ahmad zarean

This study presents a novel approach for inverting surface wave dispersion curves using the Ant Colony Optimization (ACO) algorithm in the MATLAB environment. Due to the problem's nonlinear nature and multiple extrema, this method demonstrates significant advantages over local search techniques. To evaluate the performance of the proposed algorithm, synthetic data from three six-layer geological models were analyzed. In these models, the velocity and thickness values were defined over a wide range, and the velocity variation with depth was determined based on the λ/2 rule. The simultaneous inversion process involved estimating shear wave velocity, compressional wave velocity, and layer thickness, assuming a variable Poisson’s ratio (0.1 to 0.5) and a constant density. The results indicate that the average relative error in velocity parameters using the ACO method is 3.5%, whereas this error reaches 15% for the neighborhood algorithm available in the Geopsy software. These findings highlight the superiority of the proposed approach in terms of computational efficiency and reliability. Additional advantages include its independence from an initial model, the ability to explore the entire parameter space, and reduced sensitivity to local extrema. Finally, the algorithm was applied to experimental field data from a station in the Tabriz Plain, yielding results that closely matched available borehole data. Based on these findings, a 2D shear wave velocity model for the region was developed.

The developments in the Arab countries of West Asia and North Africa, which began in 2010 and reached its peak in 2011 and became known as the Arab Spring or Islamic Awakening, have attracted the attention of most researchers and experts in political issues regarding the causes, contexts, nature, and outcome. These developments have attracted attention. Preliminary investigations show that these developments were caused by the deep dissatisfaction of the people of the Arab countries in the region towards the inefficiency, corruption and systematic and institutionalized injustice in the structural system and agency of their respective governments. The main goal of these protests, which started due to the chronic inefficiency and systematic and institutionalized corruption in the Arab governments, was to change the nature and shape of the relationship between the society and the state in such a way that social power can have a decisive effect on social power, not a situation in which power The political system determined the entire relationship of the social system. These protests faced the reaction of Arab governments and led to the overthrow of political systems in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen. But in Syria, Jordan, Bahrain, and Saudi Arabia, due to the successful adoption and implementation of policies and strategies to manage and contain the crisis, popular protests did not lead to the fall of the government in these countries. Since these crises in this region will affect the security of other actors in the region, it is necessary to address this issue, therefore, in this article, we set our goal to know the current relations between the society and the government in the countries of West Asia and North Africa and to Looking for an answer to this question: "What effect did the social unrest and popular protests of 2010 and 2011 have on the relations between the government and society in the Arab countries of West Asia and North Africa?" This article has used the descriptive-analytical method to answer the research question and to collect data from library and online sources. In this article, social contract theory is used as a theoretical framework. It should be noted that the scope of the research is limited to the countries of Tunisia, Egypt and Libya in North Africa and Yemen, Jordan, Libya, Syria and Saudi Arabia in West Asia. Street protests have become the main way for people to achieve their demands and fight against corruption, injustice and inefficiency in the region of West Asia and North Africa. In the last decade, political-social dissatisfaction and demands for justice have been the driving force of many protest movements in the region of West Asia and North Africa. If we consider the three factors of corruption, inefficiency and injustice as the causes of protests in the region of West Asia and North Africa, considering the existence of these three factors in all the studied countries and even the deterioration of the situation of these factors, it should be said that these factors, The remaining factors of popular protests are also considered and the roots and grounds of protest still exist. In the countries under review, the unemployment rate is high, especially among young people. Meanwhile, the young population in these countries (except Lebanon) is increasing. The population explosion will exacerbate the problem of youth unemployment. Meanwhile, the governments under review have not yet been able to create adequate and adequate job opportunities for young people or improve living conditions for large sections of the population. In addition, public infrastructure, health care, medical, educational and transportation services are not in good condition in these countries. Therefore, the increase in the rate of poverty, unemployment and the spread of inequalities, the feeling of marginalization, injustice and hopelessness are deeply rooted among the people of the countries under review. Widespread corruption and more importantly, the emergence of the perception and feeling of the existence of widespread corruption in the people has led to the increasing mistrust of the society towards the government and government institutions and the emergence of widespread or scattered protests. While social unrest in many societies can lead to the modification or renewal of the social contract, the unrest in West Asia and North Africa did not lead to changes in the relationship between society and the state. The studied governments prevented the conclusion of a social contract between the government and society by suppressing protests or creating relative prosperity or a combination of the two. In some countries such as Lebanon, Iraq and Jordan, governments tried to prevent structural changes by sacrificing agents and changing them in a targeted and controlled manner. In countries such as Tunisia and Egypt, although the bureaucratic system collapsed through nationwide popular protests, the structures remained intact and caused the return of bureaucrats loyal to the previous order. The governments of Saudi Arabia and Bahrain, by adopting the twin policy of repression and creating relative prosperity, prevented the change of structures and agents. In Libya and Yemen, although the structures and agents changed in tandem, due to foreign intervention and internal divisions, a new social contract that would lead to the establishment of an inclusive government was not practically concluded. In Syria, after suppressing protests in its early days, the government promised to reform the existing social contract and changed the country's constitution. But extensive foreign intervention and the presence of takfiri extremists from all over the world failed the reform process. Considering that, on the one hand, due to social protests in the eight studied countries, a new social contract has not been formed between the society and the government, and on the other hand, there are still structural and operational problems in these countries, such as corruption, inefficiency, injustice, etc. It is predicted that popular protests will rise again in the studied countries in the future. In fact, the causes of protests and unrest that ignited the studied countries in 2010 and 2011 are still there, and these countries are susceptible to a new round of popular protests.

