دکتر سید هاشم آقاجری

The research problem of the present study is to examine the ideology of the People's Party of Iran and investigate its programs in political, social, and economic arenas. Through an analytical and descriptive approach to historical sources and data, responses to the aforementioned problem were provided. Based on the research results, the party, according to its periodical analysis, assessed Iranian society on the brink of a social transformation and promoted a program grounded in an ideology aimed at realizing this transformation. The ideology in question was socialism based on theism, emphasizing a religious identity in its monotheistic form while also considering moral and humanistic socialism. Additionally, in the political arena, the party sought to overthrow the monarchical system and establish a democratic system. In social and economic arenas, it pursued socialist transformation focusing on fundamental rights and freedoms of the people, eradicating poverty and unemployment, providing jobs and bread, and ensuring conditions for education and healthcare for all. The party also aimed to adopt a national economic policy and pursue programs for economic growth and development, strengthening domestic production, and equitable wealth distribution, administrative reorganization, and more. The strategy for transition in this program was based on the premise that due to the incompetence of the old system in responding to the people's demands and the inability of social classes to seize power through classical means, a political and revolutionary group must strip the ruling class of political and governmental power through widespread and extensive struggle, replace them, and realize transformation and change in all social aspects.

The main issue of the present article is to study the left discourse of Marxist in Behazin's stories from his first collection of short stories Scattered (1944) to the revolution of 1979, which ends with the play Kaveh (1977). The authors intend to show how Behazin, as a writer who joined the Tudeh party whereas is against the government's accepted discourse, takes a stand against the government's discourse by writing real or symbolic stories and tries to reflect his own accepted discourse. In addition, this historical review will show the author's transition from the beginning of his membership in the party to their defeat in the mirror of his works. Laclau and mouffe’s discourse analysis method is used to analyze the discourse of mentioned stories, with an emphasis on the central and floating signifiers in each story. This research concluded that Behazin, as a writer committed to party and generally leftist ideals, from the beginning of his fiction writing, when he had just become a member of the Tudeh Party until 1979, tries to reflect the left discourse and hegemony against the discourse of western imperialism. Her belief in committed art has prevented her from fully following the principles of fiction writing, and most of her stories in this context have been written in the service of reflecting Leftist ideology.

The migration of Iranian labor to the Caucasus began in 1850/1266 AH, so that every year several thousand people left the country and worked in factories, oil industries, farms and docks in the worst conditions. One of the most important issues that these immigrants faced as soon as they arrived in the Caucasus was the issue of how to live and its conditions. Therefore, the main goal of the current research is to investigate the housing situation of Iranian workers in the Caucasus. The following article, with the approach of history from below and with the inspiration of "Edward Palmer Thompson" (1924-1993 AD), tries to answer the question of what kind of settlements were chosen by Iranian migrant workers in the Caucasus, and this was influenced by What were the components? The results of the studies show that the workers in the Caucasus had three types of housing, i.e. housing at the workplace, rented housing and dormitory buildings. Considering the low wages of Iranian workers (between 12 and 21 rubles per month), most of them did not have the financial ability to live in dormitory buildings. For this reason, some farm and garden workers lived in their workplaces, and some A significant number of workers in the oil industry and factories rented cottages, basements and crypts on the outskirts of the cities and lived in them collectively

Ali Akbar Dehkhoda presented two different views - radical and moderate- in relation to the issue of land ownership in different issues of Sur-e Israfil newspaper. The main issue of the present study is to explain the dual reading of Dehkhoda from the category of land ownership. Dehkhoda in his early writings took a radical and socialist look Provides coverage of human and Islamic rights in relation to land ownership and speaks of the unconditional transfer of land to the subjects and considers its coercive realization through the reform project or, if necessary, through the possibility of a peasant revolution. However, in the following posts, take a modified look and, by accepting the property rights of the owners, He offered to transfer the property to the subjects in exchange for paying their price through the bank. The present study, based on Skinner's intentional hermeneutics, reveals the findings and points in response to the above problem. Characteristics of the dominant linguistic-discourse and intellectual-social space, including: Intensification of political tensions and alignment of proponents and opponents of the constitution, Discourse disputes between legitimacy and constitutionalism, Discourse disputes between legitimacy and constitutionalism, Attack on the office of the newspaper Sur-e Israfil and a delay of more than a month in its publication, Along with the approval of the Impressions Law and the establishment of a peace committee(In the presence of Jahangir Khan, the director of Sur-e Israfil) and request to stay away from extremism, Caused Dehkhoda to respond in this way.

