محمد آمره

Regional Coalitions and organizations in the current world, which is moving towards a multipolar order, seem necessary to secure the interests of the members. The countries in the three regions of Central Asia, Southwest Asia, and West Asia have not been able to properly use the capacities of these regions due to the lack of an inclusive and efficient regional union and avoiding regionalism. The disputes and a pervasive power vacuum have turned these regions into a place of conflict between regional and extra-regional powers. The upcoming research has discussed the feasibility of forming a regional coalition centered on Nowruz celebration and culture by using a mixed approach (descriptive-analytical and survey) and SWOT strategic planning analysis. Documentary and library information and data obtained from 30 expert experts in political geography, political science, regional studies and Farsi language and literature from the countries of Iran, Afghanistan, Tajikistan and Kazakhstan was used. The results showed that despite the differences and weaknesses in the formation of the Nowruz Union, the final score of 2.56 out of 5 was obtained which indicates the high probability of forming a union, although the addition of economic and geo-economic strategies is necessary for the formation of such a coalition.

The border and territorial disputes between the Caucasus countries in the last 3 decades have caused insecurity and spread it to the neighboring countries, and the conflict of interests has created a kind of three-level intra-regional, extra-regional and global competition and has caused the formation of a geopolitical crisis in the region, which has the consequences of Among them are the possibility of cutting the border between Iran and Armenia, the rise of Turkey, Russia and Israel in the Caucasus, the increase of ethnic and separatist movements in the northwest of the country, the limitation of the communication path between Iran and Europe, the removal of Iran from the European energy market and the reduction of the dependence of Armenia and Azerbaijan on Iran. had. The events of this region are of special importance due to their direct connection with the security and national interests of Iran. Especially, because of its tense nature, this crisis cannot be easily resolved and it takes time. For this reason, the South Caucasus is important for Iran as an external region close to Iran and the gateway of Iran to Europe in various ways, and it is the source of many threats and opportunities for us. In this regard, the current research tries to reread the events of the South Caucasus in 2020 through document and library data collection and with a descriptive-analytical method, and based on the available information, achieve appropriate strategies to defend the interests and national security of Iran.

The Islamic parliament election, as the mid-level of elections in the Country, have always been the focus of experts and the public minds. It is worth noting that the presence of people to participate in elections and the extent of their participation varies from constituency to constituency and from one period to another. This difference in participation has led to the emergence of different constituencies, according to this, the electoral behavior of people in different constituencies toward each other can be examined. The data of this article show that the electoral behavior of people in Arak, Komijan and Khondab constituencies has not been influenced by local factors. The present study is based on the theory that the political orientation of the elected president and the large scale-National currents affect the electoral behavior of Arak, Komijan and Khondab constituencies.

The data which is required for this study is collected by the Library-method and analyzed by Descriptive-Analytical method. The result of the research shows that political parties which are affected by the large scale-National currents will influence the outcome of the election and the political tendency of the chosen Parliament members in constituencies of Arak, Komijan and Khondab.

 From the third to eleventh term of the Islamic parliament, 18 people entered the parliament, of which 7 were reformists and 11 others were from the United Front of Fundamentalists and Conservatives. In other words, 38.9% of the representatives were reformists and 61.1% were conservatives. It is considerable that in these 9 elections, none of the elected representatives was independent, each of them was a member of the two prominent parties in the country. This statistic indicates that ethnic and local factors have not had an effect on the electoral behavior of the people in this constituency.

It is considerable that in these 9 elections, none of the elected representatives was independent, each of them was a member of the two prominent parties in the country. Generally, this study states that the political orientation of the elected president and the large scale-National currents affect the electoral behavior of the mentioned constituencies. The next point is that the impact of the metropolis of Arak as the center of the province on the other two cities in this area is significant and the other two have not nominated a candidate for the parliament due to the small population or have not been able to enter the Islamic Parliament. Another important point is that the parties have been able to return the spatial pattern of voting by eliminating the local identity factor in their favor. Factors such as political and economic development, literacy level, common language and religion of the people of the metropolis of Arak have caused their electoral behavior to be influenced by national factors instead of ethnic attitudes and local factors. On the other hand, the strategic location of the metropolis of Arak due to its location on the expressway from the North to the South of the Country and the existence of many access roads has caused this city to become an economic and cultural center and this factor brings opinion and orientation of people of Arak closer to the people of the capital. Finally, the article hypothesis is confirmed.

