دکتر شهروز شریعتی

The nuclear negotiations of the Islamic Republic of Iran following the Islamic Revolution have become one of the most significant aspects of Iran's foreign policy. Consequently, an understanding of the strategies employed by the various countries involved in these negotiations is of great importance to Iran's decision-makers, enabling them to pursue national interests in nuclear negotiations and other comparable cases within Iran's foreign policy. China has been an international mediator in the nuclear negotiations with Iran since 2006. Despite its involvement in the nuclear negotiations between Iran and the West, China's contradictory stance towards Iran's nuclear programme has rendered the rationale behind this country's actions opaque. The principal aim of this research is to examine the manner in which the official stance of the People's Republic of China towards Iran's nuclear programme was formulated during the so-called 5+1 negotiations with Iran. The findings of the study, which was based on Copenhagen school theory, indicate that despite China's efforts to de-securitise Iran's nuclear programme, the "speeches acts" of Beijing's leaders were predicated on the securitisation of Iran's nuclear activities. In order to test this hypothesis, this research employed a qualitative content analysis methodology and evaluated the speech acts of statements made by senior Chinese negotiators.

Security theories have evolved significantly over time. Traditionally, pre-Cold War theories regarded security as a one-dimensional concept, primarily focused on military strength and defense. However, after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, these traditional views lost prominence due to their inability to address and resolve emerging security challenges. In response, more comprehensive approaches emerged, framing security as a multidimensional concept that encompasses economic, political, social, and environmental factors. Among these modern theories is the concept of “sustainable security.” This theory argues that the problems and issues of human societies have economic, political, and social roots.In this context, drug trafficking has emerged as a significant issue within Iran's political economy, impacting both domestic and global security over recent decades. The province of Sistan and Baluchistan, which shares borders with Afghanistan and Pakistan, has become a critical entry point for drugs into Iran. Each year, large quantities of narcotics are smuggled across its borders.This paper examines the political economy of narcotics, specifically the dynamics of drug trafficking. The central research question is “How does the political economy of narcotics in Sistan and Baluchestan province affect security and stability in Iran?” The innovative aspect of this study lies in its focus on a localized, provincial level of analysis. By applying a political economy framework to drug trafficking, the research aims to elucidate the phenomenon of narcotics trafficking and its security implications.

This research employs a “conventional content analysis” methodology to examine news coverage of insecurity in Sistan and Baluchestan province over the past decade. Additionally, a “post-event analysis” was utilized to evaluate security trends in the province. Data sources include library materials and both official and unofficial reports from the Iranian police. To ensure reliability and validity, these reports were qualitatively validated through field interviews with experts and local residents.

According to a 2018 official report, 75% of the heroin and 75% of the morphine found in Iran originated from Pakistan, with the remaining portion entering directly from Afghanistan. In 2020 alone, police seized 311,136 kilograms of drugs and arrested 67,994 individuals on drug-related charges. These figures underscore the significant role that drug trafficking plays in the political economy of Sistan and Baluchestan province.The production, distribution, and consumption of opiates have profoundly impacted the economic conditions and livelihoods of the people in this Iranian province. From this perspective, the political economy of narcotics emerges as a survival strategy for some citizens who lack adequate social security and welfare, forcing them to turn to the drug trade as a means of earning a living. Here, the term “political economy” refers to the dominant mode of production in a society, which encompasses both political and economic spheres, with a dynamic and reciprocal relationship between the two. This interplay directly and indirectly affects other societal domains, including security. The political economy of Sistan and Baluchestan province has a unique structure that significantly influences Iran's security. The province's production system includes both formal sectors, such as industry, agriculture, and services, and informal sectors, such as trafficking in humans, goods, fuel, weapons, and drugs.

This paper shows that the political economy of narcotics has significantly contributed to the escalation of violence in Sistan and Baluchestan province and its neighboring areas. This includes the proliferation of weapons, kidnappings, hostage-taking, addiction, and murder, culminating in organized violence. The findings indicate that, although an exact estimate of the narcotics economy’s scale remains elusive, it closely aligns with the official statistics for the province. The shortcomings of the official political economy have enabled the informal one - particularly the narcotics trade - to expand substantially, leading to severe negative security impacts.

