davood karimipour

Shahid Soleimani designed and implemented a new model of diplomacy during the years of commanding the Quds Force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, which can be analyzed based on the conceptual framework of smart diplomacy. The main problem of the present research is also the observation of how this type of diplomacy is organized and formed and the ability to institutionalize it. (The main question) This article, which is based on the (qualitative case study) method, is what model and principles does diplomacy have in Shahid Soleimani's school? The findings of this exploratory research show that Shahid Soleimani was able to create a unique example of diplomacy in the region with the help of the four basic principles of military-security networking, simultaneous multi-layered action, nation-centered and ideology-based diplomacy. make a foot In this model of diplomacy defined in the specific political-cultural and economic context of the West Asian region, Shahid Soleimani was able to increase the national security factor and increase the influence of the ideology of the Islamic Revolution with the defeat of ISIS far more than in the past.

National currencies go through a tortuous path to rise to the international level, which, while requiring some economic preconditions inside and outside a country, leaves an undeniable impact on the international power of a government. . Currency diplomacy, as a tool that regulates the international financial power of a country, has now become one of the most important issues in international political economy. Although the scope of this discussion is wide, the main issue of this article is to explain the emergence of international financial powers. Indeed, what tools does foreign exchange diplomacy have to achieve this goal? The study of China's foreign exchange diplomacy shows that Beijing follows three levels of foreign exchange diplomacy including unilateral, bilateral and multilateral. At every level of its foreign exchange diplomacy, China has followed a range of measures, including offshore hub building, capital export, exchange rate management, etc., which has finally managed to change the position of the yuan from the national and peripheral levels to the regional level. Belt-way upgrade. Although many believe that the path taken by China is different from that of the dollar or sterling, the evidence shows that if China's economic growth and stability continue, the realization of the internationalized yuan will not be far from expected. The results of the research show that the interaction with China for countries like Iran should follow the path of multilateral to bilateral monetary agreements. The findings show that China uses various political and economic mechanisms to promote its international financial power. Two key factors have played a key role in the success of digitalization of the yuan, which includes the Belt and Road initiative and the creation of an extraterritorial hub that China Congo and other countries have created. Hank Gang's financial headquarters in Ibtikari has launched a multi-sided digital exchange bridge, which is called M-Bridge. Based on this plan, China, Hong Kong, Thailand, the Emirates and the Bank for International Settlements, using this initiative, were able to transfer nearly 171 million Hong Kong dollars on the multilateral currency bridge in 2022. Also, the Chinese have significant opportunities for the promotion of digital yuan in the Belt and Road initiative. Since many southern countries lack the financial infrastructure to match the dollar, transfers will be complicated and expensive. Therefore, if China wants to use the digital yuan in the new Silk Road, which is a complement to the Belt and Road initiative, and in the form of which China exports its technologies to countries that are looking for a leap, countries receiving loans from this They use the opportunity to replace the digital yuan by reducing the reliance on the dollar. Two key factors have played a key role in the success of the digitalization of the yuan, which includes the Beltway initiative and the creation of extraterritorial hubs that China has created in Hong Kong and other countries. Hank Gang's financial headquarters in Ibtikari has launched a multi-sided digital exchange bridge, which is called M-Bridge. Based on this plan, China, Hong Kong, Thailand, the Emirates and the Bank for International Settlements, using this initiative, were able to transfer nearly 171 million Hong Kong dollars on the multilateral currency bridge in 2022. Also, the Chinese have significant opportunities for the promotion of digital yuan in the Belt and Road initiative. Since many southern countries lack the financial infrastructure to match the dollar, transfers will be complicated and expensive.

The ever-increasing and rapid growth of China's economic power in the world economic system has made the grounds for the conversion of this country's national currency as one of the world's most reliable currencies to be provided. One of the most important platforms for the rise of the yuan as an official international currency is the global oil and gas market. Global energy trade, which includes a major part of financial circulation among countries, has a major contribution to the economic strength of currencies such as the dollar. This is despite the fact that China has become the world's largest oil importer in recent years, and major oil producers such as Iran and Saudi Arabia are among the main oil exporters to this country. At the same time, China's economic competition with the United States, which has intensified in recent years, is another important factor that has caused China to take a more determined step towards turning the yuan into an official currency in the world. China is facing numerous challenges and difficulties for the globalization of its currency. The hotbeds of instability and insecurity in this country have created a situation that can endanger China's prospects and economic growth. On the other hand, the competition of political elites and territorial disputes with regional governments also add to the obstacles facing China.

