کاظم میقانی

The power and sovereignty of al-Chopan was comparable to the age of the mentor of Sheikh Safi al-Din Ishaq Ardabili and his son Sheikh Sadreddin Musa, good relations were established between them, which turned cold at the end of King Ashraf's reign, and the policy of interaction between the two families led to confrontation and The confrontation was drawn. Because on the one hand, the rise and fall of the shepherd family in this era was in connection with the Safavid sheikhs, and on the other hand, the most important achievements of the Safavid sheikhs, which became the basis for the formation of their government, in this era and in connection with the political powers and Among other things, al-Chopan was formed and consolidated. This period is considered one of the most important periods. The current research is descriptive-analytical and based on historical first-hand sources and new researches to investigate the relationship between al-Chopan and Safavid sheikhs, to explain the influencing factors on the relationship between them and the consequences of these relationships. The findings of the research indicate that the shepherds established good relations with the Safavid sheikhs both because of their faith and belief in the Safavid sheikhs and to consolidate their position in the Ilkhani court and then to strengthen the legitimacy and foundations of their government. did, But as soon as Malik Ashraf Chopani established his power, due to his personality traits, he coveted the great wealth of the Ardabil monastery and became suspicious of the activities of Sheikh Sadr al-Din Musa, and tried to remove him, and this issue caused the establishment of relations between the Sheikhs. Sadr al-Din Musa and Jani Beyk became rulers of the Kipchak plain, as Jani Bek, probably with the support of Sheikh Sadr al-Din Musa, captured Azerbaijan and overthrew the shepherd government.

In relation to the background of the research, you can refer to the book "Artificial environment and the formation of the industrial working class", which examines the situation of Abadan workers between the two world wars, "Arayed, an approach to the history of Farudestan (examining the documents of Arayed of the National Assembly)" by Siavash Shohani and... pointed out.

The purpose of the research is to, in line with the research of others about industrial workers, labor unions and their role and influence in political and economic events, about the problems, demands and hidden awareness in the demands of oil industry workers, from the angle of petitions that are a place to express demands. It is a worker, an independent investigation should be done;

The method of the present research is library and documental in terms of its historical nature, and the necessary information has been collected through the review of relevant sources, documents and documents, with a historical and documentary approach. The limits and focal point of spatial, temporal and thematic research, Iran during the second Pahlavi period, from Shahrivar 1320 sh. until the coup d'etat of August 28, 1332 sh.

From the petitions of oil industry workers, it is clear that their expected welfare components include things such as basic promotion including employment, housing, insurance, salary increase and other welfare facilities.The amenities provided by Iran and England Oil Company were either not available to all groups of workers or were not paid equally.Despite suffering repression and losing many of their facilities, the workers did not give in to the oppression of their employers and reached agreements with the company that improved their conditions. They tried to achieve these demands by joining labor unions and strikes, and in cases such as the approval of the labor law in 1325 sh. They were successful in this field, but in the end they could not bring about a fundamental change in labor relations.The weakness of labor organizations, the central government's lack of support for workers, and the misuse of workers by parties were the most important factors in their all-round failure.

According to the survey of complaints, housing, wage increase, health and insurance were among the most important welfare indicators of oil industry workers. The workers were trying to get a part of their rights through various forms of protest, but due to the weakness of the labor organizations, the central government's lack of support for the workers, and the misuse of the workers by the parties, they could not bring about a fundamental change in the labor relations.It is worth mentioning that the study of Subalterns situation by examining documents and documents in all historical periods and especially in contemporary history is one of the original research cases that can be investigated by researchers and leads to the explanation of the policies of the government and the oil industry and the reactions of the workers. Therefore, with social and document-oriented historiography, it is possible to understand the degree of correspondence of historical data transmitted from political history with the narrative of documents.

Relatively speaking, the policy and approach of the Naqshbandi Tariqat is derived from the Tariqat of Abdul Khaliq Ghajdwani (died 575AH). But the origin of this sect is attributed to Bahauddin Muhammad Naqshband Bukhari (717-719 A.H.), which was established and expanded in the Khorasan region and beyond. During the Timurid period, his successors were given the position of peshvai. However, the peak of prosperity and spread of the Naqshbandi Tariqat happened in the second half of the 9th century AH under the leadership of Khwaja Ubaidullah Ahrar (died895AH) who had a close relationship with Sultan Abu Said. Naqshbandiyeh was influenced by the cultural and political conditions of the Timurid period in Mawra al-Nahr(Transoxiana)and Khorasan. Investigation and research showed that 1: The Naqshbandi sect had an impact on the religious and religious orientation of the ruling body in Mawra al-Nahr(Transoxiana) and Khorasan, which was the center of power of the Timurids, and the prosperity of the Naqshbandi sect in Mawra al-Nahr(Transoxiana) and Khorasan was the result of a direct relationship with the system of social values and its religious principles. Tariqah was with the cultural and political structure of Timurid period society.2: the weakening of the Naqshbandi Tariqat in Mawra al-Nahr (Transoxiana)and Khorasan after the fall of the Timurids was due to the change in political and cultural conditions in the region of Naqshbandi and Khorasan, and this caused the influence of the sheikhs of the Naqshbandi Tariqa and its ability to influence the society to be greatly reduced. The method of this research, like historical research, is based on the description and analysis of library resource data, which uses Foucault's theory of genealogy in historical analysis.

The Timurid era was one of the most efficient cultural periods in Iran in terms of literature and art. Because the policies of Timur and his successors provided a good ground for cultural activities.The flow of poetry in the Timurid era expanded and flourished as it was welcomed and materially and spiritually supported by the Timurid sultans. Due to the status and high impact of poetry in the Timurid era, Timurid kings and princes used poetry effectively to convince and achieve their goals in political relations. The use of poetry in the political letters of the Timurid period was common and was considered a privilege and a virtue. Poets and writers in the Timurid era had a high political and social status. Thus, Timurid kings and princes were equally important to poetry. Thus, for the Timurid sultans, poetry was an influential tool in the politics of domestic and foreign relations. Although the Timurid rulers were fond of poetry and poets, and many of them wrote poetry themselves; But the cost of Timurid kings and princes for the development of poetry was politically motivated and met their political expectations.

Jamshid Jamshidian (Arbab Jamshid), the first Zoroastrian representative in the National Assembly, was a great merchant and money changer of the late Qajar period. He began his career as a laborer in the sewing industry and gradually became the great and wealthy money changer of his time. Jamshidian's trading house had branches in most of the big cities of Iran and different countries. Due to the size of the Jamshidian exchange activity, it was also known as JamshidiBankJamshidian played a major role in Iran's domestic and global credit and financial exchanges. The huge profits from this large volume of trade and exchange exchanges led to Jamshidian's investment in real estate in Tehran and other cities, amounting to 37 settlements throughout Iran. Among them, Jamshidian's property was in the villages of Salami and Sedeh.The present articleaimsto analyze and explain the ownership of the two regions of Salami and Sedeh by Arbab Jamshid and after that, tries to answer the question of ownership and tax issues and how to receive taxes in the two mentioned regions.The result of the research indicates that the economic benefits of the region have doubled the value of the property and its productivity, and have made merchants and large money-changers such as Arbab Jamshid eager to invest and own lands in Salami and Sedeh.These decisions took place while the assessment, collection, and follow-up of taxes in the region were disarranged and subject to climatic conditions, depending on the decisions of the rulers and administrators. At the same time, the evolution of tax laws had been irregular and sometimes regressive.

Azerbaijan with its capital Tabriz had a special place due to its proximity to Russia and the Ottomans and the establishment of the Crown Prince in it, and therefore its administration required a different mechanism. At the head of this group, the courtiers were sent from the center, but due to the political and administrative history of Tabriz, the subdivision of this local system was provided with local and sometimes non-local capacities. The role of structural and administrative defects of Tabriz in the occurrence of administrative disorders of this crown city is examined as a main problem in the present study. The basic questions are answered using descriptive and explanatory methods. In fact, the author wanted to examine the administrative structure and Tabriz's politics in Iran during the Nasserite and Mozaffari eras suffer from which shortcomings and problems