مقالات رزومه دکتر جاسب نیکفر

Violent crimes have fatal effects on the social life of society and incur irreparable costs. Compared to other crimes, these types of crimes have more destructive and severe consequences and challenge social order and cohesion more strongly. Various economic and social factors are effective in the occurrence of such crimes. The purpose of this article is to study the impact of these factors on the occurrence of violent crimes in Central Province in the last ten years. In this research, we have used a quantitative method (with a secondary analysis approach). The statistical population of this research includes economic and social data and data of some violent crimes in the two cities of Arak and Saveh, and the whole number sampling method was used to collect data. Dynamic panel data model and ordinary least squares method are used to estimate the effect of socio-economic factors on violent crimes in Central Province, during the period of 2012 to 2014. The research results indicate that the increase in unemployment rate, consumer price index, Gini coefficient and population has a positive and significant (direct) impact on violent crimes in Central Province. Meanwhile, increasing education has a (direct) negative and significant impact on violent crimes in Central Province.

The present study seeks to explain and evaluate the components of the generation gap in interaction with virtual social networks with emphasis on the political component (Case study: Citizens of Tehran(. From this perspective, after expanding the conceptual space of the subject, An integrated theoretical approach has been used to explain the subject.Using a survey study, the research datas were selected using a researcher-made questionnaire from 384 citizens with age15 years and older in Tehran who were selected using the cochran sample size estimation formula and multi-stage cluster sampling method. The instrument was validated through Qualitative formal content validity. The Reliability was Also estimated by Cronbach Alpha.The descriptive findings of the study have shown that the average of the total index of differences in the values of the generation gap is low among the studied age groups and therefore indicates the generation difference rather than the generation gap.Besides that; The inferential findings of the research in the Bivariate analysis section have shown that the duration of more use, news, scientific and educational use, having a Instrumental motivation (purposeful) in the use of virtual social networks, has caused a generation gap (generational difference) between different age groups. Also, the research findings in the multivariate analysis section showed that the independent variables of duration, type of use, motivation and purpose of use and age had a significant effect on the dependent variable at the error level of 0.01..

The riot in the prison is a rarely occurred experience. Despite the evident attempts to escape from prison in most prisons, it happens rarely due to the coordination and planning for mass escape in prison by disrupting the order of the prison and clashing with the officers. Due to the spread of the Covid-19 and it's concerns, in March of this year (1399), a number of prisoners were sent on leave. Subsequently, other prisoners also requested to use leave under the pretext of being safe from the disease. However after the dissemination of the news of prisoners escape in some prisons of the country, including Saqez city and in some foreign countries, prison escape became a security phenomenon of prison riot, which was considered as one of the most important and sensitive policing and security missions of Faraja. The purpose of the current research was to identify the strengths and weaknesses of riot in the prisons of the country.

The present research is applied in terms of purpose and it is analytical based on interview. The statistical population include employees and employees of prisons involved in riots caused by Covid 19.

In this research it was attempted to prepare an analytical pattern of riot by conducting interview with employees and employees of prisons while identifying the strengths, weaknesses and causes of riots. Also, based on the research findings some suggestions were offered in order to prevent riots.

Considering the occurrence of some recent movements in prisons by the enemies of the system in order to cause families and other people being dissatisfied from the existing situation, it became a proper platform to create insecurity; Therefore, all judicial and security agencies of the province and the country need to take appropriate measures in order to deal with this type of unrest and use modern facilities, equipment and training to deal with the main factors and the motivators in time.