The industrial revolution, by changing the way of production, left a tremendous impact on the traditional industries of nations. Affected by industrial developments, Iran's textile industry faced a challenge with machine production; These developments gradually changed the taste of Qajar Iranian society, especially the court, nobility and other classes of the society to use machine textiles. In this period, variables such as diversity in design, pattern and color, price reduction compared to handmade products, changing tastes of different classes of society and the development of trade due to the political and economic power of Europe, led to the spread and expansion of the use of machine-made textiles and the reduction of the consumption of domestic products. and as a result stagnation in many domestic textile branches. In this article, with the historical and analytical method and the use of library resources and by adopting the theoretical framework of dependence, the question is answered that what factors have been effective in creating the domestic textile challenge? And what has been the result of domestic textile stagnation? Relying on the dependency theory, the industrial components affected by the political and economic power of Europe, the traditional view governing relations and the inability to change the production method and the dependency of the Qajar government in creating challenges in textile and as a result the gradual decline of many textile branches and the unemployment of artisans. had. These findings indicate that getting rid of this situation depends on changing the production method, breaking dependence on the structure of the capitalist system, and paying attention to the introverted development model.

The establishment of a national military force was one of the first plans of the nation's representatives in the first constitutional parliment. The short life of the parliament and Mohammad Ali Shah's coup became one of the main obstacles in realizing this goal. With the efforts of representatives and libertarians in the second parliament, the governmental gendarmerie force was established. A force that played a dynamic and active role in the country's developments from the time of its formation until its integration into the unified army. This essay tries to research the influence of the gendarmerie forces in the two events of the First World War and the coup on third of Esfsnd 1299 (february 22nd 1920) by analyzing the bases. The essay examines the issue through a historical method with a descriptive-analytical approach and the findings of the research show that the connection of a group of gendarmerie officers with the democrats and the independence of Iranian officers led to the union of the gendarmerie with the nationalists in opposition to the forces of Tsarist Russia and England; But the damage of the war and the deep financial and political crises that had led the country to the abyss of disintegration and subjugation, took the ideals and goals of the gendarmerie officers and the gendarmerie force reacted to this situation with passivity and the cooperation of a part of this force with the coup on third of Esfsnd 1299 (february 22nd 1920)accompanied.

Following the opening of the political and intellectual space in Iran in the 1320s, various political parties emerged with their different ideologies and programs. One of these parties was “the Association for the Freedom of the Iranian People” (Jamʿiyyat-e Azadi-ye Mardom-e Iran), which began its activities around the same time as the nationalization of the Iranian oil industry. This article aims to explain the ideology and the political, social and economic goals of “the Association for the Freedom of the Iranian People” based on a descriptive-analytical method using primary sources. The party, based on its own analysis, saw Iranian society on the verge of social transformation and promoted agendas based on a specific ideology to realize this transformation. The basis for this ideology was theistic socialism, i.e. a combination of socialism and Islamic religious identity, on the basis of which the party pursued its goals. Among the most important goals pursued by the party were the protection of Iran's independence and territorial integrity, the creation of a democratic national government, the nationalization of natural resources and their exploitation on the basis of a national socialist ideology, the development of mechanization, the cession of agricultural land to farmers, the extension of property rights, the nationalization of heavy industry, the provision of public health care and cultural products, thefight against materialistic and superstitious ideas, the support of Islamic principles to strengthen faith, intellectual and moral growth in society, the guarantee of women’s rights and the strengthening of the family structure.

