دکتر روژان حسام قاضی

This research aims to explain the role and position of the Islamic Republic Party in creating solidarity and unity among Islamist forces and the crisis of political parties at the beginning of the 1979 revolution. Using Huntington's approach, it examines the party's evolution in four stages: factionalism, bipolarization, expansion, and institutionalization. The main issue of the aforementioned article is: What role and position did the Islamic Republic Party have in uniting Islamist forces at the beginning of the 1979 revolution?  In this study, an attempt has been made to use content analysis (descriptive) method to investigate how the Islamic Republic Party, with its factional approach after the revolution and the presence of Islamic parties within it, witnessed the entry of its members into the executive-administrative cadre and the organization and integration of Islamist forces in the newly established system of the Islamic Republic of Iran at the beginning of the revolution. Given the power crisis in political parties, the presence of competing non-Islamic political parties in the early days of the revolution (such as leftist and rightist currents) was practically completely limited, leading to the integration of Islamist forces into the bureaucratic structure after the 1979 revolution.

This research aims to compare the concept of Westernization in the intellectual literature of Iranian intellectuals specifically focusing on Dariush Shaygan and Jalal Al-Ahmad to understand the root of the differences in their views. By analyzing their attitudes toward this concept, the research will explain the two distinct political and philosophical approaches that characterize Iranian intellectuals' responses to the dominance of Western culture and civilization in Iranian society, and evaluate and compare their strategies for addressing this situation. An analytical-comparative method has been employed in this research. By applying this approach, the study seeks to analyze the concept of Westernization in the intellectual literature of these two intellectuals and examine the relationship between their intellectual origins and intellectual frameworks, highlighting their fundamental distinctions. The main finding of this research indicates that the primary difference in the concept of Westernization between Al-Ahmad and Shaygan is rooted in their divergent philosophical and political approaches when examining the relationship between modern Western civilization and non-European civilizations. The general result reveals that Al-Ahmad's political and economic approach has led to a post-colonial interpretation of Westernization, while Shaygan's philosophical view, grounded in an ontological critique of modernity, has guided his perspectives toward post-modern attitudes.

The aim of the current research is to investigate and analyze the Pahlavani discourse in Iranian political culture as one of the important issues that can be seen regarding the trend of heroism and political saviorism in the contemporary history of Iran, and an attempt has been made to analyze this phenomenon with the discourse method and case study. and while analyzing the main components of Pahlavani discourse in Iran's political culture, evaluate and criticize its consequences in the political attitudes and behaviors of Iranians. Paying attention to the influence of Pahlavi discourse on the expansion of the spirit of heroism and presenting a mythical image of political leaders that has led to avoiding a realistic and critical look at their performance by focusing on two relatively popular political figures in the contemporary history of Iran whose fate shows the lack of Their success is in the full realization of their goals; It is one of the most important findings of this research. The general result of this research shows that the Pahlavani discourse and its control over Iranian political culture, while presenting an idealistic view of activists and political leaders, has turned them into national heroes and has made it impossible to criticize and analyze their performance impartially in order to better understand political and historical developments. .

Rejecting myths does not mean destroying all dramatic relations between the sexes, it does not mean denying the meanings that are truly revealed to men during female reality, it does not mean eliminating poetry, love, adventure, happiness and dreams, it just means that It is requested that the basis of behaviors, feelings and desires be based on the truth. Maybe new myths will emerge. (1) Therefore, in this research, we are trying to answer the question, what is the position of women as female subjects in the cinema of Masoud Kimiaei? Let's examine the position of anti-feminist myths in history by emphasizing Simone de Beauvoir's approach in Masoud Kimiaei's cinema to the subject of women as a symbol of nothingness and death and desire taken from historical myths with a feminist approach; Therefore, in Kimiai's works from Caesar to the contemporary period, we will briefly examine the position of women as evil in Masoud Kimiai's cinema. For example, in the film Crime (2009), the filmmaker shows that dependence on women, even if it does not lead to their betrayal or infidelity, can ruin men's lives or lead them to seditious and troublesome behaviors.