Todays, due to the human desire to maximize extraction of available resources, the world is facing so many environmental threats in terms of pollution in various spheres of the planet. Hydrosphere is one of the most important areas of the biosphere that has suffered most damages from this phenomenon. As a coastal country, Iran is also struggling with problems related to water pollutants and the use of shared resources in its three territorial waters. Khazar is one of these triple territorial waters. The five littoral states of the Caspian Sea disagreements about division of the territorial waters have led many of its problems to be ignored. Environmental crises are the most important of these issues that have had a huge negative impact on the lives and economies of people living in the coastal regions of the sea. Furthermore, contrary to reluctances of states to give up their sovereignty claims in this subject, environmental issues are categorized in low politics, and states show less sensitivity in cooperation on these matters. So, the environmental problems of the Caspian Sea could serve as a platform for initiation of cooperation between coastal states, its expansion to other fields and finally the intensification of convergence between the states. Therefore, the main question of the present article is what kinds of unsought crises can be considered in Iran’s environmental diplomacy agenda with the Caspian Sea littoral states and thereby intensify the convergence with these countries? To answer this question, first we looked at the concept of environmental diplomacy and its relation to cooperation issue in international politics from a functionalist perspective, and showed that the main reason for the relative failures of these long-term negotiations have been the question of how to divide the sea waters and what is the share of each state in this territory; That is, the issue is contained under the high politics. The sensitivity of coastal states to this issue has left many other problems and issues unresolved. The environmental problems of the Caspian Sea are among these problems; Coastal governments, however, have paid much more attention to other issues over the past four decades. For instance, in 2003, they signed the Caspian Sea Environmental Protocol called the Tehran Convention and entered it into force in 2006; and with the signing of Convention on the legal status of the Caspian Sea in 2018, they tried to solve some of these problems. However, many of these problems still remain or have not been addressed at all. According to the classical theory of convergence, it seems that further attention to the environmental issues of the Caspian Sea, as issues in the field of low politics, can be one of the starting points for intensifying the level of convergence between five coastal states in order to reach a full and comprehensive agreement on the legal regime of the Caspian Sea. To solve these problems and expand cooperation based on Tehran Convention - as an appropriate legal and political framework that is the product of years of diplomatic negotiations - We have to answer the question, how can this environmental regime be developed? A development that, according to previous statements, helps to intensify convergence. It seems that most of the solutions and environmental negotiations on this matter have been based on planned and centrist policies; because many problems in the negotiation process have been considered insignificant and have not been raised, or there has been no awareness to them at all. Therefore, in our opinion, it is logical that in order to overcome the policy-making weakness in this specialized field, one should refer to experts and specialists who have been directly confronted with the environmental problems of the Caspian Sea for professional reasons. In order to identify the problems that should be included in the future agenda of Iran’s environmental diplomacy in the Caspian Sea based on Delphi method, we tried to gather a panel of experts; those who directly faced with environmental problems of the sea for professional reasons or during their research in the three coastal provinces (Gilan, Mazandaran and Golestan). Using the snowball method, 34 professionals and experts were invited to participate; but only 9 of them continued cooperation until the end of the research and sent their questionnaires. They were asked: 1) in the direct confrontation with the ecosystem of the Caspian Sea and neighboring provinces of the sea, what kinds of environmental problems you have faced? Problems that originate from littoral states pollutant sources and wrong extraction of natural and mineral resources by these countries? 2) What actions have been taken by the government’s Department of Environment or its provincial branches in Golestan, Mazandaran and Gilan or other organizations and the government itself to solve these environmental problems regarding the two above-mentioned subjects at the international level? 3) What kind of problems have been ignored by government’s Department of Environment in these two areas that are common between Iran and other coastal countries, or the Department is unaware of ? They identified 11 pollutant sources and 7 crises due to wrong exploitation of natural and biological resources of the sea and seabed. While expressing Iran’s achievements and constructive actions in this field, they brought up 12 important problems that had been ignored by the coastal states or had not been paid attention to. We have also proposed a series of diplomatic solutions to each of these problems, which we have finally grouped them into five general axes: 1) to establish an environmental diplomacy center under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; 2) proposing a plan to establish International Organization of Caspian Sea (IOCS) ; 3) Participation of non-governmental environmental experts and institutions in Iran’s public diplomacy with the Caspian Sea littoral states; 4) Implementation and promotion of Tehran Convention protocols; and 5) Proposing and following-up of “Joint Environmental Audit on Caspian Sea”, “Preservation of the hydrological characteristics of the Caspian Sea”, “Nuclear safety of the Caspian Sea” and “compliance with environmental standards in exploration, extraction and transportation of oil and gas resources in the Caspian Sea and its continental shelf and Seabed” protocols in order to annex them to Tehran Convention.

 Electoral behavior is time-based, place-based, and context-based. In the way that voters' behavior varies from one constituency to another and from one election to another. In recent years, the participation of voters in provinces with social tribalism context were high in the Islamic Consultative Assembly election, with the Boyer Ahmad constituency being among the constituencies where voters have a high degree of participation. Many scholars associated this area with the social context and the hegemony of the tribal sub-discourse. In the present research, the question is whether this sub-discourse has lost its hegemony and has fallen into disrepair or still remains strong?   To answer this question, the theoretical system approach has been utilized, the theory of electoral behavior and Laclau and Mouffe's discourse analysis have been mixed and the focus group method has been used. Different social groups were used in Yasuj and the villages around the city, and thus the discursive articulation of the subjectivity of social subjects was identified and their electoral behaviors were estimated. The study groups included housewives, students, employees, non-employed people, deans and village elders, taxi drivers, workers and farmers. This interview was held in early March, 2016. Housewives make up 62 percent of Yasuj women and its surrounding villages, so their views are important. Workers are also an important part of the community who have simple but noteworthy ideas. Employees as examples of educated people play an important role in shaping the mentality of people and their family members; in addition, the dominant atmosphere of government departments is very effective in shaping the mentality of employees.Non-employed people in the current population form a large population whose participation or lack of participation in the election is influenced by various factors. In the other side, students play an important role in the manner of selecting candidates due to the access to resources such as the Internet, the books, the journals, the discursive space in the university;and they have an undeniable role in the awareness and attitudes of their family members.Deans and elders are also among those people who affect their neighborhood people and are trusted among people. Taxi drivers are also accompanied and in touch with different people. Therefore, some of the social groups selected in the present study form important groups of society, which was a good choice for the present study.Therefore, during this research, a focused and detailed group interview was conducted on these important social groups. Based on the results of previous studies, the tribal sub-discourse wasthe dominant discourse shaping the behavior of voters in the electoral constituency with a tribal structure, including Boyer Ahmad. The social stakeholders in these provinces resort to a variety of ways to reproduce their power and seize hegemony; so, election is an opportunity for them to reproduce their power. The influential social groups are trying to consolidate their discourse by encouraging the elements of tribalism and fostering tribal prejudices and stimulating people's sentiments.But fixing signs in a discourse is never permanent and is still changing.Using the analysis of the centralized group interviews conducted in this paper, we have come to the conclusion that the tribal and dominant sub-discourse in Yasuj has been deconstructed, and the discourse of personal and national interests is becoming the dominant discourse. In other words, the discourse of the tribes lost its credibility, and the discourse of individual and national interests dominated the subjectivity of social subjects. With regards to the interviews, changes in the electoral behavior of subjects became tangible. If relativism played a major role in Beyer Ahmadi's electoral behavior in the past; now, personal interests, especially economic and national interests, have become the central platform for the discourse of the social groups in this constituency.Even those who consider tribalism in the election said that they did do so to reach their personal interests and needs of themselves and their family. In fact, the economic factor and individual interests have become very important in people's voting. In the group discussions that took place, it was found that subjects in the election choose the right candidateby calculating rationally and evaluating the profits and losses, and this is where the importance of individual and economic interests becomes apparent to other components. Therefore, the research shows that in the Boyer Ahmad constituency there has been a discrepancy in the tribal sub-discourse.  Moreover, although the social structures have not undergone a fundamental change, the central elements have been flawed.Participants in the group discussions focused on their electoral behavior tended to adopt a kind of individualist discourse that is in the interests of individual and national, and the discourse of tribal and tribal affiliations has been rejected and marginalized in their mentality.

The Kurds were originally one of the original Iranian tribesmen who, during the Safavid rule, following the conflict between Shah Isma'il Safavi and Salim I, the king of the Ottoman Empire in the year 1514 on parts of Iran's territory which were Kurdish - called the Chaldoran War- were separated and joined to the Ottoman Empire's territory. These parts today include: today's Turkish Kurdistan, today's Iraqi Kurdistan, and today's Syrian Kurdistan. The Kurds in all four countries have always concerned about nationalism and independence although they have always had a patriotic feeling towards their homeland, Iran. In this article, which has been written about the independence of the Kurdistan region of Iraq, the authors aim to review the reasons of failure of independence of Iraqi Kurdistan from the perspective of the disputs between the Iraqi Kurdistan's parties. The present study attempts to investigate and answer the following question: "what is the most important reason of the failor of Kurdish independence despite the holding a referendum on the Iraqi Kurdistan's region and gaining a majority of positive votes?" According to the article's hypothesis, due to the unbalanced structure of power in the Kurdistan region of Iraq, the internal controversies between the parties and the lack of coordination between them are the main reasons for the failor of Kurdish independence of Kurdistan in Iraq. The method used in this research is a descriptive and analytical study which deals with the how and why the controversies between the Kurdish parties led to the failure of the independence of the Iraqi Kurdistan. In addition, the decision-making theory of Graham Allison and Herbert Simon has been used in this article.

Among intellectuals discourse of Iranian,Dariush Shayegan always be faced in openness way to different schools and topics including "Iranian Identity" . What Since he is mentioned in the "religions and philosophical schools of India" of goodness understanding between cultures and the writer tries to show smoothly and empathy traditional Indian culture with traditional Islamic culture despite Lack of compassion, When speaks from another influx of foreign culture and therefore dangerous signs in the "Asia to the West",
Even while in"break Look" discusse of cultural schizophrenia and refers to two foldness of the culture and identity, Finally, when talking about the multiplicity of identities and integrate new freezing spell identities and cultures, are present in the process of globalization.
In this paper the authors discuss of the concept of identity in early and late of shayegan thoughts. The present article extends this approach in the vote this important philosopher, will also consider the shortcomings of his theorythis article follows of content analysis and describtion methodology .

Oil is one of the main issues of concern between the KRG and the Iraqi central government which has gained growing attention in recent years. This issue has developed extensive dimensions during the past recent years which led the divergence between the KRG and the central government and deepened the existing gap increasingly. Much of the tension goes back to the mentality and concepts on which both sides have agreed according to which they try to act. In this research we seek to investigate the issue, which could be called the second crisis of Iraq’s oil, to see what strategies and plans the KRG adopts for its oil production under its own control. The hypothesis of the study suggests that since socio-political structures of Kurdistan have always evolved around the concept of "autonomy and independence", the issue of oil can be used as an economic catalyst in line with these definitions. In this study, the descriptive-qualitative method and the theory of constructivism is applied for analysis.

In light of the weakness of secularization thesis over the past half century، besides trying to separate religion and politics، the role of religion in the public sphere has been considered by social scientists. The purpose of this paper is the study of religion in the public sphere. This paper by addressing the symptoms of the presence of religion including the political and symbolic and Mobilization and institutional presence، attempts to analyze political developments in Egypt over the past three years. Religion presence in the public sphere in Egypt after the January 25 revolution that is one of the main features of Post-revolutionary period، Has caused some concerns in Egypt. this is not only a result of the polarization and disputes between Islamic forces and liberal secular forces، But also it is a result of what some experts have called a violation of civil rights achievements of the Egyptian revolution; revolution that should، according to this spectrum، give the more political and social space to the civil forces Compared with religious movements. But Some experts believes that the overthrow of the Mubarak regime، dominated by the ruling party (NDP)، led to a severe variation in the political scene and the weight of various actors. So since President Mubarak overthrow، has emerged the new political groups and parties with various ideological and intellectual trends. But major change has appeared in the distribution and Segregation of Islamist parties in post-revolutionary period. So the number of parties who rely on religious legitimacy، has passed the15 parties and if the current political opening continued، there is still the possibility of increasing this number. The present paper concludes that the religion will play an important role in determining the shape and nature of democratic change in Egypt during the future period. It also emphasizes that this is not just one Islamic force dominated the public sphere، but a distribution and diversity has occurred within the Islamic spectrum. This study notes that whenever Egypt taking a step towards democracy، an important change occurred in the discourse and ideology and actions of old and new political parties.