The Industrial Revolution in Europe, which was accompanied by a change in human attitudes towards various material and cultural affairs, had a tremendous effect on increasing machine production in Europe and reducing or declining the production of other countries' industries. In the serious challenge between machine production and job-shop product in Iran, many branches of job-shop product in the Qajar era gradually evolved, as the carpet weaving industry was influenced by modernity and the intellectual and cultural atmosphere affected by the Industrial Revolution and became doubly important. The attitude of Western society and the general attention of the European classes, especially the growing middle class, to Iranian carpets had an impact on the design, color and even dimensions of Iranian carpets. During this period, variables such as the change in the attitude of the middle class of European society affected by industrial developments, the introduction of Iranian carpets in international exhibitions and the investment of multinational companies in the carpet industry, provided the basis for increasing domestic carpet production and exports. Art-industry became popular among the general classes of Europe and in the development of its international trade. The purpose of this article is to investigate the challenge of carpet job-shop product in the Qajar period with the developments affected by the Industrial Revolution and Iran's growing dependence on the global economy and to analyze the results of this challenge. The data collection of this article is in the form of libraries and documents and the data have been studied by descriptive-analytical method.

The application of theories, especially historical theories, is the basis of a serious and significant question in sociology, which, ironically, has not been addressed well in Iran. From a methodological point of view, this research has evaluated the possibility and necessity of applying the theory of The Civilizing Process in the context of Iranian society; and it supports the idea that Iranian researchers can study issues related to this theory in Iranian society in terms of the technical and methodological precautions mentioned in the text. Our main premise in this research is the need for a historical perspective in the field of cultural policy; And so, while this article can lead to a suitable idea for the methodological evaluation of the application of theories, at the same time it will remind us how theories can open the way for cultural evaluations and how these theories should be linked with the social history in question. In this regard, the question that this study was trying to answer was how to apply a historical theory like the Elias theory in the context of Iran?

Akbar Radi, a realistic playwright and one of the most influential figures in Iran's modern theater field, has represented the intellectual atmosphere of Iranian art in many of his works including “Hamlet with Season Salad” (1978) and “Night on the Wet Cobblestone” (1999). His play “Savior on a Wet Morning” (1979) is the only work in which the positions of the theater agents in the social atmosphere of the late 50s have been reflected in a representative way. The present study, in the light of Bourdieu's theory of action, considers the characters of the play as agents of the art and theater field including the playwright, director and publisher, literary critic, and magazine owner as well as their habitus and capital and studies interaction of this field with the field of power, in order to search beyond objective or subjective approaches and to reveal the relationship between the author's position in the theater field and his position in his work. The study of the represented theater field indicates that the tendency of the actors of the theater field in the above-mentioned decade, including producers and distributors towards fields such as politics and economy has caused the loss of autonomy of the field, and the actors who, according to their symbolic capital tried to maintain the autonomy of art and remain in the position of independent art, lost their biological and artistic life in a fragmented field. This study, with the method proposed by Bourdieu, in a documentary and autobiographical way, has followed the trajectory of the author and the main character of the play, considering the possibilities of the theater field in the late ‘50s, in order to identify the homology of the author and the main character as the ultimate goal of the study. The result of this article indicates that considering the possibilities of the studied era, the structural similarity of Radi's position in the play shows the positions of a number of independent theater artists at the end of that decade whose artistic lives were jeopardized by the slipping of the field towards the poles of politics and economy.

One of the issues faced by the Qajar government in the second half of the 13th/19th century was the mass migration of the people. The migration took place from 1266 AH/1850 AD and to a relatively larger extent, from 1286 AH/1870 AD, from different provinces of Iran to other lands, especially the Southern Caucasus. Consequently, several thousand people left their homeland every year to work. As soon as they arrived in these areas, the migrants were employed in the worst conditions in factories, oil industries, villages, farms, docks, etc. in the worst conditions. In this article, an attempt has been made to use a descriptive-analytical approach based on collecting data from archival sources and adopting the theoretical framework of attraction and repulsion models based on the opinions of thinkers such as Ravenstein, Thomas, and Everett S. Lee, to explain the causes of the Iranian labor force migrates to the Caucasus. This research proposes that the economic, political, and social factors as push and pull factors in the origin and destination created a sort of imbalance that caused the migration of Iranian labor to the Caucasus and this process continued over the years.

