bahram ajorloo

The 13th anniversary of JACO is approaching. During these years, the editorial board of JACO as well as its authors made their best efforts to open an Iranian window to the cultural horizon of the Orient based on literary, history and archaeology. Historically, the development of the idea of Iranshahr, the word of Iran, and Iranian historical consciousness/ self-awareness emerged more than two millennia ago. Since the Sassanids, in W. Asia, next to the cultural borders of the Occident, represented by ancient pre-Christian Classical civilizations and then Christian Byzantium, people who considered themselves Iranian have lived and succeeded. Both archaeologically and historically, for instance, from the epitaph of Khordad Pour Ormazdafarid, whose life ended in Byzantine Constantinople (Nyberg, 1968), to the Nuzhat al-Qulūb composed by H. Mustawfi of Qazvin, by the end of Ilkhanids, such a fact should be realized that lands between the Euphrates and the Jaxartes and the Caucasian Darband up to the Persian Gulf were inhabited by people who were aware of their Iranian identity. It seems noticeable, many years after the fall of the Sassanids, when Sharaf al-Din Kurd Bidlisi (1860) wrote his book of Scheref Nameh on the history and descent of the Kurdish people by the order of Ottoman Sultan Muhammad III, he mentioned the Sassanid lineage of his fathers. In addition, the Islamic history of Iran verifies the rethinking of Sassanid sage and culture: Hekmat-e Khosrowani conceptualized by Shaykh Shahab al-Din Suhrawardy of Azerbaijan, whose metaphysical works are in Persian (Corbin, 1971). Another instance comes from the Age of Khwaja Nasir al-Din Tousi: although this Age commenced by the deadly invasion of Khorasan by the Mongols, it evolved to the renaissance movement of Iranian culture during the Age of Khwaja Rashid al-Din. This movement was inspired by the Sassanid Iran. In these times, as Shams Tabrizi asked, “What had happened to the Persian language? It is quite gentle and elegant!” the discourse of Dari was promoted in Iranian civilization. Meanwhile, the Shahnameh tradition and Persian letters were developed in the Ilkhanid court of Tabriz and Rab’-e Rashidi (Ajorloo, 2018). In addition to the poems of Khaghani of Shirvan, inspired by the legacy of Ctesiphon, the Arch of Alishah and the last Mongol Ilkhan who nick-named himself as Anushiravan the Fair, if one mentions the relives of Fath Ali Shah the Qajar beside the bas relives of Sassanid kings in Kermanshah and Ray, all of these should be noted as few samples from plenteous literary, historical and archaeological sources verify the continuous Sassanid idea of Iranshahr. The Ilkhanids should be regarded as the flourishing years of the Persian language, both literary and officially, out of Iran: Ibn Battuta could learn Persian in 14th CE India. He noted that Persian was the language of the Indian court and of merchants who were trading in China and across the Silk Road. Additionally, according to Ibn-Khaldun, another sage from the Age of Khawaja Rashid al-Din, urban and industries were developed in the Orient by the Iranians.

Problem statement:

 Archaeologically, a stepped structure is recorded from the E. hill of Rabʿ-e Rashidi. Firstly, such a structure is thought to be a remnant of an Ilkhanid mosque. Later it is hypothesized as the basement of a large complex, from the Rawza arena, Rabʿ-e Rashidi, 14th CE. Nevertheless, in accordance with the topographic features, plan, spatial design, and architectural materials of this stepped structure, it cannot be the remnant of a structure or the basement of the large building in the Rawza arena. So, two basic questions concerning this stepped structure are its function and relative dating.

The archeological and architectural recognition of the function and dating of the stepped structure at the Rabʿ-e Rashidi provides the required basis for its accurate and methodic restoration.

This research is based on the archeology of buildings, which uses archaeological findings, historical reports, and technical analysis of construction to understand the chronology, typology, stylistics, and function of ancient architectural remains.Firstly, the technical features and architectural materials of this stepped structure were well studied by the field archaeological methods, providing a plan and site surveying and aerial photography by a drone. Secondly, historical reports that provide information about the structures of Rabʿ-e Rashidi, from the 14th to the 17th CE (Al-Waqfiyya al-Rashidiyya & History of Öljeitu & ‘Ālam Ārā-yi ‘Abbāsi) were studied. This allows the authors to examine their hypotheses by matching the collected information from such sources with archeological materials and architectural remains.

Abductive reasoning, based on archaeology, history, and architecture, considers that the hypothesis of the large cistern of Rabʿ-e Rashidi is more likely to be justified. According to Al-Waqfiyya al-Rashidiyya, the relative dating of this staircase structure, as the cistern, goes back to the Ilkhanid period. This structure was repaired in the post-Ilkhanid period.

Problem statement:

 Rabʿ-e Rashidi has two different phases of settlement and usage. Of these, the second phase was for military purposes. The form and plan of the great southern outwork of Rashidiyya have no precedent in the history of Iranian architecture. The present authors attempt to address two questions: What is the pattern of such an outwork? Who is its possible architect or the founder? The present authors have hypothesized that: the great southern outwork of the post-Ilkhanid fort of Rashidiyya was built by the Ottomans. So, it has a Roman-Byzantine pattern. In the Western Ottoman realm, samples of outworks have been left, whose form and plan can be regarded as a pattern for Rashidiyya. They have also hypothesized Jafar Pasha Frenk as its founder during the years of the Roman (Ottoman) Interruption of Tabriz.

Methodic restoration of this antique work requires compliance with two conditions of authenticity and identification of its pattern; Because in this case, one can benefit from the successful experience of restoring similar samples.

The outworks in Rashidiyya, Antalya, Bodrum, Iasos, Kilitbahir, and Mamure consist of the data body of this research. These W. Anatolian samples have a Roman-Byzantine pattern. Inductively, their form, plan, and position of outworks in relation to their ramparts, are comparable with the Rabʿe- Rashidi’s one. Historically, 10 main resources from the 16th and 17th CE on the fort of Rashidiyya and the Tabriz campaign of Osman Pasha and Jafar Pasha Frenk are studied as well.

