داود غرایاق زندی

Not only do Human Rights facilitate political functions through society, but also promote the legitimacy of political institutions. So Human rights get the right source of domestic and international conducting of the countries. It for being updated has a conceptual, contextual, and structural development in its historical trajectory. State indeed needs to be mentioned on what the global development resulted the good governance to improve its efficiency. The main question is what is related the security governance to Human rights. The hypothesis is that Human Rights by providing human security, sustainable development, and good governance make a proper setting for security governance. Improving accountability in the security sections and providing the people with monitoring increased the state's legitimacy and held it in trust. The security governance deems not to decline the capability of the security sections, rather it pursues self-regulation in managing the society in the right manner. As a result, the paper tries to show where means of self-regulating in the security section

The axis of resistance in Southwest Asia, as a significant actor and geopolitical force, has had a substantial impact on regional actions and interactions. It has played a crucial role in shaping the transformation and dynamics of power relations in regional security developments. The goal of this study is to evaluate the impact of the axis of resistance on regional security changes and developments. It aims to provide a realistic assessment and perspective on the axis of resistance's position in the region's power and security hierarchy, as well as its role in ensuring and maintaining stable security. The axis of resistance has established itself as a key player in Southwest Asia, influencing power dynamics, security balance, and the overall regional landscape. It has successfully positioned itself at the top of the power pyramid, enabling it to play a significant role in power and security equations. To keep its growth going, though, it's important to look at the threats and opportunities, as well as the pros and cons of this axis in terms of creating discourse, adapting to geo-economic and geo-cultural changes, and making deterrence stronger. This research employed both an interpretative paradigm and a qualitative method. The data was collected through document analysis and studying library resources. Additionally, 27 elites and experts participated in a semi-structured interview. The purpose was to extract data, indicators, components, and dimensions related to the subject, position, policy-making process, strategies, and the current situation of the axis of resistance against security developments in the geopolitical structure of Southwest Asia.

In the modern era, studying on the identity grew out more in the throughout the world. It means that this question on knowing on himself/herself and who are we in the pre-modern studies does not matter. It seems that they thought about it when discussing on what is this or what exists in the Medievial age, meanwhile it does in difference with the modern one. The paper does try to conceptualize it by setting forth of the two distinguished philosophers such as Al-farabi and Avecinna. The main question is that how would be conceptualizing the concept of identity in the Medieval are by review of the Al-farabi’s and Avecinna’s thought? First of all it should be ask on the possibility of Islamic Philosophy. As philosophy is methodoligically about the universal questions, the Islamic one examined the issues that come from the cultural settings. It does set context to study on it in their perceptions as a universal matter in the Medieval period that the main ones are that what it is and who they are. While in the Medieval era knowing who governs was at prioriy in comparison with the knowing how governs, endorsing to introduce it as the virtuous conception of identity depended to the leader of the Islamic Community in their philosophical thoughts and their differences and sameness on it, relating and understanding it in concerned to the modern era and could be define it as the main problem of Muslim with modernity indeed. The main concluding notice is that a Muslim who intended to pursue the happiness especially in the world coming next how could be done it .

On March 2021, Iran and China signed an agreement as part of the Chinese Grand strategy, best known as Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI), which is a long-term plan to enable the Chinese government to project its power in the three continents of Asia, Africa and Europe by the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, and its revolution in 2049. A qualitative content analysis of the unofficially published agreement shows that it goes beyond the perceived position of Iran in the BRI and echoes Iran’s national development plans.  If it means that China would become an engine of growth for Iran, there might be strategic reasons for the Chinese side to accept such a commitment. Thereupon, the main research question is as follows: Given the unequal power position of the two countries in the international system, what would be the primary challenges facing Iran as they relate to the Iran-China 25-year Comprehensive Cooperation Plan? It is widely argued that the main challenge of alliance is its security dilemma which include the two dimensions of autonomy/security and entrapment/abandonment paradoxes. In the research hypothشesis, it is postulated that the creation of a balance of power and strengthening common interest is likely to lead to a kind of interdependence between the two superior and weaker countries, and will prevent the emergence of the  security dilemmas of alliances. The method used in the paper is the qualitative content analysis by which the researcher is able to objectively and systematically explain the content of any document such as the Sino-Iran Agreement. This method of analysis will be used to reveal the potential challenges facing the Iranian side as a result of signing the agreement. In general, states’ primary interest inherent in their objectives to form an alliance might be classified as follows: a) to restore the balance of power, from a realist perspective; and b) to counterbalance against a perceived balance of threat. There are two issues  that are associate with the alliance security dilemma; the first one is that in the absence of power parity, maintaining the security of the inferior state by the superior one would be at the expense of the autonomy of the inferior partner, particularly in its security decision-making process. The second one is that if the superior state strives to provide a security umbrella for the inferior state, it might be entrapped into an unwanted conflict with other Great Powers. Of course, if the powerful state fails to protect its ally against other influential states, the inferior partner consequently may decide not to stay in the alliance, and choose the abandonment as its best option. The issues that threaten all alliances are security dilemmas or predicament situation for the states which are in the alliance. These are daunting challenges for the main decision-makers who must decide when, in what situations, how, and with what outcomes to enter an alliance or withdraw from it. In general, three factors should be considered: what are the needs for the formation of an alliance, to what extent the alliance partners would meet those needs, and what are the actual terms and conditions of the contract forming the alliance. In the conclusion, it is argued that since one of the guiding principles of IRI’s foreign policy is the rejection of all forms of domination, it is of paramount importance not to rely on the East (e.g., China) in an attempt to avoid impressive pressures of the West.  By considering the costs and benefits of the challenges posed by the agreement, Iran can avoid the alliance security dilemma, lower the likelihood of one-sided dependency by emphasizing dual deterrence from the West and East in accordance with the principles of Iran’s foreign policy. Accordingly, Iran urgently needs to re-evaluate all factors involved in the alliance-formation process, particularly  the alliance needs, and the expected outcomes of the terms specified in the text of the bilateral agreement.

