دکتر سید جلال دهقانی فیروزآبادی

In the years following the Arab Spring, the Middle East has experienced profound and complex transformations that have influenced patterns of convergence and divergence among countries in the region. However, one aspect that has received less attention in political analyses is the role of emotions in these developments. Accordingly, the main research question of this study is: How have emotions influenced the persistence of tensions and conflicts in the Middle East between 2011 and 2024? In response to this question, the hypothesis proposed is that ethnic, religious, and nationalist emotions in the Middle East after the Arab Spring have led to increased internal conflicts, strengthened anti-foreign sentiments, and heightened public dissatisfaction. Consequently, instead of focusing on collective cooperation, regional countries have prioritized preserving their identities and engaging in regional rivalries. As a result, these emotional dynamics have significantly shaped the orientations and relationships of Middle Eastern countries, steering them toward the persistence of tensions and divergence. The present study aims to examine the impact of emotions on the continuation of tensions and conflicts in Middle Eastern countries from 2011 to 2024.

This study employs a quantitative analysis method and an explanatory-descriptive approach to investigate the role of ethnic, religious, and nationalist emotions in the persistence of tensions and conflicts in the Middle East between 2011 and 2024. The research data has been gathered from library sources and analyzed using quantitative tools to assess the correlation between variables.

Following the Arab Spring, Middle Eastern countries faced numerous challenges that intensified nationalist, religious, and ethnic emotions in the region. Based on the theoretical framework of emotional realism, the fear of weakening national and religious identities has driven states and various groups toward reinforcing ethnic and religious boundaries. As a result, instead of fostering cooperation, these dynamics have fueled further conflicts. These emotions, particularly in countries affected by foreign interventions, have led to increased distrust toward external powers and even neighboring states. Consequently, instead of striving for regional cooperation, governments in the region have adopted isolationist policies and strengthened their national identities. Another critical aspect in explaining the hypothesis is the role of collective emotions in Middle Eastern conflicts based on religious and ethnic identities. Regional rivalries among Middle Eastern states have contributed to the formation of religious blocs, each seeking regional and international support. Here, emotional realism explains how religious and ethnic emotions can be politically instrumentalized, leading to intensified competition and conflicts instead of cooperation. Furthermore, emotional realism highlights how the fear of internal instability and external threats has compelled regional states to adopt conservative and isolationist policies.

This study aimed to examine the impact of emotions on the persistence of tensions and conflicts in the Middle East between 2011 and 2024 through the theoretical framework of emotional realism. The findings suggest that emotions have exacerbated conflicts in the post-Arab Spring Middle East. Under these conditions, collective emotions and identities have not only played a central role in shaping domestic and foreign policies but have also emerged as significant obstacles to regional cooperation. Particularly in times of crisis and instability, emotions have reinforced ethnic and religious identities, prompting states to adopt conservative and competitive policies, ultimately leading to the intensification of both internal and international conflicts in the Middle East.

The Middle East is a region of strategic importance, rich in natural resources such as oil and gas. Its cultural heritage and diverse population have historically attracted the influence of major global powers. In recent years, however, the region has become a competitive arena for emerging players like China and Russia, who are actively expanding their influence through economic, military, and diplomatic initiatives—despite facing considerable challenges. Moreover, decades of conflict—including wars, revolutions, and coups—have profoundly undermined the region's security and stability. Moreover, decades of conflict marked by wars, revolutions, and coups have profoundly undermined the region’s security and stability. In this context, regional integration has emerged as a strategic approach, advocating for greater collaboration among Middle Eastern nations to strengthen collective security against external threats, while advancing their shared interests and goals. With China’s increasing demand for the region’s oil and gas resources and its strong economic ties to the Middle East, the convergence between China and the Middle East is expected to create a mutually beneficial dynamic while diminishing Russia’s role. Key measures to foster this shift include enhancing international cooperation, strengthening trade exchanges, attracting joint investments, and expanding security collaborations, all of which are anticipated to counter Russia’s influence. At the same time, cooperation with China is expected to open new economic and cultural opportunities for Middle Eastern nations. The present study aimed to explore the complex dynamics between China, Russia, and the Middle East, with a particular focus on China’s strategic engagement as a counterbalance to Russian influence. It focused on the interactions between China and Russia in the Middle East and the role of regional convergence in shifting the balance of power towards China. The research rests upon the hypothesis that convergence based on shared economic, security, and cultural interests can limit Russia’s influence and shift the balance of power in favor of China. The main research question is as follows: How can the convergence between China and Middle Eastern countries reduce Russia’s influence and tilt the balance of power in favor of China?

Drawing on game theory and a wide range of secondary sources, Fulton and Sim (2022) analyzed the political, economic, and security roles of China and Russia in the region and the challenges these pose to U.S. interests. The edited volume The Routledge Guide to Middle East–China Relations (Fulton, 2022) delved into the historical, political, and diplomatic dimensions of China’s relations with Middle Eastern countries, emphasizing its significant impact on regional developments. Moreover, Chen (2021) highlighted China’s principle of non-interference, demonstrating how its growing economic interests are pursued through a non-intrusive approach designed to mitigate Russian influence while fostering stable relations with regional states. Additionally, Eron (2017) provided valuable insights into the challenges and opportunities China faces in the Middle East, particularly regarding the Israeli–Palestinian peace process, the Syrian conflict, and cooperation with Iran. It also addressed the limitations imposed by resource constraints and the influence of other international actors.

China–Russia interactions have significant impacts on security, economic, political, and cultural dimensions at regional and global levels. It is thus essential to understand this dynamic and its underlying factors. The strategy of regional convergence is proposed as an innovative approach to addressing these challenges, underscoring the need for cooperation among regional countries to strengthen their collective power and security. This research employed a combination of quantitative methods and case studies to analyze the impact and roles of China and Russia in the region and to identify the challenges facing China. Additionally, game theory was used to examine the China–Middle East relations, and to assess the impact of this cooperation on Russia’s relations and the overall shift in the balance of power.