The role of identity in the analysis of Iran's foreign policy has been overlooked during the Pahlavi era. This can be attributed, at least in part, to the dominance of materialistic attitudes over the theories of international relations during this period. This article employs constructivist theory to assess the relationship between the Iranian nation's self-perception and its stance towards the West during the Pahlavi era. In order to achieve this objective, the approaches of the "Third Force", "Negative Balance", "Positive Balance", "Positive Nationalism" and "Independent National Policy" were subjected to analysis in the context of the role played by the superpowers, namely the Soviet Union, Great Britain and the United States, during the Pahlavi period. This research employs discourse analysis to examine the manner in which Iran has engaged with the West. The findings of this research demonstrate that during the Pahlavi era, a number of Iranian politicians held the view that the optimal provision of Iran's "national interests" was contingent upon independence from the West. Conversely, a different set of politicians advocated that Iran's national interests should be secured by establishing a security link with the West, with the objective of minimizing the country's expenses. This research demonstrates that neither of these two identity structures, despite the significant differences between them, can ensure the preservation of Iran's national interests.

International system history illustrates that although a Western-leaning order was established following the First and Second World Wars, present-day criticisms and challenges indicate a power shift across economic, political, and cultural domains. Over the last two decades, some countries has experienced faster growth in economic measures than the United States, even during the Covid-19 pandemic. The hegemonic policy of the United States in Western Asia has been challenged due to the conflicts in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Syria, resulting in substantial costs for both the US hegemony and its regional allies. Over the past two decades, Iran has effectively challenged American dominance on multiple battlefields, encompassing military and ideological realms, notwithstanding the maximum pressure exerted by US and Western sanctions. While Iran and China subscribe to a shared strategy for curbing, decreasing or countering American predominance, variances between the two countries in their global power shift processes persist. The aim of this study is to analysis the approaches taken by the Islamic Republic of Iran and the People's Republic of China towards power transfer and the international order. To assess these approaches, the article utilizes three main concepts: "resources," "institution" and "idea.”. The research indicates that while Iran lacks a systematic approach to institution building and sometimes displays weakness in managing resources, China has successfully exerted considerable influence globally through initiatives such as the creation of the BRICS Bank, the Asian Infrastructure Bank, the Silk Fund, the Shanghai Organization and cooperative efforts.

Todays, there are at least two views and different images of the power of the West. The first picture says that with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc, Western hegemony and values are spreading to other regions and civilizations of the world, and Western values will continue to play a major role in shaping the future political, economic and security relations of the world. Based on this point of view, nonwestern societies will need to follow western values in order to achieve development, otherwise they will not be able to achieve ideal progress. Against this optimistic view of the West, there is another image that introduces the Western civilization in decline and degeneration. This narrative believes that the current century should be considered the beginning of the end of Western power. From this point of view, it seems that Iran and China have a common vision to contain, reduce or confront the global hegemony of the West. From a political and ideological point of view, Iran has been able to redefine the anti-hegemonic power in the West Asian region, and on the other hand, China's economic performance has been able to expand the Chinese development model in the world and design a full-scale competition against the American hegemony. Meanwhile, most of the leaders of Iran and China believe that the current system ruling the world under the leadership of the United States is unfair and the existing international system cannot and should not continue to rule on this basis. The main question of this article is how the leaders of Iran and China view the structure of the international system. The findings of the research using the discourse content analysis method show that while the Iranian leaders' view of the structure of the international system is confrontational and philosophical, the Chinese leaders' view of the structure of the international system is based on political and economic cooperation. The article shows that despite the similarities between the discourses of the leaders of Iran and China, the critical positions of the leaders of the two countries towards the international order and the attempt to weaken the American hegemony have fundamental differences.