The United States of America has been struggling with the problem of separatism since its founding. For example, the American Civil War (1861 to 1865) was the result of the secession of 11 southern states of America, which did not end with the defeat of the southern states by the northern states. With the defeat of the southern states in the civil war, the secessionist tendencies did not end and there are still strong secessionist tendencies and numerous secessionist movements are active. Considering the importance of separatism in America and the national and international effects of this phenomenon, this article has determined its research goal to investigate the origins and consequences of separatism in America. In order to achieve this goal, the data collected using library resources have been examined and analyzed using the descriptive-analytical method. The results of the article show that inequality, discrimination, harassment, feeling of deprivation and exploitation of resources are the biggest drivers of separatist movements in America. Although the existing trends and conditions show that the separation of a state from the Union is far from reach, but in the case of the separation of important states such as California or Texas or the division of the United States into several countries, important challenges and issues such as how to determine the fate of strategic military bases, equipment and weapons Like nuclear weapons, the end of America's superpower and the fundamental change of the international order will emerge.

Current events and trends show that the world order is changing. In the meantime, the emergence and formation of the axis of resistance as an identity entity and a regional security complex in the years after the victory of the Islamic Revolution is a phenomenon that has changed many regional and international relations. Based on this, this article seeks to answer the question, Based on this, while examining the geopolitical impact of resistance on the formation of the new world order, this article seeks to answer the question, what are the requirements of a just order? In this article, a descriptive analytical method was used to collect data from library and online sources and to analyze the findings. The findings of the article show that global order in the modern era is based on four approaches: "being realist", "being from above", "being hegemonic" and "being nationalistic". On the other hand, the desired Ordering of the Islamic Revolution must have the basic characteristics of "being idealistic and realistic", "being from below", "being non-hegemonic" and "being transnational". The geopolitics of resistance as a set of state and non-state actors against the current order should try to shape the world order based on the above four characteristics. Examining the performance records of the axis of resistance and the relative success of this axis in creating order in the West Asian region and influencing the new world order shows that the axis of resistance has acted within the framework and based on these requirements.

The issue of Taiwan, as one of the disputes between the United States and China, has gone through many ups and downs in the past decades. Despite Washington's official commitment to Beijing to respect the sovereignty of one China, during the Biden administration, the United States has taken contradictory actions such as military presence in the region, selling military weapons, and establishing diplomatic relations with Taiwan. These actions, which led to the provocation of Taiwan for independence, provoked China's reaction. This article has chosen the foreign policy of the Biden government towards China as its research goal by relying on the sources collected in the library method and using the descriptive-analytical method in examining and analyzing the findings. In this article, the theory of aggressive realism and John Mearsheimer's concept of restraint are used. Examining the foreign policy of the United States in different eras shows that the foreign policy of this country towards communist China has been a function of the conditions of the international system and the status of China in this order. The findings of the article show that during the transition period, the United States has focused on restraining its competitors, especially China, to manage its own decline and competitors' lead. Accordingly, during the Biden era, the United States is trying to curb China's increasing power and ambitions by increasing military cooperation with Taiwan in the form of a balancing policy and direct control of the region, as well as by transferring responsibility to regional countries.

