فرهاد نام برادرشاد

The special position of Iran in the Second World War, made this country a bridge of victory for the Allies. The neighborhood with the communist Soviet Union exposed Iran to the influence of communism and threatened American interests in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. There was a two-way desire in the Western-oriented government of Pahlavi II and America after the World War, to provide American economic and political aid to Iran and capitalist influence in Iran and the region, to counter the communist Soviet Union. American foundations, including the Ford Foundation, entered the countries under the influence of communism as soldiers of the combined and cultural wars in the Cold War to propose various economic and social plans for the development of third world countries and to prevent the influence of communism in them. and implement. The problem of this research is to investigate the activities of the Ford Foundation in Iran, the goals and results of the activities of this foundation in Iran, as well as to investigate the relationship between the policies and activities of this foundation and the foreign policy of the American government in Iran, which with the descriptive-Analytical method and based on documentary sources.Based on the findings of this research, the plans and goals of the Ford Foundation for the development of Iran in the economic dimension were centered around social and rural development and self-sufficiency and the development of Iran's agrarian economy, and in the political dimension, stability through the expansion of democracy; If the main goal of the American government in continuous financial aid to the Pahlavi regime is to rely on the implementation of flashy and superficial projects, to transition from crises and to attract the attention of the modern urban middle class to the Pahlavi regime and to create stability from every It was a possible way and finally this contradiction in the official policy of the American government and the goals of the Ford Foundation in Iran resulted in the withdrawal of this foundation from Iran.

The concept of the word Mellat and the ideology attributed to it, nationalism, have undergone changes throughout history. If in the past it was known only in the form of patriotism and love for the country, it gradually helped the emergence of governments that claimed national government. National movements added to the expansion and growth of the concept of the nation and even turned it into an ideology to advance human exchanges. Against that concept of Ummat bavari and the ideology attributed to it, Islamism assumed a political context and political Islam was raised after that. The semantic range of these two concepts has fluctuated over time, and due to the power of the government, the dependence of the system on one of these two ideologies has been functionally upgraded and has stepped beyond its geographical limits and location determination and has designed new components for itself. are This research, with a thought-oriented approach and analysis of library sources, seeks to answer the question, what is the interpretation of the concepts of Mellat and Ummat by the Islamic revolution and the intellectual spectrums of its special republic, and how has this interpretation evolved?This study investigates the capabilities of examining the internal structure of the nation and thought, explaining how to find meaning in concepts, competition or alienation of these concepts in different intellectual spectrums of the society, and analyzes the thought discourse of these currents.

The axis of American foreign policy in the 1940s and 1950s was based on economic, military and technical assistance to the nations of the third world. Countries that had a more sensitive position in terms of geopolitics and geostrategy in the equations of the present and the future; In addition to increasing the influence of America, to prevent the danger of these countries falling into the abyss of communism. The idea of ​​"threat of communism" gave coherence, direction and strategic importance to the foreign aid program of the American government and foundations in advancing the American foreign policy. The educational efforts, cultural and development aid of American foundations in third world countries were complementary to the foreign and financial aid of the American government. The conditions of the Near East Foundation's entry into Iran, the effects of its development activities on the rural development of Iran, and the examination of whether the policies and activities of this foundation are regulated by the foreign policy of the American government in Iran, is the issue of this study. which has been done with the method of historical research analysis and based on documentary sources. The findings of this research show that while the Near East Foundation introduced its principle as "cultivation of good will and self-help of villagers", American President Truman identified the Near East Foundation as "potential for strengthening the broad strategy of containment" (Soviet Communism) and created a reciprocal relationship with it by providing financial support. The foundation faced the pressure of the American government to accelerate special development programs approved by the US Department of State, which led to a deviation in the primary goals of the foundation.