The most important goal of this article is to show that the reconstruction of "Islamic civilization" requires a new definition and understanding of the rule of " Negation of the Way " (Nafy-e Sabil) in the texts of Islamic jurisprudence. From the point of view of this article, the conceptual elements of the Negation of the Way, redefine and guarantee ontological security in Islamic civilization. Modern Muslims and Muslims who seek to create an Islamic renaissance should carefully study the concept of the rule of Nafy-e Sabil.

The present article is based on the method of "text content analysis" in the exegetical teachings of late Shiite scholars. Discourse analysis method, emphasizing the logic of difference and demarcation with "other" was also considered in this article. In this method, the concept of the rule of " Negation of the Way " (Nafy-e Sabil) and the identity of a believer were extracted from the Qur'an and Shia jurisprudence texts, and the civilization-building requirements of the rule of Nafy-e Sabil were identified in these texts. In order to validate the findings, the opinions of high-ranking Shia clerics such as Allameh Jafari, Imam Khomeini, Ayatollah Khamenei, Allameh Tabatabai, Ayatollah Makarem Shirazi and Ayatollah Javadi Amoli were studied about the concept of "Negation of the Way " (Nafy-e Sabil) ", "faith" and "religious duties".

The rule of Nafy-e Sabil is a fluid and dynamic concept that is formed based on demarcation, and is the basis of preserving the real identity of believers. Nafy-e Sabil is adherence to a divine tradition that will be manifested after the responsible and accurate performance of religious duties. This rule changes the principle of demarcation from Islam and disbelief to faith and disbelief and defines faith based on religious duties and a special lifestyle. Nafy-e Sabil causes the production of knowledge, wealth and military power of Muslims and shia to increase.

Preservation of Muslim identity has requirements that Muslims and Shia communities must pay attention to. The rule of Nafy-e Sabil will preserve the dignity, honor, pride and progress of the Muslim and Shia community, and this issue is of great interest in the statements of the high Shia leaders. the difference in the Islamic way of life led to the creation of security in the Islamic civilization and causes the strength and capability of Islamic civilization in the contemporary world.

The advent of non-state organizations and their involvement in the global arena since the end of the Cold War have brought about substantial changes in the comprehension of public diplomacy and its role within world systems. By conducting an examination of the influencers present in Shia doctrines, this study seeks to clarify the aspects of “faith-based diplomacy” and offer guidance on how the Shia clerical institution can further its diplomatic objectives internationally. From a theoretical standpoint, the study places significant emphasis on the notion of balance of power in its examination of the trajectory of Shia diplomacy. The article examines the theoretical inquiry into the manner in which public diplomacy operates within the Shia faith to further its objectives and establish equilibrium beyond the confines of nation-states. This study aims to examine the hypothesis that the public diplomacy practices of the Shia faith are grounded in the consensus reached by its adherents concerning the fundamental principles and underpinnings of Shia political culture, namely Imamate and justice. By utilizing three distinct forms of diplomacy—specifically, “exchange,” “aid,” and “cultural” diplomacy—its objective is to cultivate the necessary capabilities to accomplish the common goals of Shiites and promote equilibrium among rival communities. This study investigates contemporary Shiite diplomacy in a global context through the application of a “interpretive method” and a comprehensive analysis of scholarly, documentary, and library materials. The findings of this research emphasize the critical significance of faith-based diplomacy in influencing forthcoming global affairs. Furthermore, the article sheds light on the capacity of the Shi'ite institution to utilize its resources and faith-driven diplomatic abilities to facilitate the concurrent growth of its impact on a national and global scale, thus promoting stable equilibriums in the global sphere. This inquiry further demonstrates the significant influence that religious viewpoints have on the formation of geopolitical dynamics.