After the massive and sudden attack of ISIS on Iraq, the existence of the Iraqi state and nation and the sanctities of Muslims were under serious threat. While ISIS was approaching gates of Baghdad and the Iraqi army and security forces were not able to deal with it, with Ayatollah Sistani's fatwa regarding jihad to confront ISIS and ward off this real danger, a defense-security organization called Hashd al-Shaabi, consisting of volunteers People and militia groups, which are considered the military arm of Iraqi political parties and currents, were formed. The Iraqi state, which was in a state of emergency, supported the formation of this new defense-security organization and provided it with financial, logistical and weapons support. With the threat of ISISremoval and the end of state of emergency, the existence of such an organization, which is mainly controlled by militia groups, has become a significant challenge for Iraqi state, which seeks to obtain a monopoly on the use of legitimate force. Therefore, after 2014, all heads of the Iraqi government have tried to prevent the formation of a parallel defense-security institution outside the government's control by adopting different strategies. This article, in which the data has been collected by referring to library and online sources and explained and analyzed with a descriptive-analytical method, seeks to find an authentic answer to this question: "The relationship between the Iraqi government and Hashd al-Shaabi and its constituent militia groups. How has it been?" The findings of the article show that the relationship between the Iraqi government and the militia groups was subject to the requirements of the time in such a way that in emergency and threatening situations, the government used the capacity of these groups and in the absence of these conditions, these groups were considered by the government as a disturbing, undesirable and threatening element, a range of control policies and strategies have been applied to them by the Iraqi government. In the post-crisis era, the Iraqi government, as a system actor that considers itself committed and accountable to the existing rules, norms and order, cannot support the anti-systemic actions of the militia groups that it cooperated with and supported during the ISIS crisis in the form of Hashd al-Shaabi. to bear Therefore, since 2014, the governments of Haider al-Abadi, Adel Abdul Mahdi and Mostafa Al-Kazemi have tried to control these groups as much as possible through adopting a series of strategies and measures. Among the four strategies of repression, containment, collusion and integration, these governments have put two strategies of collusion and integration on their agenda. The reason for choosing these two strategies is that, firstly, Hashd al-Shaabi and its constituent groups are still considered strategic allies of the government, and the political currents of which these groups are considered as their military arm participate in the political process and in the formation of the government. Secondly, even if these groups strongly deviate from the government's criteria and the relationship between the militia groups turns from reconciliation to conflict, the Iraqi government does not have the ability to restrain or suppress these groups. In the collusion strategy, the Iraqi government tries to relatively control the actions of Hashd al-Shaabi groups by granting some concessions and through financial and logistical support tools. As well, in the integration strategy, the Iraqi government has put the recruitment of the Hashd al-Shaabi and its integration in the official Iraqi defense-security structures on its agenda, and the heads of the Iraqi government have issued orders and adopted measures in this regard. Collusion and integration strategies have not been able to be fully and effectively implemented due to the resistance and opposition of the commanders of the militia groups and their insistence on their organizational independence and ideological and identity foundations, and these two strategies have only been implemented superficially and formally.

Social changes have a prominent role and influence in creating change and evolution in human societies. Based on systemic approaches, change and transformation in each of the social sub-systems will lead to change and transformation in other social sub-systems. Considering that the Iraqi society is one of the most dynamic societies in West Asia, which has witnessed extensive and profound changes and developments during the last two decades; This article has set its research goal to investigate social developments in Iraq in the middle of the 2021 elections and the upcoming elections, which will most likely be held in 2025. In this article, in order to achieve the research goal, data has been collected by referring to library and online sources and has been discussed and analyzed in a descriptiveanalytical way. The findings of the article show that demographic trends have led to the emergence of a certain class of voters who have no political experience from Saddam's dictatorship, and on the other hand, under the influence of fake narratives, nostalgic feelings have been created in them towards the ruling period of the Baath Party. "Decreasing political participation" and "distrust in government institutions" are two other developments that have led to the reduction of the Iraqi government's social capital. In addition, the inefficiency of the political system based on consensual democracy has caused the tendency of the majority of people to non-identity politics in Iraq. In recent years, under the influence of the strategies and actions of international institutions and foreign actors, especially the United States of America, the field of women has experienced major changes that will continue with greater momentum in the future. Finally, considering that the relationship between the government and the society in Iraq has been exposed to collapse due to the inefficiency and weakness of the government, institutionalized corruption and economic crises, these developments will have an impact on the nature, process and results of the upcoming parliamentary elections in Iraq.