Central Asia is at the focal point of all geopolitical theories. This region is also the biggest landlocked zone which has no access to water, and with a population of 66 million and inappropriate access to global market has become a tempting trading site for industrial countries such as China, India and Turkey. On the other hand, United States and European Union have some interests in this region such as presence in Russia’s backyard, approaching Iran’s borders and gaining control over these two countries by restricting them. Saudi Arabia and Israel have no less tendency to have access to this region to siege Iran and seek allies in international society. Therefore, each country is struggling to confirm its presence in this region based on their interests and possessions. These states are trying to establish a share of their own actions in this region: European Union by extending NATO, Russia by extending regional alliances, Turkey by economy and Turkish identity, Saudi Arabia by religious fundamentalism, China and India by economic development, US by establishing military bases and financial aid and Israel by sets of investments. Iran as a neighbor of central Asia with a wide historical and cultural links with this region, especially Tajikistan, is so inevitably involved, the Central Asia for Iran can be the sword to Damocles and in any case of activism in this region could threaten Iran. Thus, Iran has to invest in Tajikistan’s dam construction technology to catch existing opportunities to secure its national interests besides all the threatening circumstances.

The present study used documentary research to collect information and has portrayed a clear feature of Central Asia resources and their role in forming the relations of republics in this region based on the existing data and information. The research method has also been based on analytical and descriptive method.

The existing data shows that Amu Darya and Syr Darya supply almost 90% of the water in Aral Lake which reaches to 125 cubic kilometers per year. The remaining 10 percent of the water comes from rivers and other small springs. Tajikistan is the main source of water supply. More than 55.4 percent of the total flows are originated in this country. Therefore, Tajikistan has the capacity to build 100,000 MW hydroelectric power plant and it can alone supply 5 percent of the world’s electricity.This dispersion of water resources shows that nearly 60% of the whole Amu Darya storage capacity and 9% of the total Syr Drya storage capacity are in control of Tajikistan. Although Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan are the main suppliers and controllers of water flows, their overall water usage is less than 15 percent. On the contrary, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan use 71 percent of the accessible water, though they have less share of the water in this region. Most of this water is used for irrigation of cotton fields. In terms of access and exploitation of freshwater, Central Asian countries can be categorized as follows: Countries which have a lot of water, such as Tajikistan (64 km cubic meters, equivalent to 55.4% of the flowing waters of the Aral Lake) and countries with a small amount of water, such as Uzbekistan (8.8 km cubic meters or 7.6%), and Turkmenistan that supplies water entirely from outside of its borders. Among Central Asian countries, nearly 100% of Kyrgyzstan's and Tajikistan's water is supplied from domestic resources.However, all Turkmenistan's water consumption and 50% of Uzbekistan's water are supplied from abroad.

Tajikistan is one of the few countries in the world that can be a strategic alliance of Iran and also the most important country in Central Asia which can lead to the presence of Iran in the region. On the other hand, Iran is one of the few countries in the world that can defend Tajikistan against the adaptation of Russian and Turkish culture. The strong cultural share of the two countries will allow them to abandon many visa and business restrictions in the future and sign a military, economic, and cultural agreement.
Tajikistan is the smallest country in terms of geographical extent and also the poorest in Central Asia. Therefore, both economically and nationally, there is a severe weakness in this country. The identity of this country is being threatened by the interference of the neighboring countries and the youth people immigrate abroad to find jobs. It has a large supply of hydroelectric power, which can also improve its economy by attracting foreign investment and by maintaining a balance of power in its national security area. Meanwhile, Iran is the largest Persian speaking country and is the heir to a great civilization among consanguineous countries and therefore responsible for their defense against Russian and Turkish full cultural adaptation. On the other hand, by investing in hydroelectric power, the country can engage and compete with its rivals, interregional and outsourcing rivals in Central Asia, while securing its economic interests and keep away the threats made by these countries.But the presence of Iran in the central area requires the abandonment of the ideological view of the region and with a realistic insight and emphasis on cultural and linguistic relations should play a role in Central Asia and Tajikistan. Losing Tajikistan and pushing the country into regional rivals like Saudi Arabia, Turkey, the United States, Israel and Uzbekistan could lead to a complete cessation of Iran's presence in Central Asia. Although Tehran has good relations with Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan, these two countries cannot be reliable and trustworthy partners for Iran, and if their interests are changed, they will easily reduce their relations with Iran.By investing in Tajikistan's economy, especially its water resources, Iran can establish unbreakable ties with Dushanbe, in addition to strengthening the Tajik economy and supplying Iran's water resources. Therefore, Iran can strengthen its presence in Central Asia by using Tajikistan's position, which will reduce the influence of its rivals and enhance the bargaining power of Iran. Therefore, it can be said that hydro-politics is a good field for Iran’s role in Central Asia.

Identity is the most important factor in Identification and every society or individual introduces itself through Identity. There are so many factors that may challenge and transform individual or national Identity. Identity is an important subject according to Political Geography of Cyberspace, and its protection and growth can be studied. This study seeks to answer this question of how Cyberspace can effect on National Identity. For this purpose, 10 articles are selected and by the Meta-analysis method have been reviewed. This comparison represents that the Cyberspace has a negative effect on the National Identity and 80 percent of the selected articles have proven this issue.