This research uses Schwartz's scenario writing model to identify the actors of the future scenarios of the oil products market of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In the first approach, with the approval of JCPOA and the control of Corona and peace between Russia and Ukraine, the market of oil products of the Islamic Republic will enjoy prosperity and prosperity. Of course, if this scenario occurs, the relevant officials and politicians should make the most of the upcoming opportunity by making the right decisions and policies and consulting the elites of this field. The second approach can be seen as the complete opposite of the first approach. In such a way that a disaster will occur and the oil products market of the Islamic Republic will be destroyed and regional actors will replace it. The third approach is a middle state of the above two approaches, which can be said to draw the current situation in a way. Due to the war between Russia and Ukraine, the regional market has been seized by this country due to Russia's unlimited discounts on oil products, which causes a decrease in the export of oil products of the Islamic Republic.

Considering the importance of the energy category in the world economy, countries use many strategies and tactics to secure their interests in the global oil market. In this context, during the past years and with the maximum extraction of shale resources by the United States of America, the oil market has also undergone significant changes. The main question for the present article is how the shale revolution has affected the mechanisms of the global political economy of oil? In response to this question, the main hypothesis of the research is that, in addition to influencing the process of setting global oil prices, the maximum extraction of shale resources was able to deplete the share of countries opposed to the United States on the one hand, strengthen political alliances with the help of oil, and also accelerate Changing the energy portfolio of oil producing countries and the geopolitical rearrangement of oil energy will result. The findings of this research show that the US, with the help of shale oil, was able to drastically reduce Iran's share of the oil market, change the world price of oil in line with its interests, and reduce the importance of the Strait of Hormuz in line with its strategic interests. and support his political allies by providing oil exemptions. The total of this activity shows the economic-political mechanisms in the oil market that powerful countries use to continue their dominance in the world arena.

Investigating Russian literature shows that from Moscow’s point of view, the Iran-Iraq war was rooted in historical, political, and religious challenges. According to the Russians, geopolitical disputes after the fall of the Ottomans, the dispute over the Arvand River, ethnic Kurdish tensions, and long-standing disputes between Shiites and Sunnis are the four key factors that ignited the fires of the Iran-Iraq war. Meanwhile, Moscow had specific interests and policies toward Iran. Examining Russian literature shows that during the years of the Iran-Iraq war, Moscow made extensive efforts to establish a socialist system in Iran through influence in the leftist political current in this country. The Soviet Union which was deeply concerned about the continuation of the Iranian revolution within its borders, supported Saddam against Iran through arms, military, and intelligence assistance to Iraq. Also, looking at this war from a Russian perspective shows that the Iran-Iraq war not only did not limit US influence in the region, but also increased Washington's military and security presence in the West Asian region. Hence, the Soviet Union, which had hoped to find a way to gain access to the waters of the Persian Gulf by exploiting the instability of West Asia and providing security guarantees to the countries of this region, failed to achieve its goals. The Soviets also imagined that the Eight-Year War would prevent the continuation of the revolutionary movement of the Iranian people, and that the Islamic Republic would collapse as a result of the costs and problems of the war. But the leadership of the war by Imam Khomeini (may God have mercy on him) and the unparalleled performance of the Iranian people and warriors prevented the realization of the Soviet dream of forming a communist system in Iran.

The motivation to provide security and maintain territorial integrity is one of the most important dimensions of Russia's geo-economic behavior. Geopoliticians believe that the modern Russian Empire will face three separate border regions. Caucasus and Central Asia, Siberia and Western Europe. In other words, Russia to be able to revive its modern empire, it must be able to play an active role in these three vital regions. In the following, the article will analyze the Russian foreign policy toward Western Europe through geo-economic approach.

The present article is done Through Instrumental Case Study method, and Data collected based on the library one.

In dealing with Germany, Moscow has always considered the variable of its geographical location as a fundamental principle in its foreign policy. This variable has in fact led to Russia having the best relations with Germany. On the other hand, geo-cultural relations with France and Italy have, over the years, strengthened confidence in Moscow in these countries and affected Russia's geo-economic action. However, hostile relations with the United Kingdom have not prevented Moscow from developing economic cooperation with the United Kingdom. Russia is trying, with the help of economic factors, to reduce the level and intensity of British influence on anti-Russian geo-economic equations.

The findings show that Russia's geo-economic action towards Western Europe has been redefined in recent years, and while the main roots of the action in the past were geo-cultural motivations, but inspired by Political variables, todays the geopolitical element plays an organizing role in Moscow's interaction with the four European powers. Differences in the views to and relations with these countries, on the one hand, and their growing need for energy, will cause Russia's foreign policy to require new geo-economic dynamics in the coming years.