Urban management, with the aim of thinking and planning on how to improve the current situation of a city and its citizens, tries to represent a good perspective for the future development and progress. Traditional urban water management in the Qajar period, despite its gradual awareness of modern management models on an international scale, was inefficient in developing the water supply networks in Tehran and unable to equip the city's water structures with modern systems. There are fundamental ambiguities about the underdevelopment and the roots of this inefficiency. This article employs an analytical approach and an explanatory-interpretive method in order to pathology the roots of the underdevelopment of urban water management and water structures in Tehran in the Qajar period. The authors tried to answer this question that why the water supply network of Tehran during the Qajar period was not adjusted despite the growing awareness of the government officials about the modern urban water management in other countries. The results showed that the lack of clear laws and structural and administrative interference, as well as the preference of personal interests over public interests, parasitism and "crisis escape" policy when Tehran water problems occured, were serious and fundamental harms that hinder the efficiency of urban water management and development of sustainable water supply networks.

Between 909 and 1135 AH / 1501 and 1725 CE, the Armenians of the Caucasus, as a small minority of the monarchy of Iran, have been engaged in politics and trade in an era that its major feature was the globalization of economy based on a set of absolutist governments. The fact that how policy making at such a level and such a range had been possible for such a limited population and what kind of political issues shaped their concerns is an essential question. An analysis of this problem through Anthony Giddens's construction theory and its complementary historical sociology makes it clear that the increasing movement of the Armenians social system towards authoritative sources and the new species of resource allocation with high-throughput capability in time-space, actualized such a possibility and, Armenians’ political issues were the result of these sources and were oriented towards the preservation of the sources and focused on their preservatio

In order to determine the political and social orientation of the newly established constitutional system, Ali Akbar Dehkhoda has expressed a special reading influenced by the ideology of social democracy. Therefore, the main issue of the research is what was Dehkhoda's understanding of the idea of social democracy and how did he combine it with Islam and Iranian traditions? According to the findings of this study, in Dehkhoda's system of thought, democracy in the form of national government is based on a democratic and social vision. He emphasizes components such as the sovereignty and government of the people, independence, freedom and legal equality of individuals, and considers the realization of these matters as a necessary condition for the transition to the period of progress. In addition, socialism (in the form of a justice-oriented and egalitarian system) has been mentioned as the ultimate goal and horizon of this political system, which will be achieved gradually and through reform of the status quo. In addition, Dehkhoda, by establishing the issue of Khatamiyyah and a new understanding of religion in the form of a monotheistic worldview, has combined socialism with a monotheistic vision and made it the theoretical and philosophical basis of his reading. His reading seems to be based on a combination of these three aspects. Although the evidence shows, this integration has not been able to establish a natural and organic connection between these aspects and to establish a new discourse; but this effort can be considered as the starting point of the idea of ​​creating a national and religious social-democratic discourse

At the end of the Shah Tahmaseb‘s reign, Tabriz, the first capital city of the Safavids, witnessed the movement of the Guilds against the central government. The event triggered the movement was a small scale one, originally arising from a physical conflict between a butcher and a gunman, but swiftly transformed into a mass movement, spread throughout the city. This was a well-organized and multilayered movement in which the Guild constituted the body of the movement and the athletes, the top leadership. To mobilize the movement, they, both, organized their supporters and political advocates around the goals, determined for the movement. Although, the existing resources, from that period, concerning the movement, seems either to maintain the movement in a total obscurity or at least in poor attention and deliberation, some evidences, otherwise, verify, in a convincible manner, that the activists involved in the movement, reached a remarkable achievement by expelling the government authorities from Tabriz, and replacing them in controlling and running the city for the period of two years. Based on a descriptive-analytic approach, along with a theoretical framework constructed from the theoretical perspectives of thinkers such as Tilly, Zald, merged within the class-based approach of Erik Olin Wright, the present article, is an attempt to provide a typology of the movement, and also to proceed further to inquire on the reasons and mechanisms through which this movement came into existence. This research discusses that the Guilds movement instantiates a low class civil movement which should be explained first and foremost as a protest against the oppressive taxation policy, implemented by the current government accompanied by a long term deprivation of the majority of the population from the economical benefits of the Silk Road. The collective nature of this movement, according to the suggested theoretical framework, can be categorized as reactionary actions with a slight orientation toward competitive ones.