Typologically, the large south tower of Rashidiyya, which is connected to its main rampart by a musketeer banquette, falls within the category of semidetached two-story outworks from the Roman and Byzantine origin. First, Byzantium and then Ottomans inherited this heritage of Roman defensive architecture.

Historically,  continuity and discontinuity of socio-cultural processes of the Iranian culture and civilization and its Iranian descents has always been one of the essential problems which should be approached in both Oriental studies and Iranistics. For instance, if one takes a look at the works of some pioneers in Iranistics, such as T. Nöldeke,  E. G. Browne, B. G. Fragner and M. Qazwini, Iranistics has been left for linguistics and literary approaches, rather than historical one. The academic methodology of Iranistics, however, should be more supported by diverse disciplines. Of these, the archaeology of historic millennia of Iran should be marked. In this field, the innovative works of the late Ali Akbar Sarfarāz (1926-2024) seems noticeable as the archaeological reflection of the continuous lineage in the historical existence of Iran:Ali Akbar Kārgar Sarafrāz, nicknamed Sarfarāz, the pioneer Iranian field archaeologist, passed away on February 20, 2024. The years 1961-2001 should be noted as his flourishing years of career including the archaeological expeditions, management and academic activities in the Iranian ministry of art and culture, National Museum of Iran, Universities of Tehran and Tarbiatmodarres and finally the institutes of SAMT and NAZAR. Review of his professional career presents that the idea of Iran and enquiry on the historical processes relevant to the two millennia of Iranian heritage, from the Medes to the Ilkhanates, has been the main theme of his archaeological expeditions:The excavations of archaeological sites that each of them, in any way, present not only the name of Iran and its history-makers but indicate the continuity of historical and socio-cultural processes of Iranian culture and civilization as well as its people of Iranian descent: The fire temple of Nushijān Tepe in Malāyer, the Achaemenid palace of Cyrus the great in Borāzjān, the Achaemenid remnants in the Island of Khārk, Persian Gulf, the Mithraeum in Masjid-e Soleymān, the Sassanid bas-relives from Tang-e Chogān, the temple of Anahita in Bishāpur, the Seljukid Friday Mosque of Ardabil, the Ilkhanate observatory of Maragheh, Rab'-e Rashidi, the Arch of Alishah in Tabriz and the Grand Fire Temple of Āzargoshnasp in Azerbaijan and its Sassanid iwan of Khosrow which were rebuilt as the Ilkhanate palace of Ābāghā Khān. According to himself, the result of his 7000 days of work and life in deserts was the excavation of 16 archaeological sites, exploration of 32 others and finally registration of  430 heritage sites in the National List of Iranian Heritage; all of them from the Medes to the Ilkhanates.Additionally, Sarfarāz should be regarded as the pioneer of Ilkhanid archaeology of Iran (Ajorloo, 2009): Although the historical approach to the Ilkhanid period, which is the renaissance Age of Iranian culture, has been commenced by the master works of some academic figures, e.g. "The Problems of Ilkhanid Period" by the late M. Mortazavi (1962, 1979) the former head of Iranian studies in the University of Azerbaijan (today: Tabriz), but the archaeological excavations to the Ilkhanid key sites in Iran have been directed by A. A. Sarfarāz:Takht-e Soleymān (Kiāni & Sarfarāz, 1968), the Ilkhanid Observatory of Maragheh- by the order and financial support of University of Azerbaijan and contribution of the late P. Varjāvand (1987)- the southern Iwan of the Arch of Tabriz (Ajorloo & Mazhari, 2023) and finally Rab'-e Rashidi, 1979. These are four of six Ilkhanate key sites of Iran which include the archaeological materials from two problematic centuries of Iranian sioco-cultural and political developments: the Age of Khwāja Nair al-Din and the Age of Khwāja Rashid al-Din. During these two centuries Tabriz turned into the renaissance capital of Iranian art, culture and civilization. Meanwhile, "IRAN" is the most frequent word in historical and literary sources of this period.

Archaeology deploys the scientific method of archaeo-dendrochronology for the absolute dating of wooden works applied in historic architectural heritage. The main question of the current research is to date historic mosque known as Red in Bonāb town of East Azerbaijan province. Despite being registered in the list of national monuments of Iran, the historical authenticity of this mosque has been doubtful. Although the architectural stylistic hypothesis suggests that Bonāb Red Mosque is placed in the group of columned buildings of the Safavid period, such as the Molla Rustam Mosque in Maragheh and the Chehlsotun Palace in Isfahan, there are no inscriptions or historical documents to confirm this hypothesis.After preparing a cross-section from the spruce wooden columns of the Red Mosque, the growth pattern sampled from it has been compared with the growth pattern diagram of juniper trees in the east of the Anatolian plateau by the method of dendrochronology. The pattern of tree growth in Azerbaijan region - Lake Urmia basin - has been prepared by sampling and measuring the width of growth rings of juniper trees in the Shāhi Island area of Lake Urmia; and comparing the resulting graph with the growth curve of juniper and oak trees in the east of the Anatolian plateau, shows the high compatibility of the growth pattern of both neighboring regions; Therefore, for the more far years ago that do not cover the tree growth curve of the Shāhi Island region, the tree curve of the eastern Anatolian Plateau - Lake Van Basin - can be used as a reference.Based on the principle of validity of Terminus post quem after the construction of the wooden work in archaeo-dendrochronology, the date of the last years of the Safavid period and around 1706 AD is suggested for the Red Mosque of Bonāb.

Socio-cultural ties and similarities among different parts of the Iranian plateau in late prehistory are a primary concern of Iranian archeology. Notwithstanding their differing climates and geographical distances, the northwest and southeast quadrants of the plateau archaeologically exhibit a remarkable degree of homogeneity and similarities in the painted motifs of pottery vessels. The question thus arises: what makes them similar, and what underlying sociocultural factors contribute to the emergence of such similarities despite the geographical dimension and climatic heterogeneity? The authors approach these questions through the hypothesis that despite the theory of the mosaic of ethnicities and climates, which views the climatic heterogeneity and geographical remoteness as obstacles precluding cultural convergence across the Iranian plateau in prehistory, these parallels can indeed be justified by the “Great Oriental Society” theory and Lévi-Strauss’s “cultural structuralism.” The classification of painted motifs underpins the methodology adopted here. The motifs on the pottery from each region were classified — based on their typological description, classification, and relative chronology — and finally compared to pin down and analyze their common attributes. It is noteworthy that neither the archaeological context nor the typology of the form of vessels was addressed here. The similarities between the motifs of the Bronze Age pottery traditions in the northwestern and southeastern Iranian plateau indicate that the “Great Oriental Society” theory of Ravasani can explain cultural integration in the two disparate regions, an observation that can be interpreted by Lévi-Strauss’s structuralism.

The academic Journal of Oriental Art and Civilization (JACO) is now in its 11th year of publication. As it is obvious from the title and content of the research articles published by the JACO over the past eleven years, the scholarly, critical, and analytical studies of cultural, social, historical, and artistic relations of the culture and civilization of the oriental people with an Iranian approach - not a western one - has been the aim of its editorial board. Of course, this Iranian approach does not mean the denial of the efforts of the Western orientalists, particularly Europeans, in the past centuries, for which Iran and the Oriental world have always been a subject of knowledge based on an interpretation derived from Western cultural values and various philosophical schools of Europe (e.g., Said, 1978; Macfie,2002). It also does not imply that they have understood and evaluated the art of the Orient only through the lens of Kantian and Hegelian aesthetics (e.g.,Gombrich, 1950). Rather, the international editorialcomposition of JACO shows that the senior head of the NRC attempts to establish a scholarly cultural dialogue between Iranian thinkers and researchers with their Oriental and Occidental counterpartsto analyze and understand the sociocultural aspects of Iran and the Orient based on the perspective of their own Oriental cultural and historical values. Noteworthy to mention that Iran and Iranian history,culture, and civilization with more than five millennia of its formation and expansion from the riverside of the Tigris to the Indus and the Oxus and from the Darbent of the Caucasia to the shores of thePersian Gulf (Qazwini, 1919), which has a colorful amount of cultures and peoples of a joint descent and linguistically familiar languages, includes the origin of various cults and religions throughouthistory, as a bridge that stands between the Orient and the Occident, plays a colorful unique role:The long life and joint lineage of Iranian and Indian languages and ancient religious beliefs, the spread of Dari Persian language and literature from Kashgar to Delhi and Konya, the connection of theKurdish language in Western Asia with the Pashtun language in Central Asia through the ancient Pahlavi language, the variety of Turkish dialects spread throughout the Iranian plateau, from Khorasanto Qashqai, the praise of Shams Tabrizi and Mevlana of Balkh in Persian poets and the Urdu writings of Sir Allama Muhammad Iqbal of Lahore, the art and architecture and rites of Urartu, Elamite,Mannai and Achaemenid inspired from the ancient Mesopotamia, the impact of Iranian art and architecture on the Early and Middle Ottoman (Sarre, 1910), the Sprachbund ties among Turkic andPersian languages and literatures with Arabic and Quranic doctrines, and of course, for the first time in history, a comprehensive reflection and collectivity of the old histories of the people of the East andWest from ancient times to the high medieval period, in the masterpiece of ‘Jāme al-Tawārikh-i Rashidi, composed by “the Grand Premier of Iran” Khwāja Rashid al-Din Fazll-Allah Hamadāni (Rab’-eRashidi, Tabriz, 1306) and hundreds of other examples that are not included in this brief note, all of them are based on the firm and indisputable position of Iran and the Iranian World on the history, cultureof the Orient and orientalist activities. This is the reason why, now in its 11th year of publication, the JACO takes a new approach to the great question of the Orient and the status of Iran in Orientalism,and brings an Iranian approach to Orientalism to split heaven’s ceiling with our powers to try a wholly new design, as versified by Hafez of Shiraz accordingly.Finally, on the occasion of the 150th anniversary of the birth of the famous thinker, author, Iranologist, and Persian poet from Lahore, Sir Allama Muhammad IQBAL (1873-1938), remember him, byone of his Persian poets on Iran:

Along with the archaeological survey program of Karadagh, which started in 2008, the expedition team of authors succeeded in recognizing, reporting, and documenting three archaeological sites including 1571 human and animal abstract petroglyphs from the three villages of “Gutānlu”, “Lighlān”, and “Noghādā” in the east of “Hurānd” County, East Azerbaijan province. In addition to naked humans, some dogs and camels, and a number of quasi-geometric motifs were identified. It should be noted that most of their animal motifs are similar to the genus of Capra and Gazella. They are comparable to the Nakhichevan, “Gegham-Jingirdagh”, and “Gobustan” collections of rock art in “South Caucasia” and they even have similar examples in the Italian rock art collection of “Valcamonica”. This research is based on field surveys, documentation, and the ethnological interpretation of these petroglyphs. The data were categorized into three groups: “Gutānlu”, 700 motifs, “Zardarasi”, 171 motifs, “Dāshlisārāy” of “Noghādā”, 300 motifs, and “Qishlāghdarasi” of “Noghādā”, 400 motifs. The authors attempted to examine relative chronology and the function of the Eastern “Hurānd” petroglyphs based on two hypotheses: a) the relative dating of this rock art is late prehistory, circa 6th-5th millennium BCE; and b) the function of them should be interpreted based on the theory of hunting magic associated with forager bands. Ethnographically, the belief in hunting magic is recorded from forager people of Australian “Aborigines” and African “Bushmen” (Sans). Additionally, the evidence of Shamanic rites, which have been recorded/hypothesized during the 1997-2002 surveys, are re-recorded from the rock art in Eastern “Hurānd” of Karadagh.

Abstract
Problem statement: Reconstruction or recreation of the original form and structure of the demolished parts of the Tāj al-Din ‘Alishāh Mosque complex has long been a fundamental question in Iranian archeology and the history of architecture. Archaeologically, what is today visible as the Arch of ‘Alishāh’s iwan is a solid brick structure built in two constructional phases, with the northern part predating the southern one Furthermore, a series of historical reports exists on the entombment of Tāj al-Din ‘Alishāh the Vizier, known as the Tāvus Khāna building, as being located behind the ‘Alishāh Mosque. Drawing on the excavated debris of the vault of the ‘Alishāh’s iwan and the available historical reports and drawings, the hypothesis of this research suggests that the presently standing remains of the Arch of ‘Alishāh (the southern annex to the earlier structure) served as the mausoleum of Tāj al-Din ‘Alishāh’s the Vizier and that the ‘Alishāh Mosque should be recreated in a four-iwans plan with four minarets.
Research It consists of the recreation of the Arch of ‘Alishāh in light of archaeological data as well as the drawings printed in Matrākçi Nasuh (Matrakchi) and Monsieur Jean Chardin’s travel accounts, which show the ‘Alishāh Complex before the 1780 earthquake.
The agreement between the archaeological data and the cited drawings in travel accounts indicates that the structure today known as the Arch of ‘Alishāh is, in fact, the Tāvus Khāna building that was founded behind the four-iwans Friday Mosque of ‘Alishāh. The charity religious complex of ‘Alishāh consisted at least of six major architectural components: a mosque, a madrasa (school), a monastery, a large marble pool, the mausoleum of ‘Alishāh, and an outer wall surrounding the entire complex with a gateway. The south iwan opened into the mosque’s shabistān (prayer hall), the west iwan into the madrasa (school), and the east iwan into the monastery of ‘Alishāh.

In the archaeological test soundings of 2007, spaces have been discovered in the southeast of Rab’-e Rashidi, which, although they have been described and introduced as the remnants of an Ilkhanid bath, but the use of that has not been confirmed yet. Therefore, these questions and hypotheses are raised about the structure discovered in the southeast corner of the Rab’-e Rashidi, what was the function of this structure? And its relative chronology goes back to which century? In the analysis and interpretation of the present research, two hypotheses of Gazargah (laundry) and Soqaya, confrontation, and then based on the hypothesis of Soqaye, the date of the 14th century is proposed for this structure. The methodological foundation of this research is based on history, i.e. the study of the al-Waqfiyya al-Rashidiyya and other early sources of the Ilkhanid period, as well as the comparative study of the common structure of bathes in the Islamic centuries, Soqaya and Gazargah; Therefore, after analyzing the technical, physical and architectural characteristics and space-making of the subject of the study, in the second step, while extracting information related to Rab’-e Rashidi buildings and especially the buildings related to the two hypotheses of Gazargah and Soqaya from the historical sources of Ilkhanids and especially the al-Waqfiyya al-Rashidiyya. This information is matched with the information obtained from the architectural stage. In the third step, the information extracted from the previous two stages, history and architecture, is matched with archaeological information to obtain the final result. The historical and architectural evidence based on the logic of abduction, considers the hypothesis of Soqaya of Rashidiyya more close to the realty; Then, according to the al-Waqfiyya al-Rashidiyya, the relative chronology of this structure reaches the Ilkhanid period and the first half of the 14th century AH.

Iranian studies, as a branch of orientalism, in the past two centuries that have passed since its emergence and development in the West, have always been stated on the basis of concepts that do not have Iranian origin. Of these concepts, the historical-cultural borders of Iran should be noted which Western Orientalism draws it not on the basis of Iranian historical resources, but on the modern political borderlines, particularly the 20th century (e. g. Matthew, 2000, 2007; Barr, 2012). In such politicized historical-cultural boundaries that the West has determined for Iran, the Iranian art, literature, history and cultural heritage are not beyond its current political borderlines. While the historical existence of Iran is presented in discrete and scrappy ways. For example, in such a show of cultural-historical discontinuity of Iran, the two Elamite and Sumerian civilizations, which are separated from each other only by the natural border of Arvandrud River, are two different worlds; and Sumer is noted that as the cultural heritage of a newly emerged nation-state so-called as Iraq, which, according to European and exclusively British archaeologists and orientalists, is the aftermath of the WWI. Of course, a new history is also required for every recently emerged nation-state that must be built for it (Matthews, 2007; Barr, 2012).   Western Orientalism has not even paid attention to the paradox raised between linguistics and ethnography in one hand and historical-cultural geography and anthropo-geography on the other hand: for instance, the Zagros Mountains, which stretches from the south of Lake Van - in present-day Turkey - to the northern shore of the Strait of Hormuz, in the past two millennia, has been the homeland of various Iranian-descended peoples and chiefdoms, which, according to Sharaf al-Din Badlisi, in his book of Scheref- Nameh: Histoire des Kourdes (1596), are all branches of the great Kurdish people. According to Badlisi’s writing, these people seek their background from Ferdowsi’s Persian masterwork of Shahnameh and regard themselves to be the survivors of the youth who fled from the grip of Zahhāk the devil to the mountains; even Bidlisi, who was the grand chiefdom of Kurdistan, traces his lineage back to the Sasanian kings (Bidlisi, 1860, 8-12). However, the Western Orientalism studies and presents the cultural heritage of Kurdistan, which is a part of the western territory of Iranian world from Erbil and Sulaymaniyah to Diyarbakir, Bidlis, Urfa and Mardin (Bidlisi, 1860), apart from the history of Iranian civilization (e. g. Matthews, 2000, 2007). As if Medes and Urartu are two separate historical entities from Iran, Western Orientalism has faked an ancient background for the new emerging Caucasian states of Azerbaijan and Armenia; both of them isolated from the history and archeology of Iran. Of course, on the order of the former USSR Academy of Sciences, they must justify the historical existence of the newly established republics of Azerbaijan and Armenia as the inheritors of Medes and Urartu (e.g. Дя́конов, 1956; Пиотровский, 1959). Therefore, the first step in this rethinking is to understand the historical-cultural boundaries of Iran. For example, in the writings of Iranian Ilkhanid-Safavid historians and authors such as Nuzhat al-Qulub composed by Hamdallah Mustawfi Qazwini (1340) and Ahsan-al-Tawārikh by Hasan Beig Romeloo (1576) its borders are clearly familiar. Even Friedrich Sarre (1910, 120-160), the famous German Turkologist, by categorizing the architectural works of the 12th to 15th centuries from the cities of Nakhichevan, Samarkand, Bukhara, Konya and Akshahar into the category of the works of Iranian art and architecture, confirms such an opinion. According to the present author, Iran’s history, archeology and cultural heritage cannot be discussed and studied within the framework of current political borderlines; for the reason that its historical-cultural scope is far beyond current politics. Therefore, for example, terms such as the Bronze Age culture of Kura-Araxes and ETC -coined by Russian B. A. Kuftin and British C. A. Burney- are meaningless. While the Sumerian civilization, which interacted with the Bronze Age cultures of Kerman and Sistān and Baluchistan for nearly two millennia (Majidzadeh, 2003, 5-19), is an inseparable part of Iran’s past. Even more, from its sunrise to sunset, Urartu has spent its history within the lands that Iranian historians and geographers of the Ilkhanid-Qajar periods know them by the historical names of Azerbaijan and Kurdistan.

Masjid i-Kabud was built upon the order of Jahan Shah, the ruler of the Kara Koyunlu dynasty, in Tabriz, Northwest Iran. This building is among the most important remains of Islamic architecture and has repeatedly been the object of research by historians of architecture. While the configuration of this building finds a corresponding prototype in Timurid Iran, in the view of a wider audience the construction purpose of this building conceptualizes the theme of Anatolian architecture. Thus, there remain several controversies about the inception of architectural layout that need to be further explored. Using a comparative-analytical method, the aim is to trace back the architectural predecessors of Masjid i-Kabud. Unlike recent studies that attest a Perso-Ottoman interaction in shaping this monument, material evidences confirm beyond any doubt that this was built under the guidance of a master-architect who came from Central Asia a short time before its construction in Tabriz, a grand new capital. According to the results, it is possible to point out a general architectural consistency from the Timurid Empire to the Turkoman era that is largely visible in this building: a tomb in the rear of the central dome aligned with an axial portal, while auxiliary rooms surrounding the main dome on the three sides is a modification of the old traditional Iranian form and might have a close relationship with changes occurring within the religious doctrine in providing adequate space for pilgrimages and educational purposes.

Hassan Padishah Mosque was constructed in 15th century upon the order of Uzun Hasan, the ruler of Aq Qoyunlu dynasty, in Tabriz, Iran. This building was the central core of an urban complex known as Nasriyya which was located in front of the Sahib Abad garden. Destructive earthquakes of the later periods had severely affected the original composition of this mosque. While current remains assert a Safavid and Qajar interventions which are replaced with the older collapse of Nasriyya complex, architectural discoveries of recent restoration projects besides literary evidence of travelers contemporaneous with Aq Qoyunlu and Safavid dynasty remain the main focus of attention. This paper will be focused on the architectural recreation of Hassan Padishah Mosque in Tabriz through the 15th century. There is no exact evidence as to what exactly the architectural theme of this mosque is. Although studying the architectural remains of this mosque suggests a probable link with other Timurid buildings, especially the Gur-e-Amir in Samarkand, the mausoleum of Khoja Ahmad Yasawi, the Sayid Alauddin and Pahlavan Mahmud in Uzbekistan, the mausoleum of Muhammad al-Buharzi in Bukhara, the mausoleum of Qazi Zade in Samarkand, as well as the Blue Mosque in Tabriz but the lack of suitable comparative data hindered the possibility of pinpointing when, how, in which aspects and in which way this architectural layout transmitted to this mosque. Otherwise, as one vector of architectural acculturation, this coincidence might have a close relationship with architectural developments occurring within the Timurid architecture. Here, the research method is structured to cater two levels. In the first level, it started from much broader aspects of architectural details by putting emphasis on the architectural approach to study the minute characteristics of this monument in detail. The second level of the study is that of typological comparison which basically focused on the taxonomic classification of physical characteristics commonly found in contemporary buildings. In conclusion, it combined these two at the end to make a proposition regarding the architectural layout of Hassan Padishah Mosque in the Nasriyya complex. The fundamental conclusions about the architectural theme of Hassan Padishah Mosque can be categorized as follow: 1-From structural point of view, this mosque is constructed based on a symmetrical plan in a square enclosure. The main entrance was located on north leading to a domed chamber with a drum. Four lofty minarets on the four corners indicates a Timurid influence like the Gur-e-Amir in Samarkand, and together, they both illustrate similar aspects of a common attitude. 2-What is noteworthy in recognition of Hassan Padishah Mosque is the position of the smaller dome (tomb) in the southern side that attest its Timurid origins in Central Asia. As discussed earlier, it is possible to conclude that the main idea of Hassan Padishah Mosque was to repeat the form of burial monuments in Transoxiana, Turkestan, Afghanistan, as well as the Blue Mosque of Tabriz. The main structure of Hassan Padshah Mosque is designed based on the architectural complex style of the 9th century AH.

The cultural sequence, chronology, and archaeological landscape of the geographical distribution of the prehistoric cultures in the peripheral territories of the eastern and northern Urmia Lake regions have not been the focus of any inclusive studies. The basic question of present investigation is the geographical distribution of the Iron Age remains in the Uch’hāchā rural district of Southern Karadagh, the northwest of Iranian plateau. Typologically and chronologically, such remains are the fortified sites and graveyards fall within the Iron Age I-II (pre- Urartian period) c. 1500-800 BC. The grave types are megalith triliths and simple cists and the Caucasian Kurgans. The pre- Urartian settlements have not yet been recognized in the 1650 – 2500m a. b. s. l. The geographical distributions of the Iron Age I-II sites were affected by the mountain landforms. Noticeably, the Iron Age fortified settlements indicate to pastoral- nomad peoples adopted their life in this steppe land. Such a semi- arid and rough mountain land, contrary to Mesopotamia, has no geographical potential for the formation of urban way of life and multi layers archaeological sites, as mounds. In addition to the transhumance and pastoral- nomad way of life adopted in the pastures of Karadagh and Karabakh, the metallurgical subsistence based on copper and iron mines in the Karadagh, is another theory proposed by the authors. Such a theory should be examined by the methods of archaeological sciences and later archaeological expeditions. The expansion of the realm of Urartian kingdom in this region should be analyzed and understood based on the subsistence desirement and motivations.

< p>The developmental process of architectural tradition of tower tombs in Azerbaijan during the 12th – 14th centuries (AD)  is one of the basic questions in the Iranian history of architecture. Historically, the architectural constructions and decorations were developed in Nakhchivan by the end of 12th century. Based on the formulated doctrines of the former USSR academy, the late Seljukid architecture in Nakhchivan was indigenous and originated from the local innovations. Turkish art historians have classified the late Seljukid architecture in Nakhchivan as a variety of Turk – Islam tradition in the post- USSR years. These kinds of de- historized studies have not considered the socio- cultural relationships among Qazvin, Maragheh, Tabriz and Nakhchivan within the Iranian cultural context. The main aim of this study is to investigate the general specifications of the 12th – 14th centuries (AD) architecture of the tower tombs in Nakhchivan and Maragheh to examine their artistic and technical interactions appeared in the glorious architectural monuments during the Iranian Late Seljukid – Ilkhanid history of architecture. Methodologically, the origin of Nakhchivani tower tombs should be sought in the architectural manner of Maragheh due to the chronological order of their existing Persian and Arabic inscriptions. Although the USSR and Turkish decontextualized subjectivities in the architectural history of Nakhchivan are not well-reviewed, the architecture of the tower tombs in the Late Seljukid Nakhchivan has a processual trajectory initiated from the early Seljukid Kharāghān in Qazvin to the late Seljukid Maragheh and then the Nakhchivani manner of Ajami Nashawi.

Problem statement: The visible remnants of Rab’e Rashidi in Tabriz, as a fortified site at the present time, are curtain walls and towers. Imagined as an Ilkhanid observatory and recorded as the artillery tower built by Shah Abbās the Great during his 1603 AD campaign, the great southern tower of Rab’e Rashidi is located at the southern curtain wall. The recent field studies on the structure of this tower have questioned its function for artillery tower. Therefore, the basic questions proposed by the authors are related to the relative dating, function and historical presence of this tower in Rashidiyya.Research The aim of this research study is the systematic understanding of the age and function of this monument as a guide to proper planning of its restoration and conservation.Research The analytical approach to architecture, field studies of structure and physical setting of tower, in addition to the history of ordnance in Safavid and Ottoman armies are the basic research methods were applied in this study. The tower has been built by the plan and order of Cigala Joseph Sinan Pasha (Zigala Bassa Capitano del Mare) the Ottoman ruler of Tabriz (1585-1603). Strongly has not been affected by 7. 7 earthquake of Tabriz 1780, the basic function of such a great tower is not simply confined to artillery tower, but instead is supposed to be a stronghold to deploy a musketeer company of Ottoman Janissaries to cover 180o fire wall for southern lowland areas of the southern curtain wall, including the western upper gate, two water wells at the east of tower, and also the northern bank of Mehrānrūd River and hills of Valyānkūh. Moreover, adobe, mud-brick, clay and wattle & daubed structures visible throughout top of the great tower and across the small towers and curtain walls are the same remnants of quickly reconstructed and repaired Fort of Rashidiyya ordered by the Safavid Shah Abbās the Great, in 1610.

Statement of the problem: “Rab’e Rashidi” or “Rashidiyya” is an architectural complex. According to “Mostowfi”, the author of “Nuz’hat al-Qulub”, it was a cultural and academic town, in the northeastern Tabriz at the foot of Mt. Sorkhāb.It was planned and founded in the reign of the Ilkhanid “Sultan Muhammad Öljeitü” by “Khwāja Rashid al-Din Fazl- Allah”. According to the “Endowment Deed”, the town encompassed several public buildings including a bathhouse. Therefore, it was expected that excavations reveal the ruins of an Ilkhanid bathhouse. The outdoor building in the southeastern quadrant of the site was thus overtly introduced as the Ilkhanid bathhouse of the complex by the former excavators. The underlying question of the present paper was the nature and function of this alleged bathhouse. A precise understanding and systematic apperception of the nature, function and identity of a historical/archaeological construction is an essential and challenges facing those preparing any restoration plan are inevitable. No restoration master will then be able to restore a building precisely and systematically without gaining correct insights into that building and its archaeological structure. Analytical review of the architectural plan, internal spaces, and building materials of the building allegedly designated as the Ilkhanid Bathhouse showed evident discrepancies with those of the known historical bathhouses in Iran. Based on the falsifiable hypothesizing approach, the purported Ilkhanid Bathhouse could not serve such a function, and indeed there was no evidence to support its Ilkhanid date. The authors proposed the falsifiable hypothesis of a dying workshop or a tannery.

The Sassanid bas- relief so- called as Khān Takhti is located at the Mt. Pīrchāvūsh, the village of Khān Takhti, near to Salmās, W. Azerbaijan; whereon two equestrians and two pedestrians have been carved. The equestrian men are Artaxerxes the Unifier and Shāpūr the great giving tow royal coronas to the pedestrian men. It is notable that results of western and Iranian researchers on the identity of these persons are different; while many of them have presented this bas- relief as the allegiance of Armenian nobles with Artaxerxes the Pāpagān. Yet, the authors have revised such an idea as the triple fallacies of ad nauseam, ad popolum and non importatur causandi reciproci. And they have concluded that this bas- relief, historically, depicts the victory of Artaxerxes (I) at the battle for Azerbaijan and the allegiance of the Arsacid Houses of Sorens and Espahbads with the House of Sassans.