Dariush Shaygan is an outstanding intellectual figure who is familiar with the traditional heritage and culture of Iranian society, and has a relatively complete knowledge of modernity and its philosophical foundations. However, what have made his thoughts remarkable are the gradual changes that have taken place in his attitude towards modernity during his intellectual life. In the first period of his intellectual life, Shaygan was strongly anti-modernist and considered it a European-centered phenomenon which was in the stage of nihilism and absurdity; and he was concerned with its dominance over Eastern culture and spirituality. Years later, he changed his views in an obvious way and  recognized modernity as a superior meta-narrative, and believed that its dominance over other cultures and civilizations were inevitable. The main objective of  this research is to find the underlying reasons for the transformation of Shaygan's attitude towards modernity, and his confrontation with political and social developments of his time. The perceptible transformation of his views on modernity can be seen in his books published during two time periods: a) Those written before the Islamic Revolution of Iran (e.g., “Mental Idols and Eternal Memory;” and “Asia vs. the West”; and b)  books published one and two decades after the Revolution (namely, “New Enchantment,” and “Forty-piece Identity and Mobile Thinking,” In the first post-revolution decade,  Shaygan was strongly influenced by the developments caused by this particularly momentous event in Iranian contemporary  history; and consequently, he tried to analyze the ontological foundations of the occurrence of this astonishing revolution. During the last years of his life, the focus of his work  was on the literary and cultural heritage of the East and the West, as seen in his two books entitled “In Search of Lost Spaces,” and “Five Climates of Presence: A Discussion on Iranian Poetry.” In this research, we evaluate these books by using the method of qualitative conceptual analysis.It is argued that Shaygan’s attention to Kant's approach to the critique of pure reason led him to distance himself from his previous Heideggerian interpretation of modernity. By criticizing metaphysics, Kant created a new possibility for a pluralistic design of modern thought. A possibility that could be an opportunity to break out of the impasse of modern nihilism and move to a kind of radical cognitive freedom in the context of modernity. Shaygan's attention to postmodern ideas —instead of the traditional Eastern heritage — as a new philosophical basis for overcoming Heidegger's previous Nietzschean approach, has been made possible by this re-reading of Kant's critical rationality, and perhaps by his attention to Watimo's views. The authors try to answer the following main research question: What are the reasons for the change in Shaygan's attitude towards the relationship between modernity and cultural heritage of Eastern societies, from the perspective of Heidegger-Nietzsche's view of Kant? In the hypothesis, it is postulated that  the prevalence of anti-Western political radicalism in Iran showed Shaygan that Nietzsche-Heidegger's reading of Eastern heritage and the denial of modernity had no effect other than its ideological reproduction. Shaygan reconsidered the foundations of modernity in the context of a Kantian and post-Kantian pluralism. Realizing the danger of the negation of modernity, Shaygan concluded that the interaction between the Eastern traditions and modernity is inevitable. This interaction was not seen possible with the earlier approach based on the negation and reduction of modernity to nihilism. Reconsideration of Shaygan’s  approach was inspired by Watimo's Kantian reading of Nietzsche; and thus, he sought to adopt a Kantian and post-Kantian approach to Eastern modernity and tradition. While modernity is universally interpreted, Eastern traditions are not considered as alternatives to modernity, but as spiritual complement to give meaning to human life in the modern age.

Considering the importance of the political mobilization of the bazaar in the 1957 revolution based on the unquestionable support that it provided in areas such as the construction of mosques and takayas and financing of the clergy, the purpose of the upcoming research is to investigate the action of the bazaar and the bazaar people as an influential social force during the Islamic revolution with a descriptive-explanatory method. and tries to answer the question that what role did the political mobilization of the traditional market play in the process of collective action in the 1957 Iranian Islamic Revolution? In response to this question, based on Charles Tilly's theory of collective action, the role of the market's logistical, defensive and offensive political mobilization on the revolution of 1957 is discussed, and according to the findings of the research, considering the role of the market in logistical mobilization in areas such as the construction of mosques and takaya and The financing of the clergy was discussed, and also in the offensive mobilization of the bazaar by examining the presence of the bazaar in political organizations such as the Islamic Federation and in the defensive mobilization in the joining of the bazaars to the nationwide strikes to support the 1957 revolution, the role of the bazaar in this revolution is discussed.