This study examined regional convergence between China and Middle Eastern countries as a strategy to moderate and balance power in response to Russian influence. The competition between China and Russia for influence in the Middle East, along with China’s goal of creating balance in the region, supports the hypothesis that convergence based on shared economic, security, and cultural interests can reduce Russia’s influence in the region. Notably, China’s primary goal is not to counter Russia, but rather to establish regional balance and cooperation. China’s active international influence is strengthened by forming strong economic, political, and security relations with Middle Eastern countries, which can help mitigate Russia’s power. Using a quantitative approach, the study showed that regional convergence between China and Middle Eastern countries is expanding, serving as a balancing factor against Russia’s influence and significantly reducing its impact. Cooperation and competition between China and Russia in the Middle East depend on regional and global conditions. Therefore, regional convergence between China and Middle Eastern countries acts as a strategy to balance Russia’s influence and promote shared interests in the region. This study also presented a model to analyze regional convergence using game theory, while acknowledging its limitations in capturing real-world complexities and uncertainties.

Recent findings highlight the ongoing competition between China and Russia for influence in the Middle East. According to the results of this study, China’s power-balancing strategy in the region has led to a growing convergence with Middle Eastern countries, driven by shared economic, security, and cultural interests. This trend raises concerns that such convergence might diminish Russia's traditional role in the Middle East and shift the regional balance of power. The results confirmed that the strengthening ties between China and Middle Eastern nations have significant implications, potentially acting as a counterbalance to Russia’s influence. Overall, the evolving relationships between China and these countries could reshape the region’s geopolitical landscape. For stakeholders, it is essential to closely monitor these developments and assess their potential impact on regional stability and global dynamics.

West Asia has long been a hotspot for various forms of violence. The complex and multifaceted security threats in the region—coupled with the inherent fragility of states—demand that security be redefined within a new, regional framework. To break away from traditional security policies, there is increasing emphasis on the growing role of non-state actors, established norms, and cooperative security arrangements. In this context, the concept of governance is offered as a means to describe both the dispersion of power and the emergence of new oversight mechanisms that counterbalance state dominance. As a result, regional security governance is now seen as an important form of collective security. With this in mind, this study focuses on three key regional powers—Iran, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia—to examine the process of security governance and the factors that shape it.

The study employs a mixed-methods approach. On the quantitative side, international data were analyzed to review the progress of regional security governance over the past decade. For the qualitative aspect, a focus group session was conducted with 10 experts (9 men and 1 woman), and the discussions were analyzed using MAXQDA software.

In terms of persuasive (or soft) policies, Iran’s performance improved steadily, with its score rising from 20 in 2012 to over 24 in 2016. Conversely, Saudi Arabia’s persuasive policy score dropped from 48 in 2011 to about 33 in 2022, and Turkey also followed a downward trend. Regarding coercive (or hard) policies, Saudi Arabia achieved the highest score of 70 in 2015, while Iran recorded the lowest score of 40 in 2013. Additionally, Iran has been more effective in countering ISIS, whereas Saudi Arabia and Turkey escalated tensions with their military operations in Yemen and parts of Iraq and Syria, respectively. While Iran demonstrated that regional security is a top priority in its fight against ISIS, Turkey generally focused on protecting its borders from refugees and terrorist attacks, even seizing opportunities to intervene in Syria. The qualitative analysis identified 9 main categories and 25 sub-categories (with a total frequency of 310 mentions). Data analysis revealed that 84% of the obstacles to regional security governance in West Asia were associated with persuasive (soft) policies, while only 16% were linked to coercive (hard) measures. This finding suggests that before resorting to hard security tools, establishing regional security governance in this region should primarily rely on diplomatic dialogue and softer forms of engagement.

Focusing on Iran, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia, this research identifies both positive and negative factors influencing regional security governance in West Asia from 2011 to 2022. The study shows that security in the region cannot be ensured by governments alone. Instead, the active participation of non-state actors, international organizations, and a mix of persuasive (diplomatic and economic) and coercive (military and security) tools are crucial to shaping regional security governance. The analysis also indicates significant differences among the regional powers.Their national objectives tend to be almost diametrically opposed, resulting in a fluctuating form of regional security governance. For instance, the persuasive tools used by Iran in resolving regional disputes averaged a score of 22, compared to averages of 36 and 38 for Saudi Arabia and Turkey, respectively. While Saudi Arabia and Turkey show similar tendencies in their use of persuasive and coercive methods, Iran has taken a notably different approach. Reflecting on Europe's approach to regional security governance, it’s clear that after World War II, European nations were able to adopt a democracy-based framework with support from the United States that led to nearly uniform responses to conflicts.However, in West Asia, the role of major powers has had the opposite effect—fueling tensions and exacerbating conflicts. Their involvement, most notably their support for the establishment of Israel, has contributed to major issues such as the Arab-Israeli wars, increased securitization, and a drift toward authoritarianism among regional governments. The military presence of extra-regional powers has pressured these countries to prioritize military solutions instead of diplomatic ones. Furthermore, the region’s geopolitical and economic significance continues to fuel competition among thses powers. Rivalries, such as that between China and the United States, have even led to bloc formations in the region, potentially undermining the development of regional security governance. Even the region's failed state- and nation-building process—which is seen as one of the main reasons why this form of governance has not been established in West Asia—has been influenced, to some extent, by the Sykes-Picot Agreement and by Israel.The qualitative findings further highlight that regional powers’ abilities to protect their societies (by leveraging resources for defense and military intervention), combined with their unique interpretations of security and stability, domestic multi-actor dynamics (involving the role of non-state actors), and external delegations to regional organizations, are among the key factors shaping regional security governance. On the other hand, issues such as the Israel factor, extra-regional interventions, authoritarian tendencies, strategic culture, border disputes, and incomplete or unsynchronized political and economic structures have negatively affected its development.

