دکتر ربابه معتقدی

With the global economic crisis of 1929, every country took a way out of this crisis. The government of Iran, which had started many infrastructural development programs years ago, witnessed a decrease in oil income and unemployment of workers at the same time as economic stagnation and a reduction in export and import income. Economic changes and reforms such as foreign trade monopoly, increasing taxes, reducing wages, etc. were an attempt to escape the crisis. One of these solutions was trying to amend the oil contract that was signed in 1306. It was in the government plans. What has been neglected in most historical research and historiography of the 1933/1312 contract is the connection and impact of world events, especially the effect of the crisis known as the Great Depression of 1929 on the quality and manner of concluding the contract. This research, using the method of historical analysis and relying on documents, newspapers and publications, has tried to investigate the impact of the world crisis of 1929 on the conclusion of the oil contract of 1312/1933 and shed light on the final achievements of the contract and its benefits for the workers of the oil industry. The research findings show that due to the pressure of the economic crisis and the shaky and unstable world economy, Reza Shah's government failed to complete the plan to change and amend the oil contract as expected. Under the influence of the problems of the global crisis on the country's domestic and foreign economy, he was forced to conclude a contract that many believed was a continuation of the Darcy contract. Although it was more beneficial for the workers of the oil industry than for the country's economy.

This research deals with the representation of the role of women in the oil nationalization movement until the August 28 coup in the years 1329 to 1332 and tries to investigate the participation and efforts of women as part of the society during the oil nationalization movement. The main concern of the research is finding an answer to the question, "How did women react to the process of nationalization of oil? “The first hypothesis is that, as some sources have written, women were passive and behind the scenes, and did not take a role in the oil nationalization movement. But the second assumption is the opposite of the first assumption, and that is that women were actively present in this process; But historians and researchers have ignored and marginalized them for various reasons. The method used in this research is descriptive-analytical and the researcher proved the role of women in the oil nationalization movement by relying on archival documents. According to the findings of this research, despite Mosaddegh's government's lack of respect for their demand to have the right to vote, women stayed with the government and the parliament and worked side by side with men in school and university, in factories, in offices and on the street in the path of oil nationalization.

In the historiography of oil nationalization, many works have been done to describe the behavior and analyze the thoughts of political elites and statesmen, and hundreds of books and articles have been written about it. The role of the Jebhey-e Meli (National Front) party, the influence of the disobedient clergy, the viewpoints and performance of the parties, especially the Tudeh Party, and the reaction of the court and political elites in favor of the Pahlavi government are all fascinating topics that have been widely studied, but less attention has been paid to the role and image of the oil industry workers throughout this great event. The aim of the author of this article is to shed light on the role of the workers in the implementation of the law on the nationalization of oil and to show how a trade union movement turned into a national and xenophobic movement. To what extent did the demands of oil industry workers coincide with the demands of the proponents of oil nationalization? How influential were oil industry workers in the oil nationalization movement? The author of this article examined the history of oil nationalization from the viewpoint of subordinate people and discussed the protests and demands of workers during the announcement of the oil nationalization law until the dissolution of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. The main research tools were searching archival records, newspapers and oral history interviews. The main finding of this research is that the demands of the oil industry workers did not coincide with the demands of the proponents of oil nationalization at the beginning, but were only union demands and requests for the well-being of the workers and according to the regulations of the International Labor Organization. During the strikes, slogans and demands changed and oil industry workers were able to consistently influence the oil nationalization movement.

This study aims to show the effects of diseases on lifestyle and the form of the place of residence during the previous century through a case study of the formation of the new city of Abadan. Has the frequent epidemic of cholera and plague in the years 1287-1303 / 1908-1924 AD in the oil areas, and especially the city of Abadan, had an effect on the change of urban engineering and urban renewal in this geographical area? This research seeks to find a clear answer to this question. The research method in this research is descriptive and analytical and has used records and documents of the National Archives and the archives of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and library resources as research tools. Research Achievements and Findings Based on the results of this research, cholera and plague had a direct impact on the formation of the new city of Abadan and the form and functions of the new houses of the company had affected the habits, social relations, and livelihood of the residents. The occupants of these houses had experienced physical differences in the new housing and these differences affected the components of their lifestyle