دکتر محمد مهدی اسماعیلی

Various social and political aspects of our lives are substantially influenced by demographic dynamics and changes, which have a multifaceted impact on social, economic, and political subsystems. Decision-making processes and policy formulation are also impacted by these changes, in addition to power structures and relationships between groups. Furthermore, these transformations are themselves influenced by social, economic, and cultural factors, as well as development policies and programs that have the potential to influence demographic trends and their impacts.In order to investigate the demographic changes in Iran, this article employs documentary methods and secondary analysis of census results and data from the Iranian Civil Registry Organization, as well as the corresponding challenges and opportunities.The findings indicate that demographic changes can offer opportunities for the country’s economic growth and development; however, the formulation of suitable governance policies is necessary to capitalize on these opportunities. Challenges such as low fertility rates, regional inequalities, and an aging population also present serious issues that demand attention from policymakers and governmental institutions.The Supreme Leader's population policy necessitates the comprehensive implementation of all 14 principles in order to capitalize on the demographic window of opportunity and address current demographic challenges. These policies not only provide a framework for managing demographic changes but also significantly influence macro-level policy-making and social development. The successful execution of these policies necessitates the coordination of governmental institutions, the utilization of economic capabilities, and the engagement of civil society participation. In this context, it is imperative to conduct ongoing assessments of policies and monitor their results to guarantee their efficacy and compatibility with the demographic requirements of the country.

The Islamic Revolution, by creating a fundamental hiatus on the link between tyranny and colonialism, considered issues such as independence, freedom, relying on neither East nor West slogan, self-confidence, belief in internal capacities and forces, and denial of dependence on foreigners as the country's basic strategies in the post-revolutionary era. Ayatollah Khamenei refers to this strategy as the "strength of the internal construction of power." In this theory, the internal construction of power means empowerment based on internal capacities and capabilities in various political, cultural, social, economic, scientific and technological dimensions without "dependence" on external power. In other words, the strength of the internal construction of power is the ability of societies to deal with vulnerable challenges which its source is the internal authority and the strengthening of the internal construction of power in various fields. Accordingly, the main question of the present article is formulated as follows: Accordingly, the main question of the present article is formulated as follows: What are the historical and intellectual backgrounds of the genesisof the theory of internal construction of power and what is the relationship between this theory and political power? Apparently factors such as the historical situation in Iran (invasion of foreign countries and dependence on them), understanding the nature of international relations based on the system of domination, highlighting the Qur'anic texts that imply the concept of independence and internal authority, be factors which provide the necessary grounds to genesisthe theory of the internal construction of power. In addition, Ayatollah Khamenei emphasizes the entanglement of the theory of the strength of the internal construction of power and political power; So that, On one hand, Without considering the idea of the internal construction of power, the foundations of political power will be shaken, and on the other hand, without the political power derived from the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, this theory will not be able to be realized and given objectivity.

Imam Khomeini emphasized the role and the position of the people in the Islamic state in the historical stages before and after the Islamic Revolution in Iran, but since he did not systematically explain his philosophy of republic based on his religious thinking, as a result different people with different theoretical approaches have had different interpretations of republicanism and its theoretical foundations in his political thought. The question now is, what is the basis of Imam Khomeini's thinking about republicanism based on epistemic foundations? The hypothetical answer is that republicanism in the political thought of Imam Khomeini stems from the anthropological and ontological point of view in his epistemic system based on mysticism. The present paper uses an analytical and interpretive approach to explain the principles of republicanism in the political thought of Imam Khomeini. The result is that republicanism in the thought of the Imam is based on principles such as human freedom and the service of the people in the mystical thought of the Imam. In the mystical thought of Imam, the establishment of the government is aimed at serving the people. Obviously, serving the people will include satisfaction and popular will. On the other hand, in the epistemic system of Imam Khomeini, human rights and religious rights are not considered to be separate. Therefore, it can be said that the thought of the Imam about Republic, while also being a human right, is considered to be Islamic and religious law.

The reform movements of the Islamic world were formed between 1948 and 1979 in response to the colonization and domination of the infidels over the Islamic world, as well as with the "spread" of the idea of political Islam. The purpose of this article is to examine the "interaction" of the two important movements of this period, Ikhwan ul-Muslimin and the Islamic Movement of Iran. The hypothesis of the article is that the Islamic Movement of Iran is basically derived from Shiite political thought and fiqh, and has used the scientific works of the Ikhwan ul-Muslimin movement only to strengthen the campaign literature. In the 1940s and 1950s, due to the need of the society for a thought with a religious-political approach, through the interaction between Iranian clerics and Ikhwan figures, some of Seyyed Qutbchr('39')s works were translated into Persian and used by the revolutionary forces in Iran. This article intends to study the interaction between the reform movements of Ikhwan ul-Muslimin and the Islamic Movement of the Iranian people with a descriptive and analytical method.