Middle East has always attracted the center of international attention in terms of the unprecedented expansion of terrorist groups on the one hand and internal (intra-governmental) and regional (inter-governmental) conflicts on the other. This has led to the fact that in the mentioned region, unlike other regions such as the European Union, governments are the only security actors. Various factors influence this issue, one of which can be foreign interventions due to the negative historical record. Based on this, the main question of the current research is what effect did foreign interventions have on regional security governance in Middle East? To answer this question, three regional powers namely Iran, Saudi Arabia and Turkey were studied comparatively. Therefore, the purpose of the article is to measure the impact of foreign interventions on regional security governance in West Asia. In this regard, by using the quantitative method and collecting data from different institutions (secondary analysis), in addition to investigating the relationship or correlation between foreign interventions and regional security governance, steps are also taken in the direction of explanation. Thus, using SPSS version 22 software and simultaneous univariate linear regression test (INTER), the coefficient of influence of external interventions on the four dimensions of regional security governance including prevention, assurance, coercion and protection is measured. The findings of the research have shown that foreign interventions alone have been able to explain approximately 39 and 58 percent of the dimensions of prevention and assurance of regional security governance in Middle East, respectively.

Soft power is the ability to create compliance through credibility in domestic and foreign public opinion and to exert indirect influence on other global actors, independent of hard power resources such as military capability, geographical limitations, and economic sanctions. This concept is increasingly gaining attention from international actors and analysts. Presenting a national image and brand is one of the main factors in soft power, which is often a side effect or sometimes a direct result of countries' economic diplomacy. The main question is how the relationship between strengthening the dimensions of economic diplomacy—meaning the mutual benefit between foreign policy and the economy of countries—and improving national image, and consequently enhancing their soft power, exists. Therefore, the aim of this research is to explore and analyze the role of economic diplomacy in improving national image and enhancing soft power, focusing on the case of China. Analyzing China's experience in economic diplomacy through a case study method and descriptive-analytical approach shows that this country is one of the successful examples that, through designing and implementing a dynamic and effective form of trade diversification, direct and joint foreign investments prioritizing developing countries and infrastructure and technology sectors, strengthening tourism, providing developmental aid, managing migration flows, and creating regional and international economic initiatives, has significantly transformed its soft power status while also gaining direct economic and political benefits. This approach and its results from China's experience can be extensively utilized in formulating strategies, policies, and necessary actions for the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The Kurdish separatism issue has always been one of the major fault lines in the West Asian region, with the potential to be activated at any time. After the emergence of ISIS, the power vacuum in Iraq deepened to the extent that the Kurdistan Region assessed the situation as conducive for holding an independence referendum. Masoud Barzani, then President of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, after years of effort, was ultimately able to garner considerable support among various Kurdish factions for implementing the scenario of establishing an independent Kurdish state. The successful execution of such a scenario could have triggered another wave of violence and instability based on ethnic differences in the West Asian region. The collapse of the bipolar world order led to two waves of regional instability globally. The first wave, occurring in the early 1990s, cast its shadow over the geographical areas south and west of the former Soviet Union, such as Central Asia, the Caucasus, the Balkans, and Eastern Europe. Gradually, these areas came under control and achieved relative stability. The second wave destabilized the Middle East, especially in the early 21st century, and continues to persist with increasing intensity. This instability stems from the confrontation between two major actors: on one side, an extra-regional actor, specifically the United States, aiming to control the affairs of this geographical space, and on the other side, regional actors comprising a collection of some states, nations, and organized groups that are not necessarily aligned or unified. This phenomenon partially reflects what Huntington referred to as the "clash of Western and Islamic civilizations." The outcome of this confrontation is the proliferation of crises in the Middle East and the transformation of its geopolitical processes. Specific examples of these crises include the Palestine-Israel-Lebanon conflict, the Kurdish issue, the Iraq crisis, the Afghanistan conflict, the security crisis in Pakistan, the Iran-U.S. confrontation, the legitimacy issues of governments, the spread of fundamentalist ideologies, the development of Arab-Turkish-Iranian rifts—or what can be described as the triangular rift—the crisis of insecurity and terrorism, among others. These crises have the potential to fuel further instability, insecurity, and transformation. This study aims to conduct a comparative analysis of Iran and Turkey’s foreign policy concerning the Kurdistan Region’s independence referendum, offering a distinct perspective on the Kurdish issue in Iraq. Given the Kurdistan Region's geo-strategic and geo-political significance, any changes in the Kurdistan Region could have significant impacts on Iraq, Iran, Turkey, and the Middle Eastern policies of extra-regional powers.

 Introduction : 

In recent years, with the advent of the Fourth Industrial Revolution and the simplification of cyber systems, artificial intelligence is considered a vital and valuable element and mastering it is considered as a component of power. The importance of this issue is better understood when the strategic competitions of international actors - generally the great powers - direct their activities towards research and development in the field of artificial intelligence and are turning it into one of the most important Strategic advantages are in the international environment. Assuming the future of geopolitical-geostrategic competition with a focus on artificial intelligence and its applications, this article seeks to answer the question of how the "geopolitical network of the international system" is transformed by the dual nature of artificial intelligence. Has been? Findings show that artificial intelligence and algorithmic system with the reproduction of new geopolitical components and the use of its military, security, political, geo-economics and geocultural functions, have a significant impact on the promotion, evolution and power of international actors.