Throughout the 20th century, Syrian national identity had witnessed some crises. This paper investigated the concept of nation is used by Syrian modernists and intellectuals in 20th century. It does so by refer to their attempts to create and redefine a new national identity. In this way, we showed the differences between that modernist by typology their view, it also argued that these differences are based upon their different standpoint, social class, occupational background and career. For the purpose of the study we used The hermeneutic approach of Quentin Skinner. This article points up the need for more attention to rhetorical perspective for reach a high level knowledge of some concepts like nation, nationalism, as well as the importance of variety of standpoints of thinkers. It should be noted that concept of nation has a dynamic meaning in history so by ground-clearing and highlighting the context, we can understand it better.

The national question was a concept constructed by nineteenth-century Marxists in the face of the spread of the wave of nationalism, a concept they used as a tool to advance their goals, especially on the eve of the October Revolution. In Iran, it was with the establishment of the Communist Party in 1338 AH that the “national question” came up under the concept of “different nations of Iran.” The Tudeh Party, as the most important communist group during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah, developed the concept of “national question” in Iran. The main question of this research is what the approach of the Tudeh Party was towards the concept of “national question” in Iran and what the factors influencing this approach were. The hypothesis of this research is based on the proposition that this party’s approach to the concept of “national question” in Iran is derived from the teachings of Lenin and Stalin and a functionalist approach to advance its struggles and the leadership of Marxist groups is to expand the level of struggle, and Ideological ties with the Soviet Union have had the greatest impact on this approach. In this study, interpretive and explanatory-functionalist methodologies have been used to explain the problem. In data interpretation, the content analysis method has been used, and in explaining events, recognizing political structures, and causally explaining their function has been considered. This study concludes that the Tudeh Party’s approach to the “national question” in Iran was functionalist and in line with its goals, and the party did not pay more attention to it.

Following the improvement of social status and human rights of women in the context of paradigm shift and discourse of European culture in recent centuries and the transfer of its intellectual achievements to the Islamic world, the problem of women became one of the important sociological problems in the Islamic world. In the Islamic world, due to the complexity of issues and the hegemony of religious discourse, an essential part of women’s issues belongs to the field of religion. Nevertheless, with women becoming a problem and other native challenges for Muslim thinkers; Scholars have shifted to interdisciplinary and specialized studies in women affairs. As one of the neo-Muchr('39')tazilite thinkers, Hamed Abu Zayd deals with the problem of women by using sciences like sociology, linguistics and, adoption approaches such as humanism and methods like hermeneutics and a new look at the interpretation of the Quran. This research is searching for the components of Abu Zayd interpretation and his solution to the womenchr('39')s problem. He believes the contemporary challenges of Muslim women are not rooted in the Quran but are rooted in masculine traditions, the dominance of the patriarchal atmosphere. By stating "the problem of women is essentially a social problem" he separates it from religious affairs and intends to follow the Quranic view of women, pay attention to the historicity of the scripture and ultimately resort to secularism in legislation to solve it. This research has used a descriptive-analytical method based on content analysis to receive the opinion of Abu Zayd.

Prison is one of the oldest forms of punishment and the most prominent place of exclusion in the history of human societies that its external organization and internal mechanism have changed from a society to another society and from a period to another. The various forms of prison, its prominent position in the physical structure of Iranian-Islamic cities and also the frequent use of imprisonment for convicts in the history of Iran in the fifth and sixth centuries AH raises the question that where the position of prison in the legal-judicial system was located and how its internal mechanism was worked. The present paper attempts to investigate the prison and imprisonment system with a descriptive-analytical approach inspired by the studies of Michel Foucault. In the end, it was concluded that the prison as a place of exclusion lied at the heart of an accurate partitioning of urban and territorial space that through accomodating the prisoners, represented in the best way the binary division and discriminatory branding of (dangerous/harmless; guilty/guiltless) prisoners; and coercive assignment and differential distribution. The Prisoners of judicial-legal tribunals depending on their crime, the type and the rate of conviction, sexuality, age, organizational status and so on, were allowed to return to the society only by serving their sentences or using other tools provided by Islamic jurisprudence. Nevertheless, the political-security prisoners that were imprisoned by the will of political power, if they wouldn’t remain in the prison until their death, they could be released only through forgiveness or the death of the ruler and sultan.