Drought and water scarcity is an objective reality in the country, with the increase in population and consequently the need to provide for population demand, increase arable land and expand industries, increasing its importance and problematic nature day by day. In this regard, unfortunately, The water conditions in Zayandehrud watershed, which besides providing resources for the agricultural and industrial sectors of Isfahan province, is also in poor condition. Therefore, in recent years, due to the increase in water consumption in the drinking, industrial and agricultural sectors and in some successive droughts, we have witnessed water scarcity in the central plateau of Iran, especially in the east of Isfahan city. Zayandehrood catchment, located in Isfahan province, is facing a water supply crisis due to drought, and the Zayandehrood River is facing water shortage in the long run. Is. Water crisis in this basin In addition to the natural crisis of water supply for the major uses of Isfahan province, agricultural and industrial, and drinking water of a part of Yazd province, has had important social consequences. The bitter events that culminated in March 2013 have doubled the need for more scientific and practical attention to solve the water problem in general in the country in general, and in this region of great importance in various dimensions. This paper attempts to propose solutions to optimally manage similar potential crises in the future by examining the social aspects of this crisis and examining the natural and human factors in its occurrence and severity.

Theology of the New-Salafism, like the traditional Salafism believes in a literal interpretation of the texts, it values practice and it has an affinity with technology. New-Salafists, comparing to the traditional Salafi movement, and Vahhabi Salafi, has a more conciliatory approach toward the Western world, women’s right and modernity. Besides, due to the attractive promises, plain literature, and no theological complexities, the New-Salafism has attracted so many Muslims and non-Muslims all around the world. In this study we will introduce Muhammad-ibn Abdul Rahman Al’ Arifi, one of the New-Salafi thinkers. We will examine his books and his influence among social media to investigate the relationship between the rhetoric and literature used in books of this contemporary New-Salafi thinker and his popularity in Islamic world, specifically. As for the lack of studies in this field, it was necessary to refer to the most of his translated books and to classify them according to subjects and their structure in order to get a more comprehensive look on the works and thoughts of this thinker. In this study, we have used heuristic method.

The history of Iran witnessed a conflict between two approaches related to the way of the country’s economic management in the contemporary era. One approach considers the way out of trouble in relying on foreign powers and using the power of mighty states in order to promote the administration of the country; and the other prospect places the main reliance on the optimal use of internal capacities and grounding for their growth by taking a reasonable advantage of the experiences of the strangers. The public space of policy making has mainly been at the disposal of the first category since the beginning of the emergence of developmental concern in our country. By examining the outcomes of the dominance of external thoughts in political economy related to the era of Pahlavi II, this article shows how this viewpoint has led to a higher level of backwardness and dependence in the country. Based on such approach, the economic experience of implementing “Truman’s point four” plan, which was performed from the end of 20s until late 30s, removed the agricultural economy as well as causing heavy burdens such as massive migration, marginalization and the political dependence of Pahlavi regime and ultimately its downfall.

Imam Mohammad Ghazali, the Islamic world is the greatest thinkers. He is characterized by a multitude of books on various subjects, and she is sometimes the same thing, what is different. Such My Nmayd Abu Hamed has been integrated personality, and the lack of integrity and lack of unity in the works, first of all refers to numerous areas of application context in which he has a pen-tough. This can be critical to the investigation of accidents in the era of his life and he was there, explained. This research aims to use the methodology of Thomas Springs, al-Ghazali's political thought according to Bhrany Ay that dominated his era, examine. This model has four steps: 1. See By Nzmy; 2. identifying pain; 3. rehabilitation of ideal political society; and 4. Provide solution. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the deep relation between thought and works of al-Ghazali's crisis of his era.

Islamic movements in the last two centuries in the Islamic world, especially after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, have raised many questions about their nature and their actions. After the new Arab revolutions in the region and the recruitment of violent religious groups, it has become a widespread concern for the international system and global analysts. Meanwhile, one of the main questions is the understanding of their view of general satisfaction or the use of force and the conquest of the establishment of a religious government and its maintenance and survival.
In this paper, by comparing the views of Imam Khomeini and Sayyed Qutb, two contemporary revolutionary thinkers of the Islamic world, on republicanism and despotism, and the attention to the theoretical foundations and historical sources, and their reflection on the movements affected by each of these two views. And it turns out that the element of violence is to look at the negation of republicanism and the legitimacy of despotism. Imam Khomeini's positive attitude toward republicanism and the rejection of violence has led Islamic groups affected by the Islamic Revolution and Imam Khomeini to have a democratic and largely peaceful approach to their political encounters; on the contrary, a negative attitude toward republicanism and the acceptance of violence in the way of creation of an Islamic state by Sayyed Qutb has led to the formation and expansion of the spirit of militarism and zealot among his followers.