The present article is a variable research of the foundation and examines its hypothesis using a conceptual framework. The research seeks to analyze the meta-technological impact of artificial intelligence on geopolitics and analyze the future of strategic competition of global actors in the form of the impact of these two elements through the use of the conceptual framework of "data governance". The authors argue that using the conceptual framework of data governance (algorithms) it can be seen that classical geopolitical theoretical studies need theoretical transformation, because the variable of artificial intelligence has made fundamental changes in studies in this field, regardless of which Geopolitical research-foundation will be incomplete. Therefore, artificial intelligence is presented as an independent variable and geopolitics as a dependent variable. Based on this, the article tries to use the analytical-descriptive research method in order to explain its subject and the data collection method is based on library resources and in the form of documents.

This article deals with the relationship between artificial intelligence and the global geopolitical arena, focusing on the three components of power, sovereignty and security. The main claim of this article is that the development of artificial intelligence and its applications has led to a change in the aspects, dimensions and methods of exercising power and the mere centralization of the state and therefore its reorganization at the geopolitical level. In other words, geopolitics has undergone such a simple and extensive transformation that classical narratives alone can no longer be a solid and comprehensive narrator of geopolitical issues. Therefore, it is immaturity to continue to call the context in which artificial intelligence has undergone profound changes "geopolitical." The authors of this article believe that the essence of the concept of "geopolitics" has expired and is obsolete to explore and explore the metaphysical effects of artificial intelligence on the geopolitical field, and henceforth we need a new, innovative and up-to-date concept. A concept that defines new contexts, procedures, processes, and processes, while at the same time not abandoning classical and paleontological considerations. This is an appropriate term for "post-geopolitical" writers. Post-geopolitics is an appropriate term because, while paying attention to the function and characteristics of stable and classical textures, it also narrates the fluid, variable and inhuman state of the art that artificial intelligence has created. It points out that the "age-old" issues of the geospatial environment are no longer the hegemony of world life, and it is striking to note that extra-technological trends such as artificial intelligence have also emerged that challenge nation-state relations in general. It confronts them with a fundamental transformation.In the geopolitical significance of artificial intelligence, this account of Russian President Vladimir Putin can be considered a flip. "Artificial intelligence is the future, not just for Russia but for all of humanity... Whoever leads the way, will rule the world "A wealth of evidence shows that the rapid development of artificial intelligence has made it a powerful tool and goal in terms of political, economic, military, strategic and .... AI, which has been exponentially embedded in the digital revolution, is one of the most important determinants of the new international order in the years and decades to come. This super-technology confronts certain geopolitical axioms through fundamental changes through the creation of new visual-territorial relations, the dimensions of space-time, and the materialist matter. In the following, we will explain the new geopolitical reality in accordance with the sets of technological innovations, so that new knowledge and knowledge will be added to the geopolitical theoretical literature and the foundation will be considered in future researches in the field of geography. Researchers in this field.What is at stake in this article is that "geopolitics will no longer be purely territorial." One of the issues that reveals the geopolitical consequences of artificial intelligence is the future of fierce power struggles centered on "dataism" over security threats. In January 2015, a group of prominent thinkers, including Stephen Hawking and Ilan Musk, wrote an open letter calling for responsible monitoring and research on artificial intelligence from a "social benefit" perspective. Their particular concern, which is the geopolitical dimension of security, was the threat posed by lethal lethal weapons, or LAWS. These types of weapons are different from the remote-controlled drones currently used in warfare. The decision to drone is made by humans, but LAWS can select and target without the need for humans. According to computer science professor Stuart Russell, these weapons could include armed quadcopters capable of searching and targeting enemies in the city. What is often referred to as the Third Revolution in War, after gunpowder and nuclear weapons, will be the first generation of LAWS (which the Economist Intelligence Unit believes will be completed in the near future). It is legal, moral and political and not technological.

The belief that geopolitics will no longer be based solely on classical approaches, and that meta-technologies such as artificial intelligence have brought about profound transformations in the field, as a whole, by thinkers of the so-called "Post-geopolitics" has been confirmed. In this study, we explored the fact that big data microphysics provides the acquisition of self-learning machines, understanding of complex situations, thinking, reasoning and providing answers and the acquisition of science and knowledge without the help and intervention of humans., How it has affected geopolitical knowledge and made it one of the most important, serious and newest topics in the field of geopolitics. Accordingly, in this study, we attempted to show the theoretical nature of the impact of artificial intelligence, which has a dual and genius function on the geopolitical space, as a context in which algorithmic competitions of global actors such as domestic, regional and international They behave within it and present the interactions between the actors as well as the position of the balance of power in this field and how it is geostrategically regulated. In this regard, it is clear that artificial intelligence is now a tool of power and with the development of its applications, especially in the military field, it will increasingly affect the geopolitical arena. However, the monopolistic focus on the hard power of artificial intelligence and big data microphysics would be a strategic mistake, because the indirect effects of the cultural, commercial, and political power of artificial intelligence on global actors should not be overlooked. This soft power, which is especially beneficial to the algorithmic and big data empires of the US-China Foundation, poses great problems for the independence and sovereignty of different countries.

In the globalized world, the development and gain of power and wealth is always the main concern of governments that are formed based on people's votes. In the literature, when it comes to the relationship between national development and foreign policy, the role of foreign policy in realizing the development goals of a country is often examined from the perspective of developed countries; However, the context of countries does not allow the use of a single approach, especially from the perspective of developing countries. Therefore, this research seeks to examine the theoretical basis of the alignment of foreign policy and national development from the perspective of development administration and provide a framework for decision-making at the policy-making level.