Investigation of geometric and morphological properties of active faults, as seismic sources, is one of the most fundamental steps for assessing seismic hazard in urban areas. Due to the tectonic setting of Tehran metropolis and its location at the southern foothills of the Central Alborz, as part of the Alpine-Himalayan seismic belt, it has experienced several large and moderate earthquakes in the past. Therefore, identification of active faults and collection ofinformation about them in this urban area are essential. Since some of the fault zones in this area are buried in the Quaternary alluvial deposits, implementation of subsurface techniques, such as seismography, remains inevitable to identify the geometric characteristics of these faults and trace them at depth. The operational complexities and costs of seismic operations in urban areas enforce us in thisstudyto utilize ambient vibrations along the lines ofmicrotremors and microseisms as one ofthe passive seismic methods. In this study,we first identifysurface deformations related to the activityof faultsby conducting morphotectonic investigations to detect blind fault zones around the Milad Tower. Then, seismic profiles have been designed and collected according to the perceived position and strike of fault structures and the Pardisan anticline. Ambient vibrations are processed along the seismic profile using the horizontal to vertical components spectral ratio (HVSR) method to estimate dynamic parameters of the Quaternary sediments. The dynamic parameters of the sediments include predominant frequency and resonance amplitude of waves in deposits, and determination and visualization of them in a two-dimensional (2D)cross-section eable us to estimate the thicknesses of the sediments and depths of anomalies. As a result of examining the anomalies in the subsurface structure and their coherency with the morphotectonic investigations, evidence of the activity of the Pardisan blind fault zone has been identified and presented.

According to the theory of “Douglas North”, the existence of multiple centers of power in a country and their competition for obtaining benefits or maximizing their benefits and their capacity to use violence against each other, disrupts the development process. Using North's theory, the main question of the article is: "What is the capacity of Iraqi political groups in terms of violence and what are the strategies to control violence in Iraq?" To answer the research question, this article used library resources to collect data and descriptive-analytical method to analyze the findings. The findings of the article show that "the capacity of Iraqi groups to use violence against each other" in the process of "distribution of benefits" is high, and the most important way to control this capacity, which is considered one of the main obstacles to development, is the "referee" factor. The "referee" factor can guarantee the stable process of development in the transition period and provide conditions for Iraq to be on the verge of becoming a developed country based on the local definition of development by monitoring the process of distributing benefits.

Currently, the Sadr movement is considered the most important and influential political-social movement in Iraq, and the leader of this movement; Moqtada Sadr has a prominent position among Iraqi politicians. The Sadr movement, which is rooted in the school of thought and practice of Ayatollah Martyr Seyyed Mohammad Sadr, in the years after 2003, gradually became one of the most important political movements in Iraq, and its young leader was able to turn the significant social capital of this movement into a great political capital. So much so that in the Iraqi parliamentary elections in 2018 and 2021, Sadr's movement became the axis of government formation in Iraq by winning the most parliamentary seats. After holding early Iraqi parliamentary elections in October 2021, while it was thought that the new Iraqi government would soon be formed and the political process would be completed due to the almost decisive victory of the Sadr movement and the acquisition of 73 seats by this movement, the process of forming a government faces serious obstacles. faced, and there is still no clear perspective for a lasting solution to Iraq's political deadlock and differences. This article, considering the premise that Sadr's movement and its leader are one of the main and most important factors in the emergence of the current situation, has chosen as its goal to examine Sadr's actions in recent developments. The findings of the article show that Moqtada Sadr's actions follow the pattern of populist actions and Moqtada Sadr tries to manage the political-social atmosphere of Iraq for his own benefit by adopting populist approaches in the fields of ideology, discourse and political action.

In the present study, the mechanical behavior of Vanyar Rock fill dam has been evaluated ten years after the completion of the dam body.3D numerical analysis was performed based on the finite element method for the body and dam supports in Midas software. The data recorded by the tools in the dam body were compared with the results of numerical analysis at the tools site. The results showed that the amount of settlement, amount of pore pressure and the total stress obtained from the numerical analysis were consistent with the data recorded by the instruments. In linear behavior between instrumentation data and numerical analysis of settlement, pore pressure and total stress correlation coefficients were 84, 67 and 99%, respectively. .The maximum settlement values obtained from numerical analysis and instrumentation were 1.79 and 1.90 m, respectively, for pore pressure of 450 and 420 kPa, for total stress of 1440 and 1205 kPa. According to the calculations, the maximum ratio of Arching coefficient in Vanyar dam obtained from instrument readings and numerical analysis was 0.77 and 0.91, respectively, which are both less than one, as well as the maximum Ru from numerical analysis and instruments installed in the core Respectively 0.35 and 0.47. Which are less than the predicted value in the design stage of 0.5. Therefore there is no possibility of core curvature, which indicates that the dam is within safe range in terms of hydraulic failure.

