foreign policy, had a negative impact on relations between Iran and its important eastern neighbor. Saudi Arabia that perfecting the leadership of the Islamic world, inspired by the teachings of Wahhabism and its anti-Shiite rhetoric, has diverted relations between Iran and Pakistan. Supporting Salafi groups and currents inside Pakistan and financially feeding the Iranian opposition in Balochistan have been major policies of the Saudis for the past thirty years.Relations between Iran and Pakistan are very important for our country's foreign policy and how we can have a close relationship with that country, despite the many problems. Identifying one of the main causes of divergence and disruption in Iran-Pakistan relations is one of the main goals of the present study. Foreign policy agents and decision makers can be informed of the various dimensions of the impact of Saudi Arabia's actions on Pakistan and Iran 's behavior towards each other, using the findings of the article. This research also puts the production of necessary literature for academics at the forefront of its goals. Using constructivism theory, this paper seeks to answer the question of how the intellectual and ideological structures that govern Saudi foreign policy have affected Iran-Pakistan relations. 

 The research method in the present study is analytical-descriptive. Depending on the nature and type of subject matter being studied, information is collected using library-documentary tools. Accordingly, in order to analyze the extracted information and evaluate the hypothesis and finally answer the research question, in the method of qualitative analysis, library examples have been used as a criterion and criterion for evaluation. The data used in this study are qualitative and these data can be converted to a smaller number, so they are analyzed in the same way that they were collected. In this qualitative data, most of the objectives were to describe the subject. The present study is also a cross-sectional study and covers the period 1991 to 2018. During this period, due to the collapse of the Soviet Union and the spread of Islamic fundamentalism in the world, relations between neighboring countries in the Middle East and Southwest Asia have undergone fundamental changes.

One of the areas where Iran and Saudi Arabia are at loggerheads over these issues and seek to expand their influence is the subcontinent and Pakistan. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Saudi aid to Central Asian countries and its connection with the region is provided through Pakistan. The two countries are also working together to resolve the Afghan crisis. During the Afghan war, when Pakistan was in dire need of Saudi aid, the monarchy widely supported Pakistan. Saudi religious associations and circles entered Pakistan with the motive of promoting and helping Afghan Mujahideen and immigrants, as well as assisting religious groups inside Pakistan (Mohammad Sharifi, 2004: 223).Saudi religious circles have focused their major investments on establishing schools and mosques. These schools entertained the teachings of traditional Islamic thought by Ibn Taymiyyah, Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, and Shah Wali Allah. Inside Pakistan, Saudi-influenced schools supported Saudi Arabia's militant stance against Iran. Due to the increasing power of such schools, the wave of violence and opposition to Iranian-backed revolutionary Islamists has intensified. In fact, Saudi Arabia stepped in in the early 1980s to counter Iran's influence on Pakistani Shiites. (Abbas,2010:56)The Saudi government, along with Pakistan, provided financial and military support to the Taliban movement. Saudi Arabia had two main motives in support of the Taliban: First, Saudi Arabia considers itself the center of the Islamic world and considers helping Muslims a kind of religious duty. The second motive was to compete with Iran's growing influence in Afghanistan and Central Asia and to isolate Iran, which considers itself the center of the Islamic world (Massoudnia & Najafi, 2011: 106) .

 All in all, the Saudi government's identity-building foundations, which have been formed in interaction with the Shiite government of Iran, have led the country to pursue a counter-revolutionary policy toward Iran since the early 1980s. Saudi Arabia's identity is at odds with the role Iran plays in these areas. The most important point of Iran's confrontation with Saudi Arabia is in the field of the Islamic world. In this regard, Iran has challenged the identity, political and religious legitimacy of the Saudi government. Hence, Saudi Arabia opposes any move by Iran in the region.According to the current events in West Asia, efforts to spread sectarianism in the region will not be out of the question. The spread of sectarianism as a tool is that Saudi Arabia is directly spread through the schools, Deobandi supporter of Wahhabism, and the financial support and arms from the group, the cult-oriented in combating the influence of the Shiites in the region led by Iran.The issue of sectarianism and the spiritual influence of the Iranian revolution in Pakistan strengthened radical forces in Pakistan. Following this issue, the Arab countries and Pakistan also stimulate the Iranian minority. This factor has made Tehran very sensitive to sectarian issues. As a significant population of Sunnis lives in Iran's border provinces and is somewhat ethnically and culturally diverse, Iran's sensitivity to the issue has increased. Saudi Arabia and Pakistan's influence on Iranian Sunnis has expanded in recent years. On the other hand, the revival of the Baloch nationalist movement in Pakistan since 2004 has become a source of threat to the country's internal security and Iran's national security.Saudi Arabia is seeking to form a coalition with Pakistan and is trying to have a strategic ally in the shadow of the United States to continue its rule without the support of the people in the region. Riyadh is also trying to turn Pakistan into a backyard to use its shared borders with Iran to counter its anti-Iranian plans.Pakistani officials are somewhat confused about the choice between Iran and Saudi Arabia. Despite the need for Saudi financial aid, Pakistan cannot ignore Iran's strategic position in the region. They want to have a smooth relationship with Iran, which is economically, security-wise and anthropologically important for Islamabad, but Al-Saud does not. Another important factor in Islamabad's approach is the crossing of the rope between Saudi Arabia and Iran, following the sharp differences between the two countries. In such a situation, Pakistani officials have visited Iran and are trying to improve bilateral relations by playing a neutral mediating role. 