Since the beginning of the Cold War, the strategy of "containment" has been one of the constant pillars of US foreign policy. Both the Republican and Democratic parties in the United States have used containment in their foreign policy. At the beginning of the 21st century, while the neo-conservative Republicans under George W. Bush established a strong link between war and foreign policy, the Democrats under Barack Obama did not consider this path to be in line with America's national interests. After Obama, American presidents made changes to the US strategy in Asia, which are being implemented in both the Trump and Biden administrations. This article is written within the framework of the assumptions of the realist theories of "hegemonic stability" and "offshore balance". The article evaluates the Asian strategy of American foreign policy to contain Iran and China by the method of post-event analysis and trend analysis. Considering the anti-American policies of Iran and China in West and East Asia, this research tries to answer the question: How does the United States act in Asia to contain Iran and China? The results of this research show that Although the United States is reducing its geopolitical commitments in Asia, it is still emphasising the policy of containing Asian competitors through new economic, political and security institutions. The article argues that containing China and Iran is the primary goal of the United States in establishing Quad2.

The West African region, as the largest Muslim-populated region of the African continent, can play a significant role in the developments of the Muslim world. In this context, the West African region has become a new arena of competition between Saudi Arabia and Iran in cultural fields, and the cultural movements in both countries have long focused on this part of the Black Continent. Focusing on the vitality of ideological representations in West Africa, this research tries to provide an analysis of the role of the West African region in the rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran. From this perspective, the typology of Boko Haram's performance as one of the most active terrorist groups in the West African region, which claims to establish an Islamic caliphate with the spiritual and material support of Saudi Arabia, has important strains for a cultural movements study. Applying a descriptive-analytical post-event method, this study evaluates the data based on process analysis. This research examines the effects the territorialism of Iran and Saudi Arabia has had on the Islamist movements in the West African region and evaluates the hypothesis that Iran and Saudi Arabia, using the aligned forces in West Africa, have formed a new region for Intellectual competitions. The findings of the research also show that the competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia in West Africa has significant similarities with the same competition in West Asia. Despite some undeniable achievements of Iran's soft power and cultural diplomacy in West Africa, relying on rich oil revenues, Saudi Arabia has so far managed to have the upper hand in this competition.

The West Asian region is one of the most important international regions that has faced deep and extensive changes in recent decades. For many decades, Riyadh advocated the formation of an independent Palestinian state and opposed the occupation of the Zionist regime. In other words, Saudi Arabia's commitment to Palestine defined the geopolitics of the West Asian region for several decades. Observing the recent developments in the relations between Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime shows the move of Riyadh and Tel Aviv towards the normalization of relations. from this point of view, Rapid regional and extra-regional dynamics have transformed relations between governments and created new alignments in West Asia. The article, using post-event analysis, seeks to explain the growing relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel under offshore balancing of USA. In this article, we want to answer the question of how the US policy in West Asia has affected the relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel. In response to this question, the hypothesis is raised that the United States is trying to maintain the security of this region in the framework of the hegemonic stability strategy by reviving its former policy, twin pillars policy in west Asia. As Kenneth Pollack, an expert of the American Enterprise Institute, in an article entitled "America's Exit and the Coming Contest for Military Supremacy" writes, America began to reduce its role and conflict in the region since Obama's time, and this process continued in subsequent administrations. America's withdrawal from the region has created a security vacuum that Iran and its allies are trying to fill. The domination of Iran and the retreat of the United States have frightened the country's allies and led them to form an alliance with Israel in order to change the disturbed regional balance in their favor. At the beginning of his writing, Pollock states that: "it seems fantastical, but observers may soon look back on the late twentieth century as a period of relative stability in the Middle East. Although there was no shortage of conflict and mayhem, the violence rarely led to dramatic change. No states were conquered and eliminated outright. Dictators came and went, but borders and even regimes changed little, After 1973, most of the major countries in the region stopped fighting one another directly, opting for terrorism and insurgency—strategies of the weak—over conventional attacks...". A part of this article showed that the revelation of the relations between Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime is the result of a gradual historical evolution process. The development of Saudi Arabia's relations with the Zionist regime can be divided into four stages: military confrontation with the Zionist regime and full support for Palestine (1948-1980); Establishing secret relationships (1980-2011); establishing open relationships (2011-2016); Close communication and moving towards the normalization of relations (since 2017). Meanwhile, common political-security problems, the situation in the Middle East after the US withdrawal, the use of geopolitical and technological advantages, as well as the use of the Zionist lobby in Washington by Saudi Arabia and the use of Saudi influence in the Islamic world by Israel, are the most important factors of friendship between Riyadh and Tel Aviv.This article shows that Saudi Arabia and Israel, who have tied their security to the United States, fear the influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region more than ever. The findings of the article, based on the last developments in the region, also show that the expansion of relations between Israel and Saudi Arabia can lead to a change in the geopolitics of energy transfer in West Asia and confront the region with new developments that are in line with the interests of the United States to control the world's energy resources. However, the article has also pointed out that the issue of Palestine and its importance in the public opinion inside Saudi Arabia and the people of the region is an obstacle in the finalization of the relations between Riyadh and Tel Aviv and will be the main variable in the future of the relations between the two.