Al-Hashdal al-Shaabi in Iraq is one of the institutions established by the Iraqi Supreme Authority at a critical historical juncture, inspired by the Basij Organization of Iran, to counter the harsh threat posed by ISIS. Hashad al-Shaabi is an institution that has dual dimensions and six components of basic public security. In addition to bringing the people to the forefront as agents of repelling threats and producing security, it has also defined the issue and source of security in accordance with the will of the Iraqi people. It has also been able to effectively counter the threat posed by ISIS and to do its job well in defending the holy sites, the people and the sovereignty of Iraq. Using a library method for data collection and a descriptive-analytical method for analyzing the findings, this article first enumerates the dimensions and components of "basic people security" and then examines the situation of Hashad al-Shaabi in compliance or non-compliance with these dimensions and components. Is. In the people-based security approach, people are considered the center of security in such a way that people are both the exploiter (reference) of security and the agent of security. People's security is closely linked to social capital and identity. The findings of the article show that in grassroots security, people become the main agents of security production and government security agencies can use this huge capacity to minimize threats while maintaining security at the desired level. The security of grassroots people has two dimensions: "social capital"

Syria is the strategic depth of the Islamic Republic in the West Asian region and the link between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Islamic Resistance in Lebanon and Palestine. The shift in the balance of power in West Asia, marked by the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003, the rise of Shiites in Iraq and Lebanon, and the victory of Hezbollah in the 33-day war, persuaded regional and international rival blocs with semi-hard and soft tactics, curb the growing power of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region. Since Syria is the link between the East-West corridor of the resistance and played an important role in Hezbollah's victory in the 33-day war, changing the Syrian political system is on the agenda of the regional and international bloc opposing the resistance and supporters of the Zionist regime. The devastating crisis in Syria is going on with the Syrian and non-Syrian opposition acting and leading and supporting foreign networks. The Syrian opposition must be accepted as a reality in the current situation and future scenarios in Syria, which cannot be eliminated, and due to its bloody confrontation with the Syrian regime, it can be predicted they will maintain their radical action and some red lines in the future. Therefore, it is important to examine the situation of the opposition in the future-oriented scenarios of Syria by recognizing the goals, nature, method of action, political authority and foreign supporters.

After 2003 and in a situation where the new political order based on democratic principles has replaced the previous political order in Iraq, this country has witnessed the emergence and expansion of terrorist groups with different approaches. In the early years after the fall of Saddam, the core of ISIS was formed as one of the most terrifying terrorist groups in history in Iraq, and after this group succeeded in capturing large parts of Iraq and Syria by announcing the formation of the Islamic caliphate, they chose Mosul as the capital of the caliphate. In 2018, with the loss of Mosul in Iraq and Raqqa in Syria, ISIS practically lost its quasi-state existence and became an underground terrorist organization, as it was in the years before 2012. However, the Iraqi society and government are still at risk of the resurgence of terrorist groups. This research seeks to answer the question, “What are the requirements for dealing with terrorism in Iraq?” by using the descriptive-analytical method in the analysis of findings and the library method in data collection. To answer this question, the causes of the origin and the rest of the terrorist groups in Iraq were investigated in order to identify the strategic needs of countering terrorism in Iraq. The findings of the research show that “social gaps”, “lack of formation of national identity”, “geo-political and geo-economic imbalance”, “weakness, inefficiency and degradation of the central government” and “totalitarian culture of Sunni Iraq”, the factors of emergence and growth (causes and the rest) are terrorist groups in this country. Therefore, in order to effectively deal with terrorism in Iraq, it is necessary to move in the direction of creating a comprehensive national identity through the creation of “socialized security” and appropriate response to the identity needs of Iraqi social groups, and while attracting the participation of Iraqis and the balanced distribution of resources, disabled the active social gaps.