This research is of a qualitative type, with a method of meta-sythesis. The sources of information used in the research are articles published in internal databases including; the comprehensive database of Iranian human sciences, Magsiran and Noormags, and international data base of EBSCO

Iran's national development requires a holistic  approach and not just an economic one, and accordingly, special policies and strategies in foreign policy. This framework can be a basis for policymakers' planning in order to create comprehensive development plan from the perspective of development administration theories and its link with foreign policy in the country.Introduction In the globalized world, the national development and increase of national power and wealth has always been the main concern of governments that are established based on public votes. Reviewing the literature, the relationship between national development and foreign policy has been mainly studied from developed countries’ perspective mainly focusing on the role of foreign policy in supporting the development in developing countries;  however, it is crystal clear that the unique domestic features of each country’s environment does let the whole world taking the same approach in the process of modernization and realizing national development, particularly when it comes to developing countries. Therefore, this research seeks to examine the theoretical origin and background of the alignment between foreign policy and national development based on not only theories of foreign policy but also theories coming from development administration from developingMaterials and Methods The method of the research is meta-synthesis which brings together qualitative data to create a new interpretation and analysis of the theoretical background of the research fields. The main sources of information used in the research are articles published in two domestic databases including the comprehensive Database of Iranian countries’ perspective and subsequently provide a framework for decision-making and decision-taking at the policy-making level using meta- synthesis approach. Sciences, Magiran and noormags and international databases of EBSCO. After collecting the published articles from main sources, based on research protocols defined by the researchers, the related studies were selected for being reviewed.Discussion and results After reviewing the results of the selected studies, the relevant theories appropriate to the situation of developing countries were categorized and combined. These theories include world syntropic system, critical globalism and the Copenhagen school. Directly influenced by syntropic theory, the interconnection between foreign policy (politics) and national development (policy-making) can be directed toward development administration and development-oriented foreign policy in different layers of diplomacy, economics, society, security and peace keeping, governance, state-market as well as environment management while mutually affecting each other.Conclusion Iran's national development requires an inclusive approach and not just focusing on economic development and subsequently, it requires defining special policies and strategies in the field of foreign policy, which then can be positively or negatively affect the development. In the present study, this time, the relationship between development and foreign policy has been examined from the lens of development administration under public administration and how it interacts with the global environment in the context of foreign policy was examined. One of the innovations of this study is creating a coherent theoretical background for the nexus of development administration and political science in the field of foreign policy. The obtained framework takes a more comprehensive perspective toward development in different dimensions and not only economic and growth. In addition to creating a theoretical basis in the link between the two fields of development and foreign policy, another feature of the above framework is that it has examined the link between these two fields from the perspective of developing and South countries; An issue that has not been addressed to this date, because whenever there is talk of development and foreign policy in the literature, it has been referred to the use of foreign policy tools for development assistance to developing countries from the perspective of developed countries. The proposed framework can be a basis for evaluating the performance of country in convergence of the two fields of development administration and foreign policy toward realization of national development goals and a basis for policymakers' planning in order to realize the inclusive development based on the theories of development administration and its interconnection with foreign policy.

Environmental developments, such as increasing air temperature, drought, dust, pandemics, loss of underground water tables, etc., have definite consequences in the social, political, and security fields, and require the cooperation of governments, institutions, and groups at the regional level and International. This article aims to identify future environmental trends at the level of the international system; Draw possible environmental futures at the international level until 2030 and show the future scenarios of the Islamic Republic of Iran in this field. The research question is, what are the possible environmental futures at the level of the international system until 2030? The research results show that the rapid growth of green technologies, changing population patterns, the continuation of pandemics, the continuation of climate changes, and increased competition of governments due to limited resources will be the possible futures of the international system in the environmental field until 2030. The results of the research also show that the Islamic Republic of Iran will face serious challenges in the face of global environmental crises, and political and economic limitations will also be woven into these challenges. While most countries will turn to green technology in the face of these challenges, Iran's restrictions on the use of green technology will be an important driver until 2030.  The research method is future research with the technique of extrapolation of future-making trends using the "cross-impact trends" matrix.The results of this research are:1)  The inevitable future of governments and societies until 2030 to deal with environmental threats will be investing and benefiting from green technologies (conditional favorable scenario)Until 2030, governments will have no escape from moving towards green technologies to deal with climate change. Due to the consensus that exists in the world about moving towards this type of technology, this scenario is also for the Islamic Republic of Iran, both in the domestic arena and to deal with environmental challenges such as drought, air and sea pollution, and in the regional arena to deal with It will be useful and effective with challenges such as micro dust and in the global arena to deal with global challenges such as rising air temperature and the spread of panda The only challenge will be to create harmony between national, regional and international interests.2) Changing demographic patterns (aging, migration) will continue until 2030. (conditionally tolerable scenario) Changing demographic patterns at the global level (aging and immigration) in terms of the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the recommendations of the theory of neoliberal institutionalism do not pose much danger to the Islamic Republic of Iran and is considered a more tolerable scenario for Iran because, firstly, the rate of aging of the country's population in comparison It is less accelerated than other countries and Iran's population will still be young until 2030 and this trend can be changed by planning 3)Changing population patterns (urbanization growth) will continue until 2030. (unfavorable scenario)The growth of urbanization in the world will continue until 2030, and the current trends show that this unfavorable global scenario also exists in Iran, so that the rate of urbanization in Iran has intensified. If the limited resources are not managed, this will be an unfavorable scenario for the Islamic Republic of Iran. Iran is in the semi-arid region of the Middle East. In the current situation, the country is facing a crisis in water resources. The result of the growth of the urban population is the increase in water and food consumption of the country, and in the situation of shortage of these resources, the country may face security crises4)  Until 2030, pandemics will continue as a global threat. (Undesirable scenario) The spread of pandemics like Corona is considered an unfavorable scenario for the Islamic Republic of Iran, because in terms of the country's national interests, pandemics are a threat that, firstly, may endanger the lives of thousands of people, secondly, take a lot of resources, and thirdly, if production units are closed, services, etc. have extensive political and security consequences for the country. Theoretically, the country will need drugs and vaccines to deal with these pandemics, and since most of the big pharmaceutical companies are in Europe and America, it will be very difficult to cooperate under sanctions 5)  Until 2030, climate changes (increasing temperature, drought, etc.) will be strengthened. (adverse scenario)According to all estimates, climate changes such as temperature rise and drought will intensify by 2030, and this is an unfavorable scenario for Iran. According to the UN forecast, Iran will also face a chronic water shortage from 2025. The last water year in Iran was the driest in the past 52 years, and the effects of this drought clearly show themselves in the flow of water, and storage of dams, lakes, and wetlands of the country.6)  By 2030, resource limitations will intensify the competition of governments in the environmental field (unfavorable scenario) Since the Islamic Republic of Iran is in a hot and semi-arid region, continuing environmental trends such as increasing air temperature, drought, and lack of water resources is an unfavorable scenario for Iran. Among the 17 countries that have the first rank in the world regarding water crisis, 12 countries are in the Middle East and North Africa. The water crisis in Iran is an important threat to national security and therefore an important challenge for the country's foreign policy.