The relationship between the language and the thought in the understanding of universe has been always regarded as one of the long standing intellectual concerns in human sciences, and studying the relationship between these variables has turned into a scientific and academic activity. But according to some theories such as ‘linguistic turn’ and the related criticisms, nowadays, the language has lost its importance as a tool for thought transition and has been presented as a means for shaping and revelation of the outer world. The present article studies the relation between the human and the universe in Chinese language system and focuses on the importance of correlation between the language and the thought based on philosophical and ontological reflections in Chinese language and characters. In this article, Chinese written system, as the only universal written system which has been developed as an interconnected chain since 8000 BC and survived as a bearer for transferring Chinese culture and intellect, can now at least function in the form of Chinese civilization, as a black box in understanding and discovering human’s ontological foundations. Accordingly, in addition to studying the Chinese written system in ancient time, the present article, from a cultural point of view, tries to find that how the relationship between the human and the universe has been reflected in Chinese written system using the doctrines of some prominent contemporary language theories

A review of the turbulent hegemonic competition between Iran and the United States in the past 40 years shows a conflict-filled process with long ups and downs, in which the two countries have always taken the path of conflict and confrontation with all the tools and capacities of their domestic and international power. In this framework, the formation of the current of resistance and the stabilization and strengthening of its hardware and software power components under the shadow of authentic Islamic principles, including the negation of the mustache, was able to sideline the strategic goals of the regional aggressors, from America and Israel to their Western and Arab allies. The research method has a descriptive and analytical nature. This article is based on the teachings of the theory of "hegemonic stability" realism and is based on the assumption that General Soleimani was able to design a model of hegemonic deterrence in West Asia while breaking the foundations of the American hegemonic system in the shadow of structuring and organizing the resistance movement. We have gathered part of the information required for this research by analyzing the content of American national security documents in the years 2002 to 2021 and part by using media news reports and library sources. The results of this research show that Sardar Soleimani's initiative, both during his worldly life and after his martyrdom, was able to combine the rivalry between Iran and America in West Asia with the relative victory of the resistance axis and the hegemonic stabilization of the resistance discourse in this region. The analysis of terrorist incidents after the US attack on Iraq shows that instead of reducing terrorist acts, this attack caused the spread and strengthening of terrorism in West Asia, and this situation faced the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran with a new challenge. In fact, the American attack on Iraq gave the opportunity to the militia groups to develop their base in this country and recruit troops under the pretext of fighting against the United States with the goal of holy jihad. On the other hand, the critical situation in Iraq caused by the collapse of Saddam Hussein's regime and the power vacuum in this country made it easier for these groups to recruit members and get armed. Meanwhile, by dominating Iraq and using strategies to establish hegemonic stability, America tried to use the opportunity of increasing terrorist activities in this country as a new lever against stability in the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this situation, the command of the Quds Force of the Islamic Republic of Iran, by designing smart strategies, not only tried to curb the growing trend of Takfiri forces in Iraq but also managed to significantly prevent the increase of influence of America and its allies in Iraq. In this article, using the teachings of the theory of hegemonic stability, we are looking for an answer to the question, how did martyr Soleimani affect the position of the axis of resistance and the hegemonic equations of America in the regional balance of power in West Asia? In response to this question, based on the teachings of the theory of hegemonic stability, we test the hypothesis that General Soleimani was able to design a model of hegemonic deterrence for Iran in West Asia while breaking the foundation of the American hegemonic system in the shadow of structuring and organizing the resistance movement. We have formulated this research using the method of post-event analysis and content analysis. Based on this, in this research, emphasizing the activism of martyr Qassem