Shear wave velocity structure of the surficial layer of the earth is one of the requirements in many of site investigation programs. Conventional methods, especially in sites with thick alluvial layers, have limitations for this purpose. In this study, single-station measurement of micro-tremors and surface-wave ellipticity inversion were used to identification of soil structure. The study site is located in the south of Tehran and has a considerable thickness of soft alluvial layers. The ellipticity ratio was obtained using Geopsy software employing the time-frequency analysis method. Due to the uniformity of the subsurface layers of the site, the mean ellipticity ratio curve of the four seismic measurements stations was used to inversion and extraction of the shear wave velocity structure. Due to the uncertainty in the inversion process and to investigate the convergence and stability of the solutions, five different initial models are considered and the inversion process has been repeated 3 times in each model. There is a very little error in inversion results, where they show that the seismic bedrock exists at a depth of about 100 meters. Also, different models have good convergence indicating the reliability of the method used to derive the shear wave velocity structure.

The purpose of the present study was to identify the irrigation canals of the spring springs in the city of Sarein and the impact of construction on the hot springs. In this regard, field studies were carried out based on geophysical experiments in the area with geoelectric and ground-penetrating radar devices and hot water mapping was prepared. Based on the results of these experiments, the hot-water trajectory penetrates the ground surface through vertical disruptions at elevated depths through vertical aquifers at specific depths, causing source springs to form. To determine resistivity parameters, soil type and depth of soil, two log wells were drilled at 25 and 30 m depths and groundwater level at 1.5 m depth. For numerical modeling of three modes without building and land alone, the building is present in 5, 10, 15, 20 and 25 stories at 10 to 210 m intervals with 10 m incremental step in static and dynamic modes. The analysis was done. For dynamical analysis, the Turkmanchai earthquake mapping was used and the analysis was performed in Plexis software. The dead and live loads are based on hotel-use buildings. Based on the results above, up to 70 m in the zoned map of the report indicated in red, construction was not permitted and within 80 m of the red border edge, shown in brown Given, it was detected for buildings up to 5 floors and 50 meters later for 10 floors and 30 meters later for 15 floors and then up to 20 floors.

One of the goals and aspirations of the Islamic Revolution is to achieve the "unity of the Islamic unity". Imam Khomeini with the idea of ​​"the formation of an Islamic state consisting of free and independent republics" and Ayatollah Khamenei with the idea of ​​"the formation of a new Islamic civilization" presented plans to realize this great Qur'anic ideal. There are many obstacles in the way of achieving this Ideal. Ethnic and religious factors, along with nationalism, created deep gaps between Islamic societies. The US-led system of domination has also prevented the political unity of the Muslim world by investing in these gaps and activating them. In spite of these obstacles, the Islamic Revolution, with the development of a special identity known as the Resistance, was able to integrate a set of state and non-state actors around the Axis of Resistance and form a new geopolitical and geocultural sphere. This paper uses an explanatory-analytical approach and uses library resources while examining the process of rebuilding the identity of the resistance and how this geopolitical and geocultural entity is formed examines this hypothesis that "The identity of the Resistance has transformed the concept of Resistance Citizen as an alternative to the concept of National Citizenship in Geopolitics and Geoculture of resistance".

The West Asia region has been of great importance throughout history as the crossroads of the world and the junction of the three continents of Asia, Africa and Europe. With the onset of colonial rule, colonial governments compete with each other to directly or indirectly determine the destinies of this region. After World War II and the emergence of the United States as a global power, this country replaced the European governments affected by the war in the region. Since then, the West Bank's political, security and economic interest has been so high for the United States that its leaders have been willing to pay heavily to sustain and expand their influence in the region. According to US officials, including Donald Trump, since 2000, the United States has spent more than $ 7 trillion in the West Asian region. However, some experts argue that the value of the West Asian region has diminished for American decision makers and politicians, citing some US officials' actions, such as the Trump decision to withdraw US troops from Syria in late 2018, and that they seek to focus on more important cases such as counteracting the sustained economic growth of China or increasing Russia's strength.
This paper, based on data from a library study, uses a descriptive explanatory method to analyze these data, seeking to examine the above proposition and answer the question "Is the value of the West Asia region diminished in American foreign policy?”The findings of this paper show that the West Asia region is still geopolitically, geo-culturally, geo-economically and geo-strategically valuable for Americans, and the decline in America's role in the region is due to its inability to advance its policies and strategies.