After independence as an Islamic country, Pakistan sought to use Islamic th o u g ht as an identifying factor. An important issue that can affect Iran-Pakistan relations is fundamentalism in Pakistan. Based on structural theory, this article tries to examine the impact of Islamic fundamentalism in Pakistan on the re l a t i o n s between this country and Iran between 1991 and 2020. The main question is what effect has Islamic fundamentalism had on the relations between the two countries? The hypothesis that will be proven in this study is that the activities of fundamentalist political parties and currents are due to the co n t r a st between the principles of Pakistani Sunni fundamentalism and the religious spirit of Shiite thought in Iran and the incitement of interventionist powers have b e c o me a powerful factor of divergence in Relations between the two countries have changed. In the present study, a descriptive-analytical method has been used.

This research is generally discussed based on Turkey's foreign policy foundations, but due to the recent developments in Iraq and its neighboring countries and the region, and the collapse of the balance of power, the centrality of Iraq's future in foreign policy Turkey, in particular, has the largest Kurdish population among neighboring countries, and Kurdish climate formation in modern Iraq has threatened Turkish leaders with the future of this ethnic minority and forced them to react actively to Has already given this. In this chapter, we will look at the evolution of Iraq from independence to US invasion.

Political-Security and geopolitical changes in Iraq after 2003 have resulted in the promotion of Islamic Republic of Iran’s status in the Middle East political-security sphere including in Iraq; sphere that has been traditionally influenced by the United States, Saudi Arabia and Israel. Utilizing such opportunities, Iran has also sought to actualize its capacities, capabilities, values and influence in the Middle East. This is viewed as detrimental to Saudi Arabia. Hence it has searched for solutions to preclude Iran’s expanded political and spiritual influence in the region, contemplating on measures to offset Iran’s regional power. Iran-Saudi confrontation has reached such level that demonstrates a zerosum game in their bilateral ties in Iraq. For this reason, Saudi policy in the Middle East is based on containing Iran’s influence. In this paper, the authors have studied foreign policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia, using the game theory and the theory of moves in order to understand their rivalry in the Middle East.

The present study was conducted to investigate and analyze the motivation behind pilgrimage to Atabat and Hajj and its consequences .Using a descriptive analytical method, an attempt was made to answer the following research question: “ what are the main impetus and consequences of Qajar politician’s pilgrimage to Holly shrine?'. The article hypothesizes Qajar statesmen’s various reasons to visit Holly shrine ,that is to talk spiritual trip , to enforce religious mission ,tourism to pass the exile period ,and to have a close objective look on the present situation of Iran at that time , (on those days) ,and finally the reformation in Russia and Empire Ottoman. The findings shows, A: the most important motives and consequences of Qajar politician’s and monarch’s pilgrimage to holly shrine as follows, B: the effects of pilgrim’s spiritualism on removing violence and being peaceful in Iran- Empire Ottoman Relation, C: to make a Qajar’ more knowledgeable and thoughtful on making decisions during their trip, D: realizing the necessity of reformation being influenced by the neighborhoods, E: to enrich historiography and the growth of religious itinerary and to inculcate Iran’s cultural – political power in holly shrine.

Contemporary history of Iran has witnessed political underdevelopment as well as political­ development­ alongside­ with centralization­ and­ decentralization. Concerning the political underdevelopment of the Iranian society there exists two different approaches. The first approach focuses on external factors. It tries to explain political underdevelopment in the light of colonialism, imperialism, and conspiracy theory. The second approach regards internal problems essential, among which weakness and impotency of the political system is of special significance.
There is no doubt that the Iranian revolution has created an outstanding model for political development. The aim of the present article is to compare distribution of power and political development during the two eras of the constitutional revolution and the first decade after the foundation of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research method is comparative and historical.
A study of some of the criteria and indicia of political development in the mentioned periods shows that the first decade after the Islamic revolution rates higher as compared to the era of the constitutional revolution

The Syria possesses geopolitical, geostrategic, and geoeconomic importance and for this reason it is deemed as the cross point for opposite forces with the maximum crisis and tension. Also regional and transregional superpowers pay special attention to this country. The strategic situation of Syria is crucially important for Iran in terms of prestige in resistance movement, national security issues, and competition with Saudi Arabia, and expansion of influence in the Middle East. The present research has studied Iranian diplomatic approach in Syria by means of descriptive and analytical method within framework of Game Theory. The question paper is that What is the significance of Syria for the Iran? What is the policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Syria after Bashar al-Assad, to be able to maintain its position in the region? It is believed that Iran intends to exit from the existing geopolitical constraints and to expand influence in the Middle East and continuity of its strategic depth using strategic opportunities in Syria and in any case it would not like to lose such a position in Syria.