one of the points of contention in Iraq and the region has been the issue of the independence of Iraqi Kurdistan. What has made this issue international in scope is the connection of this region with Kurds in Iran, Turkey, Syria, etc. This linkage has led to convergent behavior in the foreign policies of these countries, particularly Iran and Turkey, concerning Iraqi Kurdistan. Therefore, the research question arises: What impacts did theKurdistan independence referendum have on the foreign policy of Iran and Turkey, and what has been the unified and common approach of Iran and Turkey's foreign policy regarding the independence-oriented orientation of Iraqi Kurdistan? This article, using a library-based method and based on a descriptive-analytical approach, posits the hypothesis that the challenge of the Kurdistan referendum and their independence aspirations have become so serious for both countries that it has led to the formation of an alliance regarding this issue, and both countries have always sought to prevent the independence of this region. Hence, the approach taken by these two countries concerning Iraqi Kurdistan can be explained within the framework of the Balance of Threat theory. The research findings indicate that in recent years, the main strategy of Iran and Turkey, despite numerous differences regarding recent Middle East crises, includes several components. One of the most important components is the emphasis and effort topreserve the territorial integrity of Iraq and opposition to its fragmentation. To achieve this goal, the two countries have formed an alliance to secure their national interests. This is because Iran and Turkey have significant Kurdish populations, and the creation of a Kurdish state in Iraq would establish a successful model in the region and influence the Kurds in both countries.

In recent decades, "Iranology" has been proposed as an independent science in academic circles in Iran and around the world. Moreover, after the Islamic revolution, an institution with this title was established in 1997 to advance the goals related to Iranology. All the while, the synergy of "Iranology" with other sciences is one of the most important concerns regarding this field of study. In the meantime, "Foreign policy", as a branch of the relatively nascent science of International relations, is considered an important aspects of the science of "Politics", whose synergy with Iranology can lead to fruitful results. Based on this, the main question will be raised, how Iranology (as knowledge or the foundation of Iranology) and Foreign policy can mutually improve the levels of official diplomacy and public diplomacy of the country. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical, and to collect data and information, library and internet sources have been used. Based on the findings of this research, Iranian studies and Foreign policy can improve the levels of official diplomacy and public diplomacy of the country through three concepts, which are: The concept of "Iranology in Foreign policy", with its efforts to solve cognitive difficulties; The concept of "Iranology for Foreign policy" through actions that include facilitating, deepening, and developing various types of diplomacy; and the concept of "Foreign policy for Iranology" through measures such as introducing and supporting the "Iranology Foundation" in the international arena.

The Genealogy and construction of Iran's foreign policy after the revolution towards the United States has been based on the traumatic memories of Iranians from this country, especially the 1953 Iranian coup d'état. The connection of these memories with the lack of pursuit of transitional justice and appropriate politics of memory by the United States and creation of new negative memories, has led to the continuation of post-traumatic situation in Iran-US relations. On the other hand, the will of the revolutionary and Islamic government of Iran has been focused on the fight against global arrogance, led by the United States. In this regard, memory conflict became one of the important dimensions of Iran's approach to the United States. Also, after the revolution, Iranians sought to change its role from being a mere victim and by attacking the most painful memory site, the US Embassy, on November 4, 1979. Politics of memory is the mobilization of collective memories in order to legitimize the existing order and advance political-ideological projects in the internal and external environment through mnemonic socialization, the question of this research is what is the memorial approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the United States about the Nov 4, 1979? The answer is that Iran's memorial approach in this regard is the politics of remembrance of the Nov 4, 1979 memory through memorial practices with the narration of hatred and victory at the same time and its continuous reproduction in order to legitimize and motivate foreign policy.

Regional integration is considered one of the most important international phenomena in the world, which has always had special theoretical literature in international relations and regional studies. Theories such as federalism, functionalism, neo-functionalism, communication theory, etc. are among the most important theories that specifically seek to explain how regional integration occurs in a specific region. "Practice turn" or "practice theory" is considered one of the latest theoretical achievements in international relations, which many researchers have tried to apply in regional integration studies. According to the main principles of this theoretical approach, international phenomena are analyzed in terms of international "actions". The specific and pluralistic ontology, epistemology, and methodology of this theoretical approach have made many researchers of European studies use it to analyze and investigate the integration in Europe. For this purpose, in the present article, we intend to describe this theoretical approach and apply it to European integration studies and its development. Therefore, the main question of this article is, how has practice theory influenced the development of integration studies in Europe? The findings of this paper show that studies based on practice theory have challenged the more traditional understanding and previous theoretical literature on the dynamics of European integration. In fact, practice theory has forced the new generation of European studies researchers to reconsider the main assumptions of the European Union and go beyond the ontology and methods related to the existing theories in international relations.