The young Iraqi government, which is the outcome of the post-2003 state-building process, has always been affected by a number of structural and institutional problems in the social and political fields and has encountered numerous security crises. Employing an explanatory-analytical method and relying on data collected through interviews and documentary studies, this research is intended to answer the question of what the Iraqi security and political-social vulnerabilities are. The social gaps in Iraq, as well as its political-legal system, have resulted in security crises. The erupted social gaps in Iraq have increased social divergence and have prevented the development of national identity as a prerequisite of the establishment of a national government. Furthermore, the associative democracy that has been traditionally imposed on the Iraqi political structure has resulted in deeper social gaps while creating a crisis of inefficiency and illegitimacy.

After the fall of Saddam, active participation of the Shiites and Kurds along with the minimal and passive participation of the Sunnis led to the formation of a new structure based on democratic principles. At a time when it was thought that Iraq will find peace by eliminating one of the biggest dictators of history, the country experienced political and security crises emerging one after another. It disrupted democratic process of state-building and dragged Iraqi government into the abyss of despair. Using exploratory method, library tools and interviews, the paper is to answer the question "what are the obstacles to the process of state-building in Iraq?" In order to answer the question, it was hypothesized that “social gaps activated by ethno-sectarian distribution of the population in Iraq and the lack of infrastructure required for democratization, as well as the tribal and nomadic structure of the country, obstructed state-building process in Iraq”. Besides confirming the hypothesis, the results showed that consensus democracy as a dominated pattern of political system, not only exacerbated social gaps but also led to the ineffectiveness of the political system of Iraq and it is one of the barriers to state-building in the country.

Subsequent to the fall of Saddam’s regime in 2003, a new legal-political system based on democracy and federalism was prevailed over which turned Shiites, the majority group, into the main actor in Iraq as well as fulfilling Kurd demand for the federal administration of the Kurd regions. Since the change of political structure in Iraq was not endogenous and was made through war and foreign intervention, so the structure did not change as a revolutionary one, changes took place mainly agents and official rank. Therefor after 2003, based on the mismatching among legal-political system, agents and official structure and other sectors in social system of Iraq it could be said that the social system imbalanced. Employing a descriptive method and using data obtained through interviews and library studies, this article reviews disproportion of development in political culture and developments of system-building (democracy and federalism) in Iraq. Results asserts that disruption to acceptance of politics by society and culture, lack of prerequisites for democratic system, absence of rule of law, clan-based political culture, the tendency towards authoritarian leaders, different political orientations and authorities, violence and political intolerance, totalitarianism, tribal and nomadic political culture, prejudice to Arabic ethnic (Pan-Arabism) and lack of political experience, are some challenges of the new Iraq in realm of political culture.

After the fall of Saddam, the political process in Iraq did not turn the way that American had expected and they not only failed to establish their desirable structure, but also they could not employ their affiliated players. In this respect, Ayatollah Sistani played a crucial role. This paper by employing analytical-descriptive method and collecting library and interview data attempts to analyze the impacts of Iraqi Shiite authorities and Ayatollah Sistani in specific, in post-Saddam era. The findings of this paper indicate that Ayatollah Sistani has been advocating to the state-building process in Iraq and he supported the Shiite’s rights as the political majority, leading the process of drafting the constitution, confronting the occupiers, resolving disagreements among Shiites parties, taking trans-tribal approach and supporting the process of combating terrorism. Despite trying not to take side or express his position in political affairs as he had learnt in Ayatollah Khoei school of thought, Ayatollah Sistani have had a profound impact on the political trends of Iraq after the fall of Saddam. Also, the findings of this paper shows that the Shiite community in Iraq have to face the challenges in “religion and politics relation”, “Arabic and non-Arabic spiritual leader”, “ ‘Howzeh-e Nategheh’ and ‘Howzeh- Nategh’eh’”.

After ending the cold war¡ the identity boundaries of nations that are specified based on the dependence on one of the political and ideological poles or independence on them ¡ have been changed and the role and importance of culture in identity finding process of nations have turned out to be more prominent . While the identity boundaries in the past were specified in terms of political¡ ideological and economic indexes¡ gradually the identity boundaries were formed based on cultural indexes and civilizational and cultural identity were determined as a distinguishing basis of political units. This paper seeks to specify the argument of contrast inside and outside of civilization in recent years based on the theory of clash of civilizations. The result of this paper confirms this assumption that in new circumstances¡ the one-sided process of globalization¡ equally has removed the cultural boundaries of societies and proceed in the direction of westernizing them¡ has caused social groups redefine its identity based on its separation from west and western culture and civilization and increase the rate of west fighting and retreating in cultural and civilizational identity finding process.