Al-Ahmad's radical critiques of the concept of Westernization due to the widespread popularity of various sections of Iranian society at the time of its introduction played an important role in the intellectual and political orientations of Iranian society. Research Findings1- Westernization is a reaction related to modernizationHis views entitled "Westernization" in its technological, economic and social dimensions should be considered as a reaction to the pattern of modernization that was being formed rapidly in the second Pahlavi era and regardless of its consequences. The strong dependence of this process on global capitalism and the prominent role of multinational companies in investing in Iran's domestic industries, along with the growing import of foreign products from oil revenues and the prevalence of consumerism in the urban lifestyle, was a phenomenon that many intellectuals of that period in various forms. It was criticized and Al-Ahmad was one of the pioneers in criticizing this modernization in this direction.2. Critical Westernization of Superficial ModernismThe dependent and accelerated modernization of the Pahlavi government was rooted in a superficial and ignorant modernism that dominated the thought and culture of the elites and constitutionalist and modernist intellectuals of Reza Shah's era and in the Ahmad's era by the formal education system, press and cultural magazines and even some new intellectuals and educated people. dominated. The modernism that prevailed during this period undoubtedly lacked philosophical depth or precise knowledge of the nature of modern culture and civilization, and for this reason it promoted imitation of the modern lifestyle as the main manifestation of modernity. He was involved in cultural and identity debates.3. Weakness of the positive aspects of the concept of westernizationThe lack of philosophical aspect and the emphasis on economic and political aspects of Al-Ahmad's critiques of the accelerated modernization and superficial modernism of the Pahlavi era in the context of the critique of the phenomenon of "Westernization" indicate if his superficial acquaintance with modern European civilization. Except for the strengthening of anti-Western political currents in the form of political and cultural anti-Westernism.

The purpose of this study was to review and criticize the theory of Iranian modernity, Ali Mirsepasi, as one of the most important analyses that has been done on the Iranian in face of modernity which has tried to present multiple models of modernity as a new theory. The current study has used the analytical-critical method, while analyzing the main features of the theory of Iranian modernity, evaluating and criticizing its critical and positive aspects in the study of contemporary Iranian developments. Shortcomings of his analysis include paying great attention to the intellectual and cultural aspects of Iranian modernity while not paying attention to the structural and institutional aspects of it which effects the development of modernity. Moreover role of intellectuals in promoting political Islam and traditional forces and institutions in the Islamic Revolution have not been addressed. One of the most important findings of the current research is shedding light on positive aspects of his proposed model, which is based on the diversity of cultural and historical experiences of modernity and the attempt to draw a non-European-oriented image of it. The general result of this research indicates that the theory of Iranian modernity, while presenting a new approach and perspective to the study of contemporary Iranian history, postpones some of its crucial aspects emphasizing the need for new research.

The dominance of positivism over the philosophy of science in the first years of the twentieth century, due to its wave of criticism by some philosophers of science in the second half of this century, was in crisis and collapse. The views of scientific philosophers such as Popper, Cohen, and Lakatos provided the basis for the emergence of more radical critiques of the classical stream of philosophy of science. In the same vein, Feyerabend tried to replace the previous approaches with a kind of methodological anarchism in his book, Against Method The Anarchist Theory of Knowledge. According to her, there is no reasonable way to obtain and reject theories. In this book, she shows that trying to find rules for the logical reconstruction of the process of advancing science and proving and refuting theories is futile. In this research, while reviewing the mentioned book, an attempt has been made to evaluate some of the main views of the author in terms of form and content. The purpose of this work is to show the validity of the author's radical claims in the philosophy of science and to assess its strengths and weaknesses. The method used in the critique of this descriptive-analytical work shows that Firand's views, while in the field of philosophy of science as a new critical.