The present article has tried to investigate the effect of pilgrimage of Iranian Shiites to Iraq on regional policies and the relations of Iran and Iraq based on a combination of Fiedler's leadership criteria and Mitrany's theory of functional compulsion for cooperation as well as constructivist theory relating to the effect of norms on political behavior of practitioners. The present article uses a descriptive-analytical method to arise the following question: "what is the effect of religious tourism on regional policy and foreign relation of Iran with modern Iraq?"
The hypothesis of article is based on the fact that considering the effect of religious identity on political behavior of IRI in the region, especially the effect of the Shiite identity on policy-making of Iran in relation to modern Iraq, the pilgrimage trips have led to a functional compulsion for cooperation between the two countries and would lead to the strengthening of relationship between Iran and Iraq, preparing the ground for realization of the policy of Islamic union in Middle East through deepening relations with Iraq.
The findings show that the most important functions of pilgrimage trips for regional policies and relationship of Iran and Iraq are as follows: preparing the ground for Islamic unity, redefinition of Islamic identity and enjoying the function of removing land-centrism of spiritual trips, turning the borders of war into the borders of peace, preventing revival of political disagreements, IRI's reliance on soft power in modern Iraq, and the effect of the pilgrim's spiritualism on removing violence and creating peace in the region as well as Iran's participating in reconstruction of Iraq with an emphasis on rebuilding the holy shrines. In this article's view and with a constructive analysis of the topic, one may infer that due to religious demands for visiting holy shrines in Iraq, and due to a strong norm called "pilgrimage", the policy of Iran towards modern Iraq has been formulated based on priority of this norm over interests.

The first Pahlavi government attempted to centralize the power, homogenize the nation, and modernize the government and nation by force. It attempted to do so due to its pseudo modern absolute nature as well as the historical conditions. Thus, the establishment and continuation of such a government was in conflict with the thoughts of clerics, particularly resistance seeking clerics such as Sayyed Hassan Modarres. Using a descriptive-analytic approach, the present article raises the following question: What were the most effective factors on Sayyed Hassan Modarres's confrontational approach, as a member of parliament, towards the conventionalization policies and separation of religion from politics? The research hypothesis assumes that the religious belief based on regarding as unique the realm of politics and religion as well as the necessity to fight the oppressor in the Shia thinking were among the variables affecting Sayyed Hassan Modarres's parliament behavior towards the government. On this basis, Sayyed Hassan Modarres did not permit the interference of the Pahlavi government, in particular the autocrat Reza Shah, in the area of adopting cultural policies, especially vis-à-vis the clerics because he considered the first Pahlavi government as illegitimate. He also embarked upon confronting it. The findings of this article indicate that the first Pahlavi government embarked on modernizing social and intellectual structures in accordance with western standards, and by inspiring from his Turkish counterpart, Kemal Ataturk, he attempted to grow non-religious conscience to replace traditional concepts and religious loyalty. He further set harsh restrictions and deprivations for religious institutions and clerics, preventing them from holding judicial, educational, and religious positions. This is while, these careers were already done by clerics. Governmental policymakers rationalized that the main reason for the opposition of clerics and lawmakers including Sayyed Hassan Modarres to the government's modernization programs such as clothing uniforms and removing Hijab (Islamic veil) by women was their fundamental opposition to modernizing thecountry. This is while, from the point of view of Sayyed Hassan Modarres, an influential member of parliament, the government's grabbing of the country's endowment, holy shrines, religious schools and votive money given to the holy places, under the pretext of development and modernization, deprived the clerics from financial resources. Furthermore, it hurt the independence of this institution against the government's relentless behavior. On this basis, he rose against the over-dominance, excessive demands and autocracy of the pseudo-modern first Pahlavi government; thus spending years in forced political isolation and exile. As a true advocate of people, he finally lost his life on the path of his Shia beliefs that were based on fighting against the oppressors.

Mohammad Reza Shah’s personality affected the foreign policy of Iran. This presupposition is based on the theory of James Rosena according to which in under developed countries personality affects decision making. This article examines this phenomenon which in combination with internal social factors accelerated the decline of the regime.

The aim of this research project is to assess and evaluate procedures and resources of policy makings upon to tribes and nomads during the reign of Pahlavi I. In the legislative system tribes and nomadic groups’ right of policy making were recognized through three institutions: the monarchy, National Assembly and the Council of Ministers. Reza Shah as the monarch and chief of the Iranian armed forces had an important role in this decision making process. Nevertheless, in a comprehensive analysis of the subject matter one ought not to overlook the role played by the other two institutions. Iranian National Assembly, as the institution for passage of nomadic and tribal laws, played a significant role which will be analysed here. Proposals, legal drafts and bills implemented by the Council of Ministers were also crucial and had a great impact on the nomadic and tribal life in Iran. This paper argues that the efforts of the last two institutions have been overshadowed by the institution of monarchy and the personality of Reza Shah due to his enthusiasm to modernize Iran.