The subject-matter on the political stability and instability is of a paramount issue in the political science by which it could be effect on the (dis)consolidation of the political power. It was the matter that the political system faced very often, rather it did follow a new pattern by getting growing the modern civilizational establishments in throughout the world in recent centuries. The social equilibrium was the quintessential theory that promoted the related issues in sequence. Once a social equilibrium falls into decline, the whole political system as a result of the social one gets a tangle into the political instability and the political changes constantly till to reshape a new one. Based on the framework, it tried to show that what is the conceptual pattern of the political stability and instability occurrence in (dis)consolidating the political systems. The conceptual pattern is related to what is the cause of the political (in)stability, to what extent the political pressure from the abroad would be effect on the system functioning and what is the response of the political system to it by peaceful mechanism or restoring the force that could being lead to the stable or volatile situations. By the conceptual pattern, not only does it make a better framework to understand the subject-matter, does it a proper set to survey empirically on it.

China’s global role and its influence on the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) are growig steadily. Therefore, the matter is that why China pays attention to MENA how this region can help them extend its strenghth. By the open-ended conflicts embedded into the region from the outset of the Ottoman Empire collapsed at the second decade of last century shows that there is no room to salve for them and the interest involving of the Western countries into the region highly volatile them indeed. Declaring the US new strategy pivots on the Far East provides China with proper situation to come into the region by virtue of power vacuumed. The main question is that why and how China takes part into the MENA. As ever-growing needs energy, being a bridge between the East-West and the need to receive the new high Western technologies from Israel are the reason why China is interested in the MENA. It is tried to foster the political stability, make offer to humanitarian aids to the crisis-engaged countries and to copy with the terrorism in order to manage opposite issues. The paper tries to explain the Chinese foreign policy behavior into the MENA by what it brings in its strategic and foreign policy conduct development.

As an Iranian tradition, the Nowruz ritual constituted based on the natural order and foundation. It may also be rooted in the social characteristics. Accordingly, it sets a context for peace and friendship in-between the human and the nature, as well as among the humans. The foundation is established according to the concepts such as the beginnings, the end of time, the diversification for happy-go-lucky, the life legend, the living proof, the echo-system of the nature, the harmony with the nature, focusing on the value - not price - of the nature, and finally the rhythmic tone of the time. Not only this foundation contributes in the social dimensions of human’s life in terms of peace and friendship, but also it is a good ground explaining that why it has a long-life in the Iranian culture during the historical trajectory. Thus, in the present study, it was attempted to explore the Nowruz ritual from the outset of the Iranian life in order to delve into a social solidarity and mental integrities made among them, and that could be extended over the generations and among other non-Iranian people too, and also to shed light on the mysterious long history concerning the Nowruz ritual in the past, nowadays and the future.

The history of strategic and security studies in Iran dates back to more than a decade (from the middle of the 70’s solar year). In this period various studies have been published in this field in different forms. This set the ground for the localization and application of the concepts and discussions of security studies in Iran. Although the works published during this period are not that much, but they are enough to allow for a critical review. So, this study was an attempt to examine the research methodology based on five original and native text in security studies. Therefore, the main question of the study is that; what are the most important methodological problems of the research conducted in the national security studies of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The primary answer to this question can be found in four main problems: the problem of explanation, the perceived problem, the problem of prediction, and the control problem. These four aspects are the most important issues in the behavioral science research methods that can be seen in our country’s security studies. These are the successive problems, and the most important problem is the problem of explanation, that causes the other problems. In other words, the difficulty in explaining makes it difficult to grasp the real and objective, as well as the anticipation and control of security issues. This study claims that solving these four major problems will provide a good basis for the scientific study and method of Iran’s national security studies