Soleimani, we show how the influence of structuring and organization leads to hegemonic deterrence of the axis of resistance. We have collected part of the information required for this research from the content analysis of American national security documents in the years 2002 to 2021 and part of it using media news reports and library sources. After a review of the theory of hegemonic stability and then a review of the US national security documents, we show the position of General Soleimani on the change of the US equations in West Asia. The conditions that arose in Iraq after the US attack show that the alleged US war against terrorism to change the existing situation in the region in favor of the US was not only unsuccessful but also provided the ground for the formation of new terrorist groups and strengthened terrorist ideas. The Iraq war also showed how the behavior and policies of the United States with the aim of establishing hegemonic stability in Iraq caused the terrorist groups that were present in this country before the American attack on Iraq, while multiplying into new groups, to continue their life in Iraq and the past actions Pursue yourself with more territory and wider goals. By examining the American national security documents, we can reach the point that each of the American strategies, whether it is to deal with the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, fight against rogue countries, or promote democracy and human rights, were linked to the issue of fighting terrorism and linking all policies to one issue. The fight against terrorism in order to achieve the hegemonic order can be clearly seen in the American national security documents. Despite this, neither the use of the aggressive policies of the Bush administration, Obama's approach, nor Trump's approach in the Middle East, which are all evaluated against peace and security, did not come to fruition due to what was reviewed in this article as efforts to change the status quo, and the continuation of America's presence in Iraq had no achievement except more insecurity and instability in Iraq and the region. It seems that the activities of the Quds Force of the Islamic Republic of Iran under the command of General Soleimani have been one of the components of deterrence, the dismantling of hegemonic stability, and the change of the American military equation in West Asia. To put it better, the Quds Force of the Islamic Republic of Iran was able to turn this area into one of the most unsafe areas for terrorists, including American soldiers and Takfiri terrorists, with the initiative of its commander. On the other hand, putting an end to the unipolar world hegemonic order will create deterrence in West Asia. The most important initiatives of Martyr Soleimani in deterring and creating the destruction of the American hegemonic order and stability can be listed in cases such as strengthening the deterrence of the axis of resistance in the shadow of new developments, evading American sanctions, removing the platform for the reprocessing of terrorist groups in the region, strengthening military infrastructure and expanding the domains of the axis of resistance. Of course, it should be noted that Iran's competition with the United States and its allies for hegemony in the West Asian region continues, and the United States, within the framework of the strategy of distant balance and aggressive realism that we mentioned in the theoretical part of this research, continues to build its network to deal with the axis of resistance continues. It is worth noting that in spite of the huge damages caused to the member countries of the Islamic Republic of Iran's Quds Force as a result of the absence of General Rashid, the network and systematization of the resistance axis, which is derived from the theories of this martyr, still has a great power to advance this path of dismantling the American order and Establishing Iran's hegemonic supremacy.

The paradigm of developmental state and its comparison with the type of government and policies pursued by the Iranian governments in the constitutional and Pahlavi periods can help us to explain situation of Iran's political economy and to some extent significant differences in development levels of the different regions of Iran and the overlap of these differences with identity gaps in this period. Iranian governments have not been developmental and by creating trade monopolies and a heavily backed industrial sector, extract wealth generated at community and concentrate it in the hands of members of the dominant coalition to redistribute these resources in addition to revenue of underground resources in the form of concessions and high-paying jobs for their supporters to reproduce the existing low-level balance. The response of the dominant elites of society and their organic intellectuals to the backwardness of the country against the West, have shaped the contemporary history of this country and the salient features, form of government, approaches and governance of different governments and politics in general in Iran for past century and half.

