دکتر سجاد کاظمی

One of the most important religious sects that influenced the political and social situation of Great Khorasan during the 3rd to 6th centuries AH, was the Karamiya sect attributed to Abu Abdullah Muhammad ibn Karam Sistani (died 255 AH). They experienced the most important period of their political elevation especially in connection with the Ghaznavid government. Karamians, who were famous for asceticism, frugality, contentment, and economic austerity, during the first Ghaznavid period, clearly aligned with the government's economic policy, turned to extortion, bribery, and confiscation of opponents' property. This research, with the method of historical description and analysis, seeks to answer this question, what were the reasons for the change of Karamian's point of view from sanction of Kasb to economic activities and earning livelihood? The findings in this regard show that the Karamians and their followers did not always have a common economic point of view. Non-obligation as well as pretense and tolerance in religious foundations, the nature of the social base of the followers of this sect consisting of the lower classes of the society as well as urban merchants and artisans who themselves believed in business and also as a result of the political opportunity that some Ghaznavid sultans gave to Karamiya leaders according to their own interests, it actually changed their economic outlook and their social and political position. Besides, they played an effective role along with the Ghaznavid sultans in confiscating the property of the opponents as an economic policy and one of the sources of irregular income of the Ghaznavids. From this point of view, the Ghaznavids' support of the Karamians was not influenced by economic motives.

Khwaja Marjan was one of the Emirs of the late Ilkhanid period, who served Emir Hassan Jalayirid. As a result of the conflict between local contenders for power, she played an important role in consolidating the rule of Jalayirid in Baghdad. But during the time of Sultan Uwais (757-776 AH) and in her absence, she suddenly rebelled in Baghdad and declared war against her Sultan (765-766 AH). Based on historical, and literary sources and numismatic studies and with a descriptive-analytical approach, the present research seeks to answer this question, what were the reasons for Khaja Marjan's rebellion in Baghdad against her government? The analysis is based on the fact that in the context of the internal factors of Khajah Marjan's rebellion, it occurred in the context of a power vacuum and the continuation of political instability caused by the disintegration of the Ilkhanate's centralized government in the long term. Also, the influence of the Jalayirid governance model based on the rule of Siorghal and the custom of imposing taxes on waqf properties should not be overlooked. More importantly, in the context of external factors, the role and involvement of the Mamluks of Egypt should be mentioned. In the political dimension, the Mamluks followed the formation of a dependent government in Baghdad. In the religious dimension, Khwaja Marjan's rebellion, due to their intervention, had a religious nature with the aim of restoring the caliphate in Baghdad.

Hajj Ali Quli Khan Sardar Asaad (1274-1336 AH) was one of the prominent men of the Qajar era and one of the few tribal leaders who joined the group of constitutionalists from the beginning of the formation of the idea of constitutionalism. In this regard, he linked two generations of leaders of the constitutional movement. During the reign of Nasser al-Din Shah (1247-1313 AH) and Muzaffar al-Din Shah (1313-1324 AH), he secretly collaborated with some secret anti-authoritarian and constitutionalist associations and during the reign of Mohammad Ali Shah (1324-1327 AH) with the return of Istebdad e Saghir (Minor Autocracy) and the massacre of major leaders of the first generation, he expressed his opposition to the tyrant Shah from Paris. During the period of the re-establishment of the constitution of which he was the main leader; He held the positions of Minister of Interior, Minister of War and Member of Parliament. In this research, we intend to examine the content analysis method of his representation period, especially the importance of his speeches. Although Sardar Asaad did not make many speeches during his tenure in parliament, But, his few speeches are important because they show his understanding of the principles of the constitutional system and also the understanding of the fundamental difference between the system and the political culture that governs Iranian society.

The iqṭāʿ in various forms was a method for land management, especially for centuries in the history of Iran. It was not very popular during the Ghaznavid period due to their dependence on the plunder. The iqṭāʿ rule was that when the government could not pay the troops in cash, it would cede the land to them. Why the iqṭāʿ was not applied even when they had problem in paying the troops during the late Ghaznavid period? This research seeks to answer this question and also to explain the system of iqṭāʿ in the early Ghaznavid period through descriptive and qualitative analysis. The findings show that the early Ghaznavids profited from the iqṭāʿ system, but Sabuktigin's reform in land management prevented the iqṭāʿ system. The later Ghaznavid sultans replaced it by paying the troops from peasants' properties.

One of the most important financial sources of the Ghaznavid economy in the early period, from the establishment of slaves led by Alpetikin and Sabuktigin in Ghazni (351 AH) to the end of the reign of Sultan Mahmud (421 AH) was reliance on the system of booty, which was the main support for minting high quality coins. But since the reign of Sultan Massoud (432-421 AH) faced a silver crisis, during which the value of the currency decreased and the number of high-denomination coins also decreased. Hence, the later Ghaznavid sultans turned to other easy-to-reach incomes to cover their current and military expenses. It is assumed that the silver crisis due to the reduction of grade and its lack of equipment for the troops led to the evolution of Ghaznavids' sources of income from the looting system to become more dependent on the revenues of the tax system. The method used in this research is descriptive-analytical based on qualitative and quantitative evidence and coinage study. The results show that the decline in conquests in India, the costs of the succession dispute, and the huge costs in unproductive affairs have left the Ghaznavid facing a silver crisis and a devaluation of the currency and as a result, the Ghaznavid sultans resorted to the revenues of the tax system to compensate for the lost financial resources, especially the provision of cash to their troops in the form of remittances and double impositions, which also added to the difficulty of governing them.

The slaves under Alpetikin did not rely on certain financial resources in their group movement independent of the Samanid government. Therefore, from the beginning of moving and settling in Ghazni city (351 AH), they based their required financial resources on the system of booty. However, their target groups were more than non-Muslims in India, which in this sense also gave their plunder religious legitimacy. This process is accompanied by a period of interruption in the period of several of Alpetikin successors; It resumed with the coming to power of Sabuktikin (386-366 AH). And in the time of Sultan Mahmud (388-421 AH) it had become the most important component of their economic resources. The main question is why the economy of Ghaznavids in the early period was driven to rely on the system of booty? The obvious assumptions are that religious motives or so-called jihad in the way of God and the spread of Islam, as well as economic motives and the plunder of India's wealth have been effective in this regard. The present paper uses historical description and analysis method, while validating the above motives, has presented another important factor, namely the change in Ghaznavid land relations as an alternative factor in this field as a result of Amir Sabuktikin reforms in preventing the troops from engaging in agriculture and revoking their land ownership.

Analyses of Islamic society are often based on the assumption that inheritance practices follow Islamic law. Examination of these two Persian wills of Sardar As’ad, one of the leading Bakhtiyari khans, reveals deviation from what might be regarded as an Islamic norm -in which sons share equally in father’s estate. These two wills bestow the major portion of the estate on a favorite son which enables him to continue as a powerful leader both within the Bakhtiyari and in Iran itself. In addition to the bases of wealth, revealed by these wills, is land, urban real property, and incomes from bridge tolls, and oil company shares. These wills help to explain the persistence of wealth and power within certain families over several generations and in addition they help to point up again the adaptability of Islam and its institutions.

Ahvaz, Iran The combination of history and theory is among the methods that many scholars, including historians and sociologists, have shown their interest in that. Charles Tilly is a sociologist who has used historical events to illustrate how sociological patterns work. This article analyzes the Sarbedaran social-religious movement based on the theory of collective action by him. Thus, the concepts which are related to the collective action theory such  as interests, organization, mobilization, collective action, opportunity, threat, suppression and facilitation, were extracted from the history and described. Then, based on those concepts,  the inner elements of the Sarbedaran movement, namely the impact of economic interests, the role of the Dervishes, futuwat Organization, Shiite and the sources of effective mobilization of forces, as well as the objective factors, such as the conditions for suppression or facilitation of the confrontation between the challenging groups of the Leaders and the political community of the Ilkhans have been analysed. The method used in this article is comparative. The findings show that continuation of tax encroachment and double taxation, the role of the Sufi traditions, the Shiite, and the organization of futuwat and close connection between its social forces and the movement's organization as well as the political role of such forces are major sources of mobilization, and the disintegration of the Ilkhanates government and also the inability of their armed forces to suppress the opposition and challenger groups, are facilitating conditions for the Sarbedaran movement.

Geographical factors are the basis of many political events and social movements, while the Silk Road as an independent geographical factor has always been associated with many political, cultural and commercial transitions. These events include the facilitation of the transfer of commercial goods, in particular the transfer of slaves to the Muslim world, which as human commodities have been the ornament of the court of kings, caliphs and Aristocratic assemblies, as well as other incentives for independent military and social and political movements. The latter function applies to the Ghaznavids, as they are one of the few dynasties whose foundations were based on the slave trade on the Silk Road. This study seeks to answer the question of how the trade in the Silk Road has had an impact on the emergence and social mobility of the Turkish commanders, especially Amir Sabuktigin Ghaznavid? We formulated the answer on the premise that economic and commercial factors have had a major impact on the emergence and social mobility of the Ghaznawi Turkish commanders. Findings suggest that the Silk Road was a crossroad between the deserted tribes and the slave trade, especially through the Borskhanian crossing in the Noushajjans from the Transoxania frontier, which created a suitable platform for the role of both Muslim troops and merchants in buying and selling. It provided funding for the slave campaign, such as Sabuktigin and other slaves. On the other hand, slaves' economic break from the Samanids government and their economic dependence on their nascent homogenous leaders, especially in the case of Albetigin and Sabuktigin, provided the basis for their social mobility towards an independent state.

Painting and drawing style period of Al Jalayer in the continuation of the current should be Illkhanate(School of Tabriz) examined. The main impact remained of the Illkhanate was style of Chinese painting here during Jallayerid polished. We believe with historical and descriptive approach - analysis of the painting and the painting of the period and its share in the formation of the painting school in Herat, Timuridperiod.The findings suggest that the Sultans, especially Sultan Owais and his son Sultan Ahmed Jalayer political Conflicts established with support from studios and artists have had a major role in the evolution of art of this period. Chinese style painting at this time, especially in the Baghdad School of adjustment and their flavor was Iran and other contemporary artists Jalayer and their students with the transition to the Timurid era art centers contribute to the formation of the Timurid period have been Herat school of painting.

With the advent of Constitutional Revolution private lands was spread dramatically, as a result of sale process of government's pure lands. However, merging Iran's economy with global economy led to the emergence of capitalists who invested a lotto buy farms. Also various groups of officials, peasants, bureaucrats, and businessmen joined to the owners and landlord class. The present study, using historical research method, seeksto answer to the question that how the landholding system evolved with the advent of Constitutional Revolution especially to function the first parliament in connection with land ownership. Research findings show that measures took by first parliament of the national assembly seemto be conservative and non-revolutionary, and peasants did not see so radical actions and evolutions from the first parliament to divide the land against land lords and land owners and constitutional Revolution actually contributed to the growth the great ownership system.

Khuzistan as a river-plain civilization during pre-Islamic and Islamic era, have had several prosperous cities which in addition to some of the most well-known cities such as Susa, Shushtar and Ahvaz, there were cities which there is no trace of them. Some of these cities which were located adjacent to Karun river were Askar Mokarran, Souq al-Arba’a, Jobai and Dorraq. The main aim of his article is to study the reasons for rise and fall of Khuzistancities during 3rd and 4th centuries AH., based on Max Weber’s theory on categorizing cities according to their nature and changes in a descriptive- analytical approach. Our hypothesis is that the existence of several rivers especially the navigable Karun river and its connection with the high seas had been the factor and platform for commercial and cultural formation and prosperous of the Khuzistan cities. According to the findings of this survey, the foundation of the most Khuzistan cities except Asskar Mokarram and Souq al- Arba’a, is dated back to pre-Islamic era. These cities had produced various merchandise and had commercial boom and consequently high cultural development. But these cities had lost their lives over time due to some natural causes such as high water and redirection of the river and also some historical cause such as the effect of Zangi revolt, the emergence of Turks, the change of commercial routs and clash between Arab native powers.

As the territories of the Mongol Empire was divided among the descendants of Genghis Khan, the tribal relationships between the members of a house determined the relations between different regins. In this regard, the relations between the rulers of Cuman-Kipchak confederation (The golden horde) with the Ilkhanates in Iran, and consequently with the Jalairid Sultanate as the political heirs to the Ilkhanates, is greatly important. Although the Jalairids were not in thrall to the Imperial House, as a mongol tribe they played an important role in Genghis’ conquests and in the establishment of the Ilkanate rule. Furthermore, they replaced the Ilkhanates in the relations with the Khans of Cumancia. The current research has employed a historical method and has enjoyed first-hand sources in exploring the relations between the Golden Horde and the Jalairid rulers. Our assumption is that the approach adopted by Cumancia Khans in engaging with the Jalairids, is the continuation of the belligerent policies formerly employed in dealing with the Ilkhanates. The findings of this research suggest that Azerbaijan was at the crossroad of these relations, as a result of which Tabriz became hotbed of tensions of conflicts on various occasions. Although the rise of Teimur as a common enemy could be a turning point in the Jalairids’ relations with the Golden Horde, however, their plans for unity fell through and triggered the decline and fall of the two.