نیکنام ببری

With the start of political protests in Syria, regional and trans-regional actors, each in line with their own interests, have taken a different approach to the country, which is of particular strategic importance in the Middle East. Efforts by governments such as the United States and Saudi Arabia to overthrow Bashar al-Assad's government were evident in the intervention of external actors in the crisis, as opposed to the approach taken by governments such as Iran, Iraq and Russia in the Syrian crisis. The conflict of interest between these powers has prolonged the crisis, and its effects are still visible almost a decade after the protests began.The main question of the article is the regional goals of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Syria, focusing on the approach of Saudi Arabia, the United States and the Zionist regime. The findings suggest that the US, Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime's three axes overlap over the weakening position of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Syria. In this regard, the Islamic Republic of Iran seeks to eliminate its regional and security threats from Israel, Saudi Arabia and the United States by participating in Syria and its strategic alliance with the central government of this country.

Recent geopolitical developments in West Asia have led the region into military conflicts. Syrian developments are at the head of these crises, and as a result of these developments, the political system in Syria has suffered severe stagnation, so that after seven years, all UN initiatives have failed to set fire to the internal forces. Concerns about the persistence of violence in Syria are caused by internal and external factors. On the one hand, there is the Russian, Iranian and Iraqi axis, with political and military support from the administration of Bashar al-Assad in an effort to preserve the territorial integrity of Syria. On the other hand, there is the Arab-western axis, wich supporting the Syrian opposition's movements seeking to eliminate the Assad government. The contrast between these two trends, along with the social and economic context within Syria, has made the country as a place of proxy war among powers. The main question of this article is that what are the reasons and causes of the violence in the Syrian crisis? In response, the hypothesis is that, the undemocratic nature of the Assad government, the incomplete state-building process, the presence of takfiri currents, and the outsourcing of external powers have contributed to the formation of a civil war in Syria.

The Syrian crisis from the beginning is one of the most important events that has affected the regional and international orientation of Turkey. The crisis for Turkey was a zero-sum game, in which any fundamental changes in the political and security structure of the country would affect the security and interests of Turkey. Syria is the gateway to Turkey's entry into the Arab world and Turkey's strategic connection to the Middle East. Considering the importance of the Syrian crisis over the security environment in the region, this study has discussed the impact of Syrian developments on the security and national interests of Turkey. According to research findings, the crisis in Syria has been accompanied not only by the power of the Kurds and radical Islamic groups such as ISIS along the southern borders of Turkey and the threat of national security, but also by tensions in Ankara's relationship with Damascus and its western allies, economic and political threats Has also come to Turkey. This article has been reviewed by the descriptive-analytical method within the framework of the Copenhagen School of the Islamic State of ISIL and the Kurdish Autonomous Kurds in northern Syria and the security threats posed by their emergence on the Turkish national security. He also addressed the tense relationship between the two major regional actors, Turkey and the United States.

The Collapse of the bipolar international system in 1991, made NATO’s philosophy of existence face some serious challenges. Providing some new interpretation of its role such as global energy security provision, overcoming terrorist activities threats, supporting human rights and democracy as well as combating cyber attacks, NATO managed to survive in post cold war era. Russia has been in opposition to NATO’s expansion in its influence area and considers NATO’s measures in this region as a menace to its national security. Against this background, Russia is known as a potential superpower that can resist against NATO’s military and security policies in many western studies. In this regard, Russia and NATO’s relation during the post cold war era has experienced a wide evolving spectrum from partnership to competition.
The present literature scrutinizes the partnership and competition trends in Russia and NATO’s relation during Putin’s governance. The following question is addressed in this article: What trend has been developed by partnership and competition between Russia and NATO? In order to find an answer for the mentioned question, the following hypothesis is being examined that with Putin’s rise to power and his attempt for revivng Russia’s lost position in international system, the competition elements between Russia and NATO were raised upward; so that their relation has reached to its lowest degree today since the collapse of the USSR. The present article is written using explanatory – analyzing research method in a constructivist theoretical framework.

The so-called “Islamic Awakening«developments in the new millennium could be considered as the most eminent and dominant changes in political structures of the countries in the region in recent years. These revolutions، firstly originated in Tunisia through demonstrations against the autocratic regimes، were aimed at reaching democracy and negating domination. They then spread rapidly throughout the region، namely in Egypt، Libya، Yemen، Bahrain، and Syria. Consequently، they have led to the downfall of the regimes of Bin Ali and Hosni Mubarek in Tunisia and Egypt. Amidst these political upheavals، the regional and ultra-regional powers have tried to gain advantage. Turkey، to give an example، under the leadership of The Justice and Development Party، which has been considered as one of the West allies، has tried to exert power in line with its own national interest. The aim of this article is to study the foreign policy standpoints of Turkey by emphasizing the reformations within Egypt and Tunisia. Therefore، the Offensive Realism Approach has been used to support the underlying hypothesis of the research. The hypothesis reads as the following: Turkey''s current foreign policy، concerning recent reformations in Egypt and Tunisia، has proven to be in pursuit of more power and influence in the region by gaining political and economic superiority and controlling powerful countries as Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia.