arash saeedirad

The developments in the Arab countries of West Asia and North Africa, which began in 2010 and reached its peak in 2011 and became known as the Arab Spring or Islamic Awakening, have attracted the attention of most researchers and experts in political issues regarding the causes, contexts, nature, and outcome. These developments have attracted attention. Preliminary investigations show that these developments were caused by the deep dissatisfaction of the people of the Arab countries in the region towards the inefficiency, corruption and systematic and institutionalized injustice in the structural system and agency of their respective governments. The main goal of these protests, which started due to the chronic inefficiency and systematic and institutionalized corruption in the Arab governments, was to change the nature and shape of the relationship between the society and the state in such a way that social power can have a decisive effect on social power, not a situation in which power The political system determined the entire relationship of the social system. These protests faced the reaction of Arab governments and led to the overthrow of political systems in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen. But in Syria, Jordan, Bahrain, and Saudi Arabia, due to the successful adoption and implementation of policies and strategies to manage and contain the crisis, popular protests did not lead to the fall of the government in these countries. Since these crises in this region will affect the security of other actors in the region, it is necessary to address this issue, therefore, in this article, we set our goal to know the current relations between the society and the government in the countries of West Asia and North Africa and to Looking for an answer to this question: "What effect did the social unrest and popular protests of 2010 and 2011 have on the relations between the government and society in the Arab countries of West Asia and North Africa?" This article has used the descriptive-analytical method to answer the research question and to collect data from library and online sources. In this article, social contract theory is used as a theoretical framework. It should be noted that the scope of the research is limited to the countries of Tunisia, Egypt and Libya in North Africa and Yemen, Jordan, Libya, Syria and Saudi Arabia in West Asia. Street protests have become the main way for people to achieve their demands and fight against corruption, injustice and inefficiency in the region of West Asia and North Africa. In the last decade, political-social dissatisfaction and demands for justice have been the driving force of many protest movements in the region of West Asia and North Africa. If we consider the three factors of corruption, inefficiency and injustice as the causes of protests in the region of West Asia and North Africa, considering the existence of these three factors in all the studied countries and even the deterioration of the situation of these factors, it should be said that these factors, The remaining factors of popular protests are also considered and the roots and grounds of protest still exist. In the countries under review, the unemployment rate is high, especially among young people. Meanwhile, the young population in these countries (except Lebanon) is increasing. The population explosion will exacerbate the problem of youth unemployment. Meanwhile, the governments under review have not yet been able to create adequate and adequate job opportunities for young people or improve living conditions for large sections of the population. In addition, public infrastructure, health care, medical, educational and transportation services are not in good condition in these countries. Therefore, the increase in the rate of poverty, unemployment and the spread of inequalities, the feeling of marginalization, injustice and hopelessness are deeply rooted among the people of the countries under review. Widespread corruption and more importantly, the emergence of the perception and feeling of the existence of widespread corruption in the people has led to the increasing mistrust of the society towards the government and government institutions and the emergence of widespread or scattered protests. While social unrest in many societies can lead to the modification or renewal of the social contract, the unrest in West Asia and North Africa did not lead to changes in the relationship between society and the state. The studied governments prevented the conclusion of a social contract between the government and society by suppressing protests or creating relative prosperity or a combination of the two. In some countries such as Lebanon, Iraq and Jordan, governments tried to prevent structural changes by sacrificing agents and changing them in a targeted and controlled manner. In countries such as Tunisia and Egypt, although the bureaucratic system collapsed through nationwide popular protests, the structures remained intact and caused the return of bureaucrats loyal to the previous order. The governments of Saudi Arabia and Bahrain, by adopting the twin policy of repression and creating relative prosperity, prevented the change of structures and agents. In Libya and Yemen, although the structures and agents changed in tandem, due to foreign intervention and internal divisions, a new social contract that would lead to the establishment of an inclusive government was not practically concluded. In Syria, after suppressing protests in its early days, the government promised to reform the existing social contract and changed the country's constitution. But extensive foreign intervention and the presence of takfiri extremists from all over the world failed the reform process. Considering that, on the one hand, due to social protests in the eight studied countries, a new social contract has not been formed between the society and the government, and on the other hand, there are still structural and operational problems in these countries, such as corruption, inefficiency, injustice, etc. It is predicted that popular protests will rise again in the studied countries in the future. In fact, the causes of protests and unrest that ignited the studied countries in 2010 and 2011 are still there, and these countries are susceptible to a new round of popular protests.

Public diplomacy, unlike its formal type, aims to influence the general public and audiences who apparently have no responsibility in the field of foreign policy but constitute the body of society. This type of diplomacy has become very prevalent in recent years and forms the basis of long and stable relations to secure interests for countries. The United States is one of the countries that has incurred a lot of costs in this area, striving to use all the tools of public diplomacy to achieve its foreign policy goals and has even established a separate division within the Department of State for this purpose. As the Biden administration has declared repairing the international image of America as one of its primary foreign policy objectives, one of their most important tools to achieve this goal is public diplomacy. The important question that arises is what changes has the public diplomacy of the United States undergone during the Biden administration compared to the Trump administration? In order to answer this question, a method of scholarly study has been used, based on a descriptive-analytical approach, and the necessary information has been collected from library resources. The result of comparing these two periods shows that the U.S. government in the Biden administration seeks to use past tools and the mainstream of international media to portray the past events as an exception to Donald Trump and to work on repairing America's image in the world.

The relations between Russia and the Zionist regime are planned based on several variables, the importance and maintenance of which is very important and vital for the regime; however, the regime has tried to change Russia's Middle Eastern behavior through selling military weapons to anti-Russia governments. According to this assumption, the Zionist regime is trying to reduce Russia's presence in its periphery (Levant region) by selling military weapons to hostile countries against Russia (Ukraine). The question is that by Adopting the assumption, what aspect of the relationship between the Zionist regime and Russia is reflected from the sale of Modern weapons by the Zionist regime to Ukraine during the period of Russia's presence in Middle East. The approach to answering this question is analytical-explanatory and data are collected from documents and online. The author first present the background of the research, and then the brief history of the relations between Russia and the regime, and in the second part, evaluate their relations, and in the last part, examines the relations between Ukraine and the regime. The general results show that the economic, military and immigrant relations of Russian diaspora act as a unifying element. But from political perspective, the two countries have different strategies. Therefore, the Zionist regime is trying to reduce the negative effects of Russia's presence in its surrounding environment by using military aid to countries hostile to Russia

A decade has passed since the Arab Spring or Islamic Awakening (2011-2023) in West Asia, but this region is still facing social crises, and it can be acknowledged that crises are always one of the most serious challenges facing the governments of this region. This article with a descriptive-analytical method seeks to answer the question of why the crises of the Islamic world are still going on after a decade of Islamic awakening? The hypothesis of the article is that the unwillingness of governments to change the system of power has led to the spread of crises in the Islamic world since the formation of the Islamic awakening until now (in four countries). The general result of the article shows that what has caused social crises to be stable in the region for more than ten years is the lack of transformative changes in the relations between the government and the society. Social problems that have led to widespread crises in the region still exist in most countries besides, governments do not want to share their power with the people, and this course of developments has provided calls for social crises in this region. The method of data collection was library, using specialized magazines and reliable internet sources.

There were signs of expanding Iran-Ukraine relations and, consequently, cooperation between the two countries; But on the other hand, the Islamic Republic of Iran has wider relations with Russia. Thus, despite this war (2022), expansion and interaction with Ukraine could affect Iran-Russia relations. Therefore, the present study, assuming the expansion and desire to improve bilateral relations between Iran and Ukraine, as well as Russia's sensitivities in this regard, seeks to answer these two questions: " What effect does the expansion of Iran-Ukraine relations have on Iran's relations with Russia? " And " What is Ukraine's goal in expanding ties with Iran ? " Are. The method of answering these questions is descriptive-analytical. Findings show that Iran should try to make the most of the opportunity close to the EU and create opportunities in the field of energy security, including the transfer of gas to Europe, while relying on the existing socio-political realities in Ukraine. It must adjust to Ukraine in such a way that it does not become embroiled in tensions between the parties involved in the region outside the " near outside " of Russia. Because the continuation of relations with Russia is a " privileg" against the West.

The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has been bombarded with challenges beyond conflict, tension, and competition since 2011 up until now (2021). Even though this critical moment, or rather vicious cycle, has been analysed extensively, none of the studies have addressed the simultaneous challenges posed by "awakening" and the "COVID-19" pandemic, which have played a critical role in the regional crises. Therefore, this study sought to examine how the countries affected by these two waves have remained in the path of the weak, bankrupt, and failed states, and what lies ahead of them. This was a descriptive-analytical research study and the data was collected through secondary research, involving a review of library, documentary, and online sources. The research findings indicate that many of the MENA countries affected by the two waves of awakening and COVID-19 are still continuing on the path of weak, bankrupt, and failed states due to their failure to resolve internal challenges in the economic, social, cultural, political, and military sectors. These countries have fallen behind in terms of economic, health, and social developments and are weighed down by corruption and inefficiency, which means the adverse effects of these conditions will likely continue to exist in the coming decade or decades.

Caspian Sea is in a trends of evolution which, change its position from a land locked sea to one of the most important Geo Economical points in the worlds. Facts on the Ground Show us, that, China’s unfold demands to energy and its policy to diversify the Suppliers in addition to the One Road, One Belt grand project, made the Caspian Sea an in substitutable geo economical place for china’s Global plans. Russia’s traditional hegemony in the Caspian Sea region and its monopoly on the Gas supply to EU had facing so many threat, if Russia don’t work well in this region. So, Caspian Sea gain weight in the Russia’s eyes. U.S foreign policy in this region, which contain three major worlds controversial power for American national interests, Iran, Russia and china, is based on the containment and engagement simultaneously. Iran as regional power also has its trends of influences in this region. All of these trends are following the geo economical rules. In fact, economy is shaping the competitions and cooperation in the Caspian region, which made this region a Greater region with the expanded effects on the worlds politics and economics.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the United States introduced itself as the first power of the world (hegemony hegemony)and gained considerable political status in the international arena, but it is now visible signs of its political decline. In fact, studies have shown that America is politically active (democracy, human rights, foreign policy, soft power and …)distance from other competitors and is backward in some cases. the main question of this study is; what are the political factors of the U.S. decline? For this purpose, the data needed in the library method is collected and analyzed based on descriptive - analytical method. Findings from the study showed that several elements such as the type of government, unilateralism, liberalism ideology, decrease of power penetration in the Third World countries, the decline of American policy influence over its allies, the deterioration of American foreign policy and …, is the most important determinant of the political decline that can be imagined for the United States.

From the first days, the Syrian crisis was not only the area of internal conflict, but also a field for the interconnected or opposite interests of different regional and transnational actors. So the future of Syria will affect the interests of these actors. Given the importance of preserving or removing Assad from power in the future of Syria, the paper ties to answer to this question: preserving or removing Bashar al-Assad what are the opportunities and challenges for the Islamic Republic of Iran? To answer this question, we have used the future study method (exploratory approach) and the scenario technique. The research findings show that there are four possible scenarios according to existing trends: first: preservation of Bashar al-Assad-consolidation of Iran’s influence; second: preservation of Bashar al-Assad-consolidation of Russia’s influence-reduction of Iran’s influence; third: preservation of Bashar al-Assad-the division of power among the Kurds, the Alevis and the Sunnis; and fourth: Assad’s removal from power-reduction of Iran’s influence-increasing the influence of Iran regional rivals. Evidence shows that the second scenario is the most likely scenario.