Although the pottery is found in a massive amount in archaeological discoveries, these materials are the most important materials for different orientations in studies on the ancient people. One aspects of the study on ancient potteries, is the investigation about the painting and different colorants used for decorating potteries in variety patterns with different colors. This study aims to explore the ancient people knowledge and their experiments on creation of color by making up dying materials that could be found close to their dwells. The present work represented an attempt to discern experimentally the base and chemical composition of colorants used as decorative elements on ancient ceramics. Thus, five pieces of late Bronze painted pottery of the eastern Lake Urmia Basin (from the archaeological site of Kul Tepe of Ajabshir) were singled out. First, to determine whether the paint came from organic or inorganic sources and also to identify the existing anions and cations the Fourier-Transform Infrared Spectroscopy (FT-IR) technique was employed. The results demonstrated that the used coloring material has a mineral origin, where the sharp and strong peak at 465 cm-1 of the spectrums confirmed that the nature of coloring agents consists of iron oxides. Next, for elemental analysis and studying the chemical structure and composition of the colorants Scanning Electron Microscope-Energy Dispersive X-Ray analysis (SEM-EDX) was used. SEM-EDX analysis result demonstrated the presence of iron and manganese (Mn) content alongside other component elements of the ceramic bodies including SiO2, MgO, Al2O3, and K2O, where the results tallied with the FT-IR spectrums. On the basis of elemental analysis results, it could be said that iron oxides are the main components of coloring agents, where they could produce a variety of colors, ranging from red to dark brown. Moreover, the presence of manganese make the paintings darker, and consequently, the brighter nature of paintings of sample no. 3 of Kul Tepe and sample no. 1 of Haftvan could be the consequence of the miserable amount of this element (1.77 and 0.49%, respectively). Finally, in order to confirm and complete the study, the specimens were subjected to X-Ray Diffraction analysis (XRD). This experiment also showed that the pigments used in ornamenting the sherds were mineral and comprised of Agite mineral (Ca(Fe, Mg)Si2O6), as the coloring mineral, alongside other minerals including sodic and calcite feldspars. The results obtained are in good agreements with the geology of the region, where the feldspars exist as the main minerals of both sites. Therefore experimental analysis on the pigments structure that used in the painting of Kul Tepe Urmia ware decorations in different ways and various laboratory equipments demonstrated that the pigments used in the pottery decorations have mineral source and presented various iron compounds in the paint of decorations. As result of this study, the presence of iron compounds in the soil of the Kul Tepe region, it could be said the ancient people did use the natural sources of colorants for decoration of their potteries. Moreover, the techniques and materials used for decoration of the potteries were the same at both side of the Lake Urmia.

Systematic excavations of 2012 and 2014 at the Early Bronze Age site of Kohna Shahar, situated in northwestern quadrant of West Azerbaijan Province, have brought to light new evidence. The available data on the pottery from the site comes merely from surface surveys, and no archaeometric and mineralogical analyses have been undertaken on its pottery assemblage. The sample examined in the present work consisted of handmade black-gray, red and yellow ceramics of the late third millennium B.C., which derived from a single stratum and a single phase (settlement phase 5), and was selected by virtue of the typological variations that existed between some of the red ware instances and those of black-gray forms. Accordingly, mineralogical analysis was conducted and the similarities and dissimilarities between the two groups, i.e. black-gray and red forms, were established. Results of thin-section petrography and x-ray diffraction suggested that the examined sample had a similar composition and mineralogy, with the entire specimen having been locally manufactured. Both groups of the ceramics were fired below 850°C, and merely differed from each other in terms of and firing technique.

In the Bronze Age Archaeology of Northwestern Iran (plateau), the advent of various types of handmade gray-black ceramics shows the arrival of the so-called Kura-Araxian culture. The Urmia Ware, dating to the Late Bronze Age, on the other hand, represents the revival of the buff painted pottery tradition, following the decline of the Early Bronze Kura-Araxian culture. The present work attempted to examine the matrixes of samples of sherds in the Early Bronze gray-black pottery of Kura-Araxes, and a further samples of sherds in the Late Bronze buff-painted pottery of Urmian Ware, all collected during the surface surveys of Kul Tepe, Ajabshir County, through the petrographic technique and observing thin-sections by polarizing microscope, as well as XRD and FT-IR analysis. The main objective was to study the similarities in the structure of the Early Bronze (Kura-Araxian) and Late Bronze (Urmian Ware) ceramics. The primary focus was on examining the possibility of local production of these ceramics through the analysis of the prepared thin-sections and ascertaining their technology, structure and composition, as well as gathering data on such fields as compositions and resources of raw material. Since Kul Tepe contains both Early Bronze and Late Bronze deposits, it offers a good opportunity for studying Archaeometrically the problem of discontinuity in technological pottery traditions, and the fact that whether the Urmian Ware tradition represented a local or an imported phenomenon. Results of the polarization microscopy, as well as the XRD and FT-IR analyses and their comparison to the available regional petrographic indices, showed that the clay used in both samples was procured from a single source, and the Early Bronze Age sherds and the Late Bronze Age painted sherds were then both manufactured locally.

Stable isotope analysis, being used in many research areas, has also been applied in archaeology during the last three decades to address questions regarding the paleoclimatology and ancient diet, mobility and migration. Despite the growing number of the application of stable isotope analysis in archaeological studies, there is a very few research in this regard in archaeology of Iran. This research aims to study the human skeleton remains of Iron Age site of Masjed Kabud in Tabriz, using strontium stable isotope analysis. Therefore, tooth and bone samples obtained from skeletons of the mentioned site where studied through strontium isotope ratio (87Sr/86Sr) and trace element analysis Sr/Ca and Ba/Ca to address the question if the skeletons are local or non-local. Result of 87Sr/86Sr revealed that all samples could be considered as local except of 81-8 burial, which belongs to a female individual, as it was out of the local range (local mean ± 2 SD). The result of trace element analysis and measuring the Sr/Ca and Ba/Ca were analyzed statistically suing independent test sample. Results for both sample groups (Sr/Ca and Ba/Ca between teeth and bones) demonstrate that there is no significant difference between the two sample groups. Therefore skeletons could be considered as local. This research in addition to addressing the hypothesis, mentioned above, revealed that the method could be applied in similar research projects and the result of strontium isotope and trace element analysis could be also sued in different studies such as archaeology, geology and other interdisciplinary scientific areas.