In the new centuries, human beings' intellectual progress and the insightful and methodical developments of various sciences also made the thinkers in history redefine this knowledge's identity and science. These developments began in the West. After many challenges and the creation of new historiography schools, it led to establishing the science of history's prestige and position among other sciences. Iranian historians did not shy away from these developments. So, Iranian historians sought to transfer new ideas by putting contemporary Iranian historiography in the transition from a traditional to a modern mode. One of these historians in academic circles is ʿAbbās Zaryāb Khoii, among whose historical works see scientific historiography signs. The present study mainly aims to critique Zaryāb Khoii's methodological historiography and explain his historiography's components by providing clear and precise examples. It seems that this historian has taken reasonable steps in applying the principles of scientific historiography in his works and, with a combination of scientific, intellectual, and critical approaches, seeks to provide a new explanation of some historical narratives and traditional views. Among Zaryāb Khoii's historiography components are the rigorous modification of narratives, the critique of Orientalists' essential history, the neutrality of historical analysis as much as possible, using other sciences' achievements, and the attempt to present a multifaceted picture of historical phenomena. Of course, in some cases, he still has not gone beyond the scope of traditional descriptive historiography. Hence, perhaps, he can be described as a neoclassical historian.

The national question is a concept that Marxists raised in the face of the spread of the wave of nationalism in the 19th and 20th centuries, and used it as a propaganda tool, especially on the eve of the October Revolution. In Iran, too, with the establishment of the Communist Party in 1338 AH, the party sought to explain its approach to the national question. The main questions of this research are why a concept called the national Question was raised in Iran? And what was the place of the national question in the political strategy of the Communist Party of Iran? This research examines these questions with an interpretive approach and with content analysis method. The study concludes that the national question was the result of communist propaganda from the Soviet Union before it had a real impact on Iranian society, and even the Communist Party of Iran paid little attention to it except as a tool to advance its political goals.

Every discourse of power organizes the spaces. The discourses of resistance in their struggle challenge the organized spatial of power and tried to control it. So, the spaces can used like an instrument of struggle by every social group. In spaces that the power and the resistance struggle each other, the violence is inevitable and will intertwined with the space. This study by descriptive-analytical approach and inspire Foucault's theories tries to research the violence-space in the fifth/sixth centuries AH and the struggles the rival discourses for seizing space. The conclusion showed the discourse of power by organize the spaces and use its the military-service employees and rely on the Symbolic violence and by construct of Heterotopias deviation" and "Crisis keeps itself and be permanent. In other hand, the exclusionary people and rebellion groups like beggars, criminals, thieves, corrupt people, nomadic tribes, and religious minorities such as the Ismailis tried to seize the spaces by settling, killing, assassinating, looting, and sometimes fighting. Although both of them failed to eliminate each other, but  they played an important role in weakening each other and creating the grounds for greater crises.

A turning point in Mamluk history, the third reign of Al- Nasir ibnn Qalawun, 1995, Amalia Levanoni, Leiden, New York, Koln, Instigators in doing good: power, piety, patriarchy, and royal women’s charitable endowments in Bahri Mamluk Cairo, 2013, Alexis Anne Lefort, The university of Texas at San Antonio, department of Anthropology Manners and Customs at the Mamluk Court, 1984, Karl Stowasser, Muqarnas, Vol. 2, the art of the Mamluks ,Brill Popular responses to Mamluk fiscal reforms in Stria, 2008-2009, Bethany J. Walker, Bulletin d'études orientales, institut Francais du Proche-Orient Slaves, Wealth and Fear: An Episode from Late Mamluk-Era Egypt, 2009, Nur Sobers Khan, Oriens