Undoubtedly, Iran's nuclear issue has been one of the most important issues in the history of foreign policy, and its importance in the last decade has caused Iran's domestic and foreign policy to be affected by it. The beginning of the nuclear crisis, from the Saad Abad statement to the JCPOA, left several strategies for Iran's elites, and this era should be evaluated in a context related to regional environments. Based on this, this article, with descriptive-analytical method based on library studies and mass media follow-up, tries to examine and analyze the model of nuclear crisis management in the government of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the regional policies of the Islamic Republic in Southwest Asia. The results of the present research show that the government of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's adoption of a confrontational policy in the nuclear issue was more a result of the personal beliefs and ideals of the ruling movement than it was subject to the currents and patterns of behavior governing the world system and the geopolitical realities of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The management of the nuclear crisis, the regional policies of the Islamic Republic also faced fundamental challenges.

Some governments and organizations are preparing to exploit artificial intelligence (AI) in order to destabilize the world and benefit from numerous cyber-attacks. The rapid advancement of AI enables cybercriminals to amplify their destructive impact worldwide, as AI has the potential to reshape and disrupt global conditions in the coming years. The primary objective of this research was to establish a comprehensive framework for critically evaluating the role of AI in facilitating unethical practices within the realm of security, both in theory and in practice. To lay the groundwork for the practical implementation of national security measures based on grounded theory requires adopting a problem-oriented perspective on terrorism, warfare, and conflict. A strategic instance of this approach is the concept of algorithmic national security which has the potential for creating and developing a new security order. This article aimed to contribute to the existing body of scientific literature, as there is currently a dearth of research in this field, thereby paving the way for future investigations. The primary objective of this research was to establish a comprehensive framework for critically evaluating the role of AI in facilitating unethical practices within the realm of security, both in theory and in practice. The present research aimed to develop a comprehensive framework for the critical evaluation of the role of AI in the unethical utilization of its functions in security matters, both in theory and in practice. In this line, the main question is: How can national security topics be problematized in light of AI hegemony and within the framework of terrorism, war, conflict, and defense?

Adopting a descriptive–analytical approach, the present research relied on library research and documentary method to collect the data from various printed and electronic sources, including websites and magazines. Note-taking was used as a tool in data collection stage. In this study, AI and national security were considered as the independent and dependent variables, respectively.

The debate surrounding the use of AI and its autonomy on future battlefields has predominantly centered on the ethical implications of granting complete authority to independent and autonomous weapons, often referred to as killer robots, capable of making life or death decisions. Is it truly feasible for these systems to operate without any human intervention, or does their deployment potentially violate the principles of warfare and international humanitarian laws? Avoiding such a predicament necessitates that those involved in warfare differentiate between combatants and civilians on the battlefield, prioritizing the preservation of civilian lives and minimizing harm to them to the greatest extent possible.Proponents of this emerging technology argue that machines will eventually possess enough intelligence to distinguish themselves from humans. Conversely, opponents maintain that machines will never possess the capability to make such a fundamental distinction. They argue that machines lack the capacity to make split-second decisions in the heat of war or exhibit timely empathy. In response to these concerns, several human rights and humanitarian organizations have launched the Campaign to Stop Killer Robots, aiming to establish an international ban on the development and deployment of fully automated and autonomous weapon systems. In the meantime, a highly contentious debate is unfolding within the military sphere regarding the use of AI in the command and control systems governing how senior officers convey essential orders to their subordinate soldiers. Throughout history, generals and admirals have consistently sought to enhance the reliability of command and control systems to ensure the fullest realization of their strategic objectives.Nowadays, these systems are heavily relied upon to ensure the security of radio and satellite communication systems that connect headquarters to the front lines. However, strategists are concerned that in a future hyper-warfare environment, these systems could be vulnerable to disruptions caused by jamming, which would make the speed of military operations exceed commanders’ limited ability to receive battlefield reports, process data, and issue timely orders. It is important to go beyond these concerns and consider the practical definition of the uncertain fog of war, which is further complicated by the multiplication effect of AI and the potential for failure. Many military officers see a solution to this dilemma in relinquishing the control of machines to these systems. As stated in a report by the Congressional Research Service, AI algorithms can offer more reliable tools for real-time analysis of the battlefield and enable faster decision-making, thus being able to stay updated.

We are currently witnessing a turning point in technology. The pace of advancements in AI is surpassing even the expert predictions. These breakthroughs offer significant advantages to humanity, enabling AI systems to tackle complex issues in medicine, the environment, and other fields. However, along with progress, there are also accompanying risks. The implications of AI for national security are becoming increasingly profound with each passing year. In this article, the aim was to assess the extent of these consequences in the years ahead. The findings indicate that AI is likely to highlight several, if not all, of the most challenging aspects of transformative military technologies. It thus becomes increasingly crucial to address its implications in examining how policymakers in the realm of national security respond to this technology.Unfortunately, AI carries the potential for risks comparable to those posed by previous technologies, and in some cases, its impact could be even more devastating, owing to the rapid pace of technological advancement and the intricate relationship between government and industry in the present era. While we appreciate the increasing number of high-quality AI reports published in recent years, we acknowledge that a certain degree of conservatism has somewhat impeded comprehensive analysis. In this article, the objective was to provide an honest description of the AI revolution as truly revolutionary rather than merely different. To address this challenge effectively, governments must approach the issue with ambition, emphasizing both research and development while considering its ramifications.The advancement of AI technology in the military, information technology, cybersecurity, and economic sectors over the next decade will lead to profound transformations worldwide. These changes are occurring at a faster pace than anticipated, and undoubtedly, they will present their own set of challenges, with implications extending to various aspects, including national security. AI introduces a level of complexity in the interactions between states, industries, and individuals, necessitating the deployment of skilled experts to respond quickly and effectively to the evolving landscape shaped by this phenomenon.