During the constitutional period changes, a new force emerged that and played an important role in the awakening of the people, familiarization with the West, and the publishing of the press, and also thought for a way out of the upcoming deadlocks. Iranian intellectuals came to understand Iran's backwardness through familiarity with the ideas of the new world, and by proposing and publishing new issues in Iranian society, they established different poles of thought that led to the mixing and even opposition of tradition and modernity. The epistemology of the reforms and the explanation of this new reading from thought to the fulfillment of an important precondition is stopped, and that is the knowledge of intellectuals and the fundamental components of their thought. This research, with a thought-oriented approach and documentary content analysis method, deals with the purposeful rereading of the works of Afrasiab Azad, the founder of Hezb Khuda and a traditionalist intellectual of the constitutional and Pahlavi periods, and by evaluating it through the logic of Skinner's contextual approach, In search of an answer to this central question, how is the position of nationalism in the works of Afrasiab Azad and its metamorphosis compared to his contemporaries and contemporaries, and how does this flow contribute to the establishment of the Pahlavi government? Free thoughts are evaluated in the context of the modernist thought of contemporary thinkers.The documents of Afrasiab Azad are available in the sources of purchase documents and in the form of about a thousand files in the repository of documents and national archives. A small number of documents attributed to Afrasiab Azad are available in the Library of the Islamic Council and the Astan Quds Razavi Document Center and have been indexed. An autopsy of a political gathering related to the bread riot in December 1942/Azar 1321 in Tehran has quoted an article about Afrasiab Azad's speech in this context. He has also mentioned the effect of modernization and de-religion in the chapter of westernized plays in relation to the conditions of this art in the first Pahlavi period and the important role of Afrasiab Azad as one of the initiators of the play. The purpose of this study is to put Azad's key concepts in the cultural and discourse contexts from which they were formed with Skinner's method, so that the advantage and validity of his thought can be put to the test. The aim of Skinner's methodology is to enable us to recover the historical identity and genealogy of each such intellectual history text. The guide to the content analysis of the data in this research based on this approach is, on the one hand, the internal logic of the intellectuals' thought system as a whole and a text, and on the other hand, measuring it with the external logic and comparing it with contemporary publications and press - including the magazine Iranshahr, Kaveh and Aindeh- will take place and the focal point is to pay attention to the recognition of opinions and goals, ideas and the thought system of Afrasiab Azad.The findings of the research aim to prove the hypothesis that the association of intellectuals from the intellectual spectrum of Afrasiab Azad led to the expansion of the acceptance of the discourse of authoritarian nationalism and the theorization of the legitimacy of the first Pahlavi government. With the reduction of modern components in the eyes of Azad in the atmosphere of political and intellectual obstruction of the Reza Shahi era, his influential social and political positions declined. In his works and publications, Afrasiab Azad was introduced as an orator, a freedom-seeker and a modernist of the post-constitutional era, who was later introduced as a writer, lawyer and playwright of the political and social genre. He used the ideas of modernism in his opinions to seek transformation along with the tradition and he believed in a form of moderate or reductionist modernism, which at the same time accepted the new concepts of antiquity and nationalism, and religion as well. He saw the base of social mobility and ethnic solidarity in the special political and social conditions of the post-constitutional period. This approach was interpreted and propagated in the service of authoritarian nationalism at the level of the government superstructure and the national unity of ethnicities and religions at the level of the people and the subalterns in order to gain legitimacy. Gradually, the modern ideas were transformed in his opinions and works and with the establishment of Pahlavi I, he only focused on describing and theorizing the existing conditions and the failure of the primary elements. The reduction and transformation of these ideas and accompanying the first Pahlavi government by Afrasiab Azad during the political and intellectual blockage of the Reza Shahi era, turned him into a messenger of the government's official discourse and led to the loss of his influential social and political base and the decline of his role. In the society of writers, a new idea was created.

After the Chaldaran war, the Safavid government accepted the treaty (Amasiyah, 962 AH) with the Ottomans, in which the details of the boundaries and gaps were not accepted by the parties, and this became the basis of many future conflicts. In the agreement between Safavid Shah Abbas and Ottoman Sultan Murad III, the basis for the formation of documents called Senornameh, which was a kind of agreement on borders, was formed. The purpose of this research is the structural analysis and content analysis of this type of documents.

This research deals with the structure of senornamehs with a descriptive and analytical method based on the available senornamehs documents and the text of some manuscripts and library sources.

The senornamehs state what historical awareness there was of the regional conflicts of the ruling families and the tribes living in these western borders, and also more and more concrete details of the borders. They present the territory of Iran and Ottoman. These border treaties were greatly expanded in terms of their terms, provisions and functions. Based on the findings of this study, the Senornamehs gradually changed from a border security agreement to an open compromise. The border maps depict the history of the formation of the border and its developments - especially in the western borders of Iran - as well as the role and presence of the border tribes in these border treaties.