The archaeological remains pertaining to hunting tradition and Destagerd, i.e. royal hunting grounds, thus far discovered and published from ancient Iran may be divided into two groups of Parthian and Sassanid. The main argument in the present work is that the architecture of royal hunting ground palaces or hunting pavilions is essentially a Sassanid phenomenon, and that there is currently no definitive evidence on analogous complexes from the Parthian or Achaemenian periods. While there are archaeological data attesting to the popularity of hunting practice among the Parthian aristocracy, nothing can currently be said of the presence of hunting ground pavilions with certainty in this time.
However, the monumental tetrapylon known as the pavilion of Qala Zah’hak in Azerbaijan may be construed as a sort of Destagerd, though of course the hypothesis needs to be examined by conducting further excavations at the site. In the wake of the Parthian period, representing hunting scenes becomes more common in the Sassanid art, though it in reality had its roots in the representation of boar chasing in the Parthian traditions. However, apart from the artworks relevant to hunting tradition from the Sassanid era, archaeological finds from the Kermanshahan region highlight the existence there of royal hunting grounds and hunting pavilions in line with the hunting tradition of the Sassanid court. Here, the three archaeological sites of Taq-e Bostan, Kangavar and Farhad Tarash of Bisotun are theorized to represent potential Sassanid palaces in royal hunting grounds.

Contextually، the unique collection of ten Qajarid painted tile-works embedded in the historical public bath of Nobar in Tabriz، in conformity to their historical and literal narrations، royal badges and some of European artistic elements as landscape give the impression that originally they had not been designed for the decoration of a public bath. Basically، this article، therefore، quests on the original context of these painted tile-works. The theoretical principals of this essay are derived from the key concept of artifact’s context in archaeology and the authenticity in conservation of monuments. The historical method of the essay have studied the authenticity of these painted tile-works in the context of historical public bath of Nobar in Tabriz and its effectiveness on the conservation process of this monument. Finally، it has culminated that these painted tile-works have off situ position all detached from their original context in the historical House of Farshi (Shakilli) where the family of Senator Prof. Sadegh Reza Zadeh Shafagh Tabrizi resided during the resignation of Muzaffar Al-din Shah of Qajar by the late 19th century. The contextual detachment of this collection from the house of Farshi and its placement in the bath of Nobar has resulted in meaninglessness of the artwork، dehistoricization and decrease of cultural-historical and economic values of the house of Farshi، its deregistration in the national list of Iranian law of antiquities، and eventually the introduction to destruction and transformation process of such monument. Archaeologically، in situ context means a socio-cultural/environmental place wherein authenticity، dating and function of an artifact could be determined. In situ context، in other words، defines that how an artifact has been made and why it has been used for. In addition to archaeology، in situ context of artifacts plays a key role in the processes of conservation and restoration further. Conservators، according to Venetian (1964) and Nara (1994) protocols of conservation، emphasize more on the authenticity of monuments on the basis of their solidarity of in situ context of attached artifacts; for example: decorative elements of a historical house. This means that off situ elements and artifacts of a monument should be recognized and re-attached to their basic context of monument. The unique collection of Qajarid painted tile-works are embedded in the main corridor of the historic public bath of Nobar in Tabriz. These painted tile-works have been embedded in ten brick-worked symmetric panels، all in 320x160x20 cm dimensions. Of these، six panels have been keeping right side whilst other group are on the left. Every scene (300x140 cm) is formed by 7x15 pieces (20x20 cm) of polychrome (Haft Rang) painted tile-work. These scenes depict various historical events and mythological and literal narrations. Two painted tile-worked panels present two Qajarid army officers in European blue uniforms، armed with a rifle، badged hats، and particularly، decorated by British Royal order of Garter. Historically، Muzaffar Al-din Shah of Qajar and brigadier general Abdul-Hussein Mirza Farmanfarma had been decorated by the royal order of Garter. Consequently، these personalities have been recognized as Muzaffar Al-din Shah of Qajar and Abdul-Hussein Mirza Farmanfarma by the authors. Two painted tile-worked panels depict battle of a dragon and a lion whilst a sun rising from the back of the lion. Historically، Lion and Sun is the royal badge of Qajarid Iran. Moreover، two Nikes، painted in the European style، present a royal crown. The authors do realize that these panels should have been detached from a royal context. Another Two painted tile-worked scenes show a young noble man، riding a horse and accompanied with hunting dogs and servants، in a meadow and hunting ground. This scene is encircled by a Roman style arch and two Nikes present a royal crown further. Iconographically، these signs prove the idea that they had a legislative context too. In addition to the above mentioned panels، two tile-worked tableaux present side whiskers، horse riding، and lion hunting by a dagger، probably depict Kör Oğlu a famous heroic character in Azerbaijani folklore. These tableaux also are interesting as they introduce Ustad Taghi Kashi Paz (Taghi the Master of tile- working) who has made these art works. The ninth scene depicting a European battlefield deployed five rows of cavalries and artilleries and a fortress in siege. Historically، some of Qajarid princes، in particular، Prince Abdul-Hussein Mirza had been educated in the European military academies. Finally، the tenth panel shows the divine court of King Solomon the prophet equipped with a sword، seating on the royal throne، supported by two lions، two angles and a giant monster، and a hoopoe giving him a divine message; whilst the throne is encircled by nobles and court men. King Solomon the prophet has a key setting in the Persian classical literature، Azerbaijani folklore and sometimes is presented in the royal Qajarid painted tile-works in Tehran and Shiraz.