This paper explores the potential impact of artificial intelligence (AI) on international relations, with a particular focus on international politics theories. Assuming a future in which international relations studies center on AI and its applications, this paper employs an analytical-descriptive approach to address the question: How does the Computer-Related Self-Concept bring about fundamental changes in international relations theory? The results indicate that computing and algorithmic systems, through the reproduction of innovative indicators in international relations theories and the application of AI’s military, security, political, economic, and legal functions, significantly influence the evolution of international relations.

In recent years, the Globalization approach has become a powerful theory in International Relations discussions and has keep out the National States theories but spreading of coronavirus pandemic in recent month and involving all countries and international organizations around the world, challenged globalization and its beliefs. The main issue and questions about this event is how it will influenced National State theory and how we can reach a clear result about globalization challenges. The most of articles have published in recent days, discus about empowering the national state theory by this pandemic. COVID-19 recalls the vital role of States for watching and looking after their citizen’s needs; especially in security and daily needs and also, failure of international organizations in this case. In this pandemic, national states performance was better than International Organizations like European Union (EU) or World Health Organization (WHO). This effective performance on struggle with the pandemic, revivals national state importance in international relations theories and will change some parts of international economic and political structure. It seems Realistic theories in international relations will be more validated and globalists have to answer lots of questions about this failure in protecting people all around the world against the coronavirus pandemic.

One of the most challenging topics of Iran's foreign policy during the years after the Islamic revolution, especially during the last decade, has been the issue of big data. During these years, few theoreticians and theoreticians have tried to process this challenge, but part of this important has been realized in this article. These conditions lead to raising the question of how artificial intelligence in the theoretical framework of the continuum of power - in this article specifically the three components of physical deterrence, club/fear and deterrence strategy - affects the decision-making of Iran's political leaders and their success in forming a strategy. Has the international influence? The hypothesis of the current research is based on the argument that according to Christopher Hill's power continuum theory, among the nine variables in this continuum, three components of physical deterrence, club/fear and deterrent strategy tending to hard power have played a role. The findings of the research mention the three mentioned components as the most important factors in achieving the implementation of hard power in the era of artificial intelligence in Iran's foreign policy. However, it does not ignore the influence of the other 9 variables of the mentioned continuum. In the current research, a descriptive qualitative method and electronic and written sources have been used.

The international system is one of the widely used concepts of international relations,which has evolved under the influence of the assumptions of different theories of international relations.The different tendencies of the paradigm of realism,each based on their meta-theoretical and theoretical foundations,reflect a different approach towards the international system.Accordingly,the current research seeks to answer the question of which of the three generations of realism paradigm has a more comprehensive and accurate explanation about the international system? The present research is based on the hypothesis that the theory of neoclassical realism, as the third generation of the paradigm of realism,has a more comprehensive and accurate explanatory power compared to the first and second generations. Using the descriptive-analytical method,this research compares the nature and components of the international system in the form of four fundamental concepts of the realism paradigm, including anarchy,government, power and balance of power,from the perspective of three generations of the realism paradigm,including classical realism,structural realism,and neoclassical realism.According to the obtained results,neoclassical realists by redefining the role and position of anarchy ruling the international system and dissecting the state as the main actor of the international system, as well as building the concept and function of power and negating the naturalistic approach of classical realists and modifying the structuralist approach of neorealism regarding the balance of power category,show that neoclassical realism While maintaining the fundamental principles of the realism paradigm,realism has a higher explanatory power than the previous two generations.

According to the teachings of political science and international relations, governments are the only actors who simultaneously dominate the four elements of population, territory, government and sovereignty. In order to pursue their goals outside the national borders, these actors apply management which is called foreign policy, and one of the important components of this field is the decisions that are made with the aim of improving the position, strengthening the power and gaining benefits. Decision-making in foreign policy is influenced by human, material, normative factors and numerous patterns, and the Islamic Republic of Iran as a government actor is not exempt from this rule. But in addition to general patterns; special territorial, cultural, historical, demographic characteristics, etc.; It can distinguish the foreign policy and decision-making methods of the actors from each other and establish a special approach for each of them. The current research, using the Islamic theory of foreign policy, seeks to explain the causal relationships between the variables that have led to the formation of the "expediency-oriented" approach in the decision-making of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. therefore; The article seeks to analyze the dimensions of this question, "What is the nature of expediency approach and the rules governing its implementation in foreign policy decision-making?".In search of answers; This hypothesis has occurred that expediency in the field of foreign policy decision-making is aimed at the three-faceted concept of "maintaining the system" and follows its realization through the means of eliminating conflicts and resolving conflicts between various goals in order to avoid harm and maximize benefits for the general society in the field of foreign policy.

The environment is the common heritage of humanity and the protection of its rights is a national and international necessity. But in recent years, this common heritage has been seriously jeopardized. In fact, with the advancement of human civilization and the development of technology and increasing population, the world is now facing a problem called crisis and environmental degradation that threatens the lives of the inhabitants of the planet. The environmental movements that have emerged in Europe have been able to influence the level of EU policy at the internal, regional and trans-regional levels due to the goals they have pursued since their inception. Environmental movements in European societies have sought to influence policies that have adverse effects on the human environment. Accordingly, the present study seeks to answer the question of what effect has environmental institutionalism had on the security and environmental issues in Europe? And how have environmental and social movements influenced the EU decision-making process? Answering these two questions requires an extensive study of environmental movements from different angles. As a result, this study focuses on how environmental movements in European communities affect EU environmental policy. The method used in this research will be descriptive-analytical.