Documentary studies of senornamehs is a two-way contribution to the history of Iran's border conflicts in order to open a new window of sources and references for future research and a contribution to the science of document recognition in order to make the historical data of documents more tangible. And it is considered desirable and functional to present them. The wars between Iran and Ottoman countries and the nationwide campaigns and hostilities of these two governments did not only create and continue the use of such treaties and regulations, but with the importance of finding these agreements, the regulations in the period Later, it was proposed as an open-minded compromise and as a regulator of communications in the borders and became an official supervisor of the communications of the border tribes, which helps to facilitate trade and commerce regulations in the region. Such demarcation gradually created a new kind of political affiliation and identity by locating the territory of the government and the domination of the ruling systems. Finally, the Senornamehs, which were initially created for the role of political and security separation, took on the role of unifying the culture and identity of the ethnic groups, and later became a kind of political and cultural homogenizer of individuals.

The redescription of state building in Iran and the explanation of the role of political action, collective and free will of the revolutionaries are better represented by resorting to the classical theories of the state. The intellectual and cultural grounds of the formation of the Islamic Revolution and the establishment of its special republic are consistent with the classical theory of "political action" by Hannah Arendt. Arendt's right-wing explanations of the revolution and the process of their formation are known among the moral and ideological explanations that try to provide a kind of explanation and interpretation of the idea of collective action leading to the revolution. This research criticizes the formation and logical and historical continuity of political action in the Iranian revolution with the help of Imam Khomeini's (RA) statements and how collective creative agency pursued the goal of establishing freedom. Based on the findings of this study, political action is sympathetic, spontaneous, and a manifestation of the committed will of individuals to establish freedom, resist domination,and achieve liberation. Political action affects the way actors act, the framework of

Document-based historiography has a micro-partial approach to historical phenomena. This approach is a reaction to the dissatisfaction with the grand narratives of history, which leads to ignoring principal share of the historical elements of the nations to unify the analyses. The current research was the answer to a question in the field of methods, uses, and the place of these kinds of documents among historical references. Representing the importance and priority of family documents in sociological studies is the focal point of this study, which can lead to doubts in some presuppositions or ideas accepted by researchers. New pieces of evidence and documents and their interpretations were presented in this study in order, and new interpretations were put on these documents. The research method was descriptive and analytical based on library sources and extraction of textual data of family documents, which was analyzed by presenting scientific approaches and tried to describe the requirements and challenges of researchers in this field. Historiography based on family documents helps to obtain historical and cultural data rarely present in government and official histories and documents and is less relevant to critics and historians. Finally, this research is placed in the field of applied methodology and tries to practice the ways of dealing with and using historical and ethnic data of family documents.

Historical sources have many ambiguities regarding the upbringing and promotion of Reza Khan from a simple Kazakh soldier to high military ranks, before the coup d'état of March 1299 Shamsi. The oral history of Taj-ul-Maluk Ayramlu, the second wife of Reza Khan, who was not without power, has the special privilege of being logically coherent and less ambiguous. Due to Taj-ul-Maluk's familiarity with many issues, details and narratives from within the family, by historical criticism and comparing it with other sources, it is possible to obtain details of many events that are still ambiguous. The method of Reza Khan's entry and training in the Kazakh Brigade, his rapid progress in military work, the fields of communication with British advisers and his election to command the military forces in the 3rd Esfand coup, despite the presence of military officers, the problem and their analysis is the purpose of this study. It is presented with descriptive method and narrative analysis method. The important feature of Taj-ul-Maluk's memories is that it describes the representation of the historical scene simultaneously with the same conditions and is less influenced by sources, conditions and contemporary values.

When I outline how I would set about describing the special nature of oral tradition as a historical source, the task assigned to this chapter was that of defining oral tradition and of examining the feature which this definition specifies as characteristic., namely, transmission by word of mouth—the natural consequence of which is that a tradition is a chain of testimonies. Then three problems are dealt with in greater detail in the sections which follow. These are: the relation between each testimony and the tradition as a whole, the methods of transmission, and finally the kind of distortions that may arise in the course of transmission.

Ardashir the first, founder of the Sassanid Empire, established a new administrative system. The Sassanid kings, as the Achaemenids, did mint the gold and silver coins. During this period, the gold, whenever it would be needed, was used beside the silver at the cast of second currency. Based on the narrations, a vast amount of gold was arrived to the center. The gold was used as the expenditure of war, wage, tribute, cultural memorial or jewelry. By the testimony of resources, most of the gold of the world was mined and used in this era and almost all of gold rade routes were toward Sasanian realm. The title Zarbod is an evidence to make doubt on idea of ceremonial Sasanian gold. Thus the role of Sasanian gold and its function in society and culture must be studied with a new approach. This article aims to analyze the social and economic function of gold and review its proficenicy and currency in Sasanian society. Also it is about to reject this old hypothesis on inefficiency of Sasanid gold on governmental economy and religious society.