All of the authorities believe that the incomplete process of forming a new social middle class is one of the reasons that prevent the growth of democracy in developing countries. On the other hand, many experts in political science and some Iranian sociologists believe that Iranian middle class have not passed the historical and economic development as European middle class that came out of bourgeois class so we don’t have a social middle class in Iran. On the other hand, one can ask that how we can name the social class that have immigrated from rural areas and small cities into large cities and have worked in bureaucratic systems and have changed their consuming habits, lifestyles and social and political concerns since Reza Pahlavi. Can we name them a kind of social middle class that are different from new social classes because the modernization process in Iran was obligatory, so their practice as a critic and a dynamic social class in social and political development is not similar to that of new middle class? Another question is that whether the existence of this social group can form dignity and some demands for them? Can these demands affect social and political events? This article tries to study the identity of this new middle class in Iran in last three decades and their role in Iran`s political development.

AbstractThe geopolitical position of the countries during the time is affected by different factors like wars, revolutions, Changes of international system that are always changing. Iran has been one of the important countries in the area that has experienced huge changes and variations in the previous decades, the reasons of creation those changes can be domestic and foreign geopolitical factors. Disruption of the bipolar system was the reason of changing the geopolitical nature of Iran and getting a new role in the area and in the world. Because foreign policy and performance of governments are retrieved from geopolitical environment and creation of interactional situations in a collection of spatial and temporal behaviors. Islamic Republic of Iran, in spite of having Strategic position, because of lack of effective coordination between Physical and software aspects of power doesn’t have suitable position in Global system queues that itself has imposed a lot of costs on foreign policy of the country. The present study is looking for the answer to this main question that what has been the reasons of geopolitical changes of Iran position in the area and in the global system? To answer this question, the descriptive-analytical method has been used and the collection of resources has also been libraries and Internet.

The new middle class as a progressive social class which efforts to move towards development, has important role in the political and social upheavals and political development, especially in political participation. We can see this active role in the development when this class has come to self-consciousness and pursues its demands through forums and groups and parties give them identity. When there is no self-consciousness we will see inactiveness in political participation or negative participation. This paper through examining the roles of three variables; the separation of objective and subjective culture; new middle class’ lack of independence; the absence of modernity, attempts to study the intensification or reduction of alienation in the social middle class of post-revolutionary Iran. Identifying the underlying causes of this alienation can be a step toward identifying the class itself which helps to meet its demands which of course is in line with modern development in Iranian community.

New middle classasa classinan effort tomove towards progressive development، the Important rolein thepolitical and social upheavals and political development، especially inpoliticalparticipation; Sowe canplay an active roleinthedevelopmentofthisclasshavetheThis classconsciousnessanddemandshertocome totheforums andgroups andpartiesto pursueAndtogiveitan identityAndwhenwe seethatthere is noconsciousnessinpolitical participationorthe participation ofanynegativereactionitwill be. Therefore،this paperattempts toexamine therole of threevariables; Separationofobjective andsubjectiveculture-lack of independenceofthenew middle class-notmodernity، Increase or decrease thealienation ofthemiddle classinnext-revolutionary Iranpay. Identifytheunderlyingcauses oftheiralienationcan bea step towardidentifyingtheclassIn order to meet the demands of modern development in line with the community.

In the last three decades after Islamic revolution، the middle class has shown effort to assume more and role to play in the various sectors of socio-politics. However، this class due to its historical dependency on government and its identification with the autocratic rule of Pahlavi the second in the course of modernization spearheaded by Pahlavi''s regime، has not been able so far to clean itself from stigma of having associated with the overthrown Pahlavi regime. This lingering stigma has hampered any effort by this class to play its role as the engine of mobility of political development. As the result of its sociopolitical ineffectiveness this class has become alienated and too marginalized to be able to play role in sociopolitical arena. For the building of middle class identity the first step must be the smaller government and thereafter the effort should be directed toward the building of civil society in support the causes of this class.