The benefiting of the residents of the border areas from the appropriate facilities will lead to sustainable security and the lack of suitable conditions for the border residents will face the residents of the interior areas of the country with security threats. One of the most important border points in eastern Iran is the Mirjaveh border. The present study tries to evaluate the border security policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in this area through field and documentary studies. Using the theory of the Copenhagen School, this article tries to answer this question: "what are the problems of border control policies at the Mirjavah border point with Pakistan and how it can lead to lasting security in the eastern regions, especially in the city of Mirjavah?". The findings of this article show that border control policies in Iran have mainly had hardware effects. The findings also show that the economic, social and cultural situation at this border point is lower than the national average, and this policy- making approach does not solve problems and even in some cases exacerbates insecurity in the region.

China's government has started the process of economic liberalization since the late 1970s with its own unique pattern. In less than half a century, China economy has gained significant growth. The liberalization also has gradually eliminated poverty in China significantly and has improved the quality of Chinese citizens' lives. This paper examines the impact of policies based on economic liberalization model in the Chinese government and seeks to study the relationship between economic liberalization and national security in China through a policy-driven research process. This article, examines some of the most influential economic, political, military, and environmental indicators of the Chinese government over the past few decades. From this point of view, as this article shows for the past half century, with the exception of the "environmental and climatic security", China Government has been able to improve and stabilize other Chinese national security indicators. The paper also emphasizes that the Chinese model can be replicated by less developed countries.

The remarkable growth of Confucian institutes and schools around the world since 2004 has been a sign of the rise of the People's Republic of China. Chinese leaders in the 1980s, after realizing that Communism was no longer attractive for a powerful international presence, sought to redesign the Confucius as a way to achieve the aspirations of the Chinese people. Today, the word “Confucius” by the Chinese government, refers to cultural institutions that are aimed at promoting Chinese language and culture throughout the world. This paper attempts to examine the Chinese government's plans to promote Confucius schools by using a descriptive and analytical way and tries to answer the question of what role do Confucius schools play in promoting the hegemonic goals of Chinese leaders around the world? The paper, examining the performance of these institutions, shows that "Confucian institutions strive to develop Chinese culture and literature for establishing the basis of a Chinese-led soft power in the framework of the world order." The article also shows that the establishment of these institutions is a deliberate move by Beijing's leaders to develop cultural hegemony and expand China's power and influence in the world.

A review of the history of Iran's development in the second Pahlavi period shows that the country's economy was suffering from endless turmoil and the country's senior decision makers could not even properly identify these problems. Using the theories of Rentierism and Patrimonialism, this article has tried to show how in the process of formation of the modern state in Iran, a special way of governing based on political, economic and administrative corruption was formed. The article shows that the use of oil revenues in political economy and patriarchal relations in political culture led to bad governance in Iran. The main question of this article is about the most important causes of inefficiency of governance in the Pahlavi era?  The research method in this article was to analyze the content of the lived experience of the managers of the Pahlavi period in accordance with the oral history of Harvard. The article shows that ignoring the basic requirements of modern governance and the constant weakening of institutions, political elites and social forces led to the inability and collapse of the Iranian political system.

Iran's military presence in Oman and Syria over the past half-century has been seen as a sign of growing regional power and influence in Iran's foreign policy. This article seeks to answer the question of why Iran was involved in the crises of the two Arab countries of Oman and Syria during the last half century, and what has this military presence achieved for Iran's national interests? To find this answer, documentary data, reliable sources and documentary methods, post-event analysis and comparative methods have been used. Findings show that despite the essential differences between the international system and the ruling political regime in Iran in the last half century, Iran's military presence in the territory of the Kingdom of Oman and the Syrian Arab Republic was to free Iran from geopolitical siege. Using the teachings of the theory of realism and the concept of offensive defense, the article shows that the achievement of Iran's overseas presence in the Oman crisis was to prevent endangering energy security and the threat of the spread of communism in the Persian Gulf region. Iran's military presence in the Syrian crisis also significantly neutralized the geopolitical threat of Salafi radicalism in the West Asian region, in addition to preserving Iran's territorial integrity.