It is very important to study and simulate S-wave structure for near surface (alluvium parts, in particular) owing to its direct relationship to urban facilities in geotechnical and earthquake engineering studies. So, in seismic microzonation, the first step is to study and identify S-wave pattern in alluvium in order to categorize different parts of cites according to S-wave velocity. Current techniques of estimating shallow shear velocities for assessment of earthquake site response are too costly for use at most construction sites. They require large sources to be effective in noisy urban settings, or specialized independent recorders laid out in an extensive array. Recently, refraction microtremor (ReMi) data have been frequently used for estimating of dispersion curves and simulating velocity of S-waves, because ReMi method is fast and cheap. However, inversion is the main problem in processing ReMi data for estimating velocity of S-waves. With the development of computer science, emergence of single-and multi-objective optimization techniques and inspiration of science from nature, an opportunity has been provided for decrease in non-uniqueness of inversion and finding the best possible solution. In this study, the joint inversion of microtremor and seismic refraction data was proposed using multi-objective Genetic Algorithm optimization and Pareto front concept for estimating S-wave velocity. After programming the multi-objective Genetic algorithm in Matlab, its efficiency was investigated by synthetic models and real datasets. Real datasets were obtained from 1 stations in south part of Tabriz (near Elgoli Road) that contain Miocene –Pliocene and pyroclastic bedrocks. For actual dataset we used Refraction microtremor (ReMi) as a passive method for achieve Rayleigh wave and seismic refraction data as an active method for getting travel time. For ReMi and seismic refraction data acquisition, the same layout can easily provide both P-wave travel times and surface wave dispersion curves if the sampling parameters are properly designed to satisfy the requirements of the two techniques. In current study ReMi and seismic refraction method was performed with using an OYO 24-channal seismograph and 4.5Hz and 28Hz geophones with a receiver spacing of 5m. for ReMi, Unfiltered 17 second records were collected at study site. Also in this study, resistivity data, as auxiliary information, are used. Resistivity method can provide information about bed rock and water table in study area. For this goal, resistivity measurements were carried out by using high-resolution RESECS resistivity meter system. In this study Wenner array, with 32 electrodes (2m unit electrode spacing), for measurements of 1-D resistivity imaging profile is used. For evaluation of proposed joint inversion algorithm, the results were compared with single inversion of ReMi data by Particle Swarm Optimization (PSO) algorithm. with Using joint inversion algorithm, a three layer subsurface model was found, which the first layer velocity is 321m/s and its thickness is 5.8m, second layer velocity is 365m/s and its thickness is 4.6m and last layer velocity is 547m/s.. The results of inversion in both synthetic and real dataset proved the reliability of proposed method, as a powerful technique for joint inversion, in comparison to current methods. . Also by Pareto concept the quality of inversion procedure can be easily detected. Because symmetry of Pareto front is strongly depends to accuracy of estimations. By using joint inversion algorithm we can achieve to a more correct Vs structure and decrease the non-uniqueness of Rayleigh wave inversion.

The crisis in Western Asia has many dimensions of which the hegemonic structure interference, destructive role of Zionist regime, vicarious war against resistance front and expansionism of regional role-players can be investigated. Identity conflicts, which has affected a lot of Islamic world issues including Palestine issue, is one of the dimensions to the Western Asia crisis. In this research, employing a descriptive analysis methodology and library based approach, the vision in front of Palestinian resistance is studied in a situation in which Western Asia is dealing with identity conflicts. The outcomes of this study reveals that Muslim's identity-seeking process in recent decades has made the matter of identity to become eminent in social, political and international relations. The findings of the current research proves that in various eras in which crisis strikes the national or international environment, individuals and social groups tend to put more emphasis on one dimension of their multidimensional identities. Hence, "resistance identity" as a "constituted identity" which by resort to Islamic revolution discourse, has unified a bunch of players under a geopolitical and geocultural tenet, named "resistance axis" has become more and more marginalized because of these crises; and ethnic, religious, political and ideological identities have become more prominent.
According to this, as long as active players in the front row of battle against zeionist regime, affected by identity conflicts of Western Asia region, are defining their actions based on ethnic, religious, national and all other kind of Identities, "resistance identity" and as a consequence, anti-zionist resistance becomes more and more subdued and marginalized.