Energy diplomacy displays different functions in regional and international environments. Therefore, regional approaches of governments also have a great impact on its performance. While the Iranian post-revolutionary governments have always sought to improve relations with their neighbors, the lack of a specific mechanism in this field has caused Iran's energy diplomacy to remain underdeveloped and limited. This article, with a comparative study of regionalism in Iranian post-war governments, and with a descriptive-analytical method, seeks to answer the question, what model of regionalism can help to activate the energy diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran? Due to the fact that this article is exploratory, therefore, no hypothesis has been conceived for this research. The findings of the article show that among the integration patterns, the cultural-historical approach of the Raeesi government based on the neighborhood policy had the most alignment and companionship with energy diplomacy, and therefore, by activating the capacities of the neighborhood, it was able to combine the anti-sanctions function for the first time in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The status-seeking of actors in the international arena is not necessarily based on a specific driver. What variables actors in foreign policy are most influenced by will play a decisive role in orienting it towards prestige is a disputed issue in international politics. Some other analysts point out that the status-seeking of world powers in the international system should be divided into large and small countries. In fact, according to researchers, the status-seeking of large powers is quite different from that of small powers. Russia as a big power in the Middle East could be regarded as status-seeking power in today's international system. Although the role of personal concerns can be traced to the direction of the country's foreign policy, other factors still dominate the country's foreign policy. Russia's foreign policy drives seem to be significantly similar to its domestic policy drives. Consolidating Russia's economy to maintain domestic economic growth, gain and maintain international prestige and prestige to define and pursue future interests, and maintain its security are among the most important drivers of its foreign policy. Russia's foreign policy is a relatively secure government foreign policy with serious security concerns, and it is also influenced by government foreign policy, which often uses the military option to achieve its goals, rather than relying on soft options. Russian foreign policy scholars place particular emphasis on the extension of Russia's domestic foreign policy. In other words, the role of domestic variables in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation is so significant and influential that without considering and examining these internal elements, a proper understanding of the foreign policy of this country cannot be done. According to some experts, the foreign policy of the Russian Federation does not reflect the ordinary interests of a state, but its most important feature is the influence of currents, groups, and competition between networks of power within the country. In addition, the role of cultural ideas in seeking prestige in Russian foreign policy cannot be ignored. The component of national culture has a significant role in shaping Russia's foreign policy so that its traces can be seen in all foreign policy actions of this country. By studying the strategic culture of this country, one can better see the relationship between the goals, motives, and international actions of this great actor and evaluate its behavioral patterns in managing international crises such as Ukraine and Syria. Some Domestic Foreign Policy Observers What was most evident in Putin's foreign policy during this period was the dominance of an identity-oriented approach in Russian foreign policy. From Putin's point of view, power and influence are strongly dependent on the question of national identity and the extent to which the citizens of a country consider themselves a nation and relate to their history, values, and traditions. Therefore, during this period, he made great efforts to restore Soviet power in the international arena; In other words, the focal point of Putin's foreign policy behavior during this period was based on the strengthening of national identity and nationalist ideas.In this sense, for the Russians, the concept of great power is psychological and emotional. The Russians believe that Russia has the right to be considered a great power, given its vast geography, vast resources, and history. Russia has always been a leader in history. The leader of international communism, the conductor of European concerts in the nineteenth century, and one of the two world superpowers in the twentieth century has always made Russia an identity of great power in the eyes of its people and politicians. It must be acknowledged, however, that Russia's ambition has relied heavily on Putin's particular foreign policy personality and approach.Status seeking as an analytical framework in foreign policy shows how Russia plays different roles in geopolitical crises. Influenced by Russia's geopolitical vision and historical identity, Russia's status-seeking has made it an influential actor in the Middle East's geopolitical crises. In this regard, the main issue of research is to understand the relationship between status-seeking in Russian foreign policy and its different performance in the Middle East geopolitical crises. The main question of this article is what the equation between Russian status-seeking is and Moscow's different performance in There have been two geopolitical crises in Syria and Yemen. In answer to this question, the research hypothesis is that the geopolitical crises in the Middle East affect Russia's status quo behavior to the extent that they affect both the components of Russia's historical identity and its geopolitical and geo-economic scope. The findings show that the Yemeni crisis, unlike Syria, lacked the necessary geopolitical potential for Russia to play the role of world power. In the face of the Syrian crisis, due to the interplay of regional and global geopolitical variables, as well as its historical connection to Russian identity and the Soviet empire, it was a good opportunity to advance Russia's strategy of prestige. The equation of Russian status-seeking and geopolitical crises in the Middle East has made Moscow reluctant to enter into patterns of friendship-hostility in the Middle East. In other words, in the Russian equation, strengthening or weakening the axis of resistance or compromise is not the main issue.

Economic diplomacy, as an interactive action, has found a special role in the foreign policy of countries, the most important of which should be to help resolve political and security issues. Economic peace is one of the most important strategies that the Israeli government has focused on in order to improve political relations and ultimately alleviate security tensions. Accordingly, the present article examines the dimensions and principles of Israel's economic diplomacy strategy by asking what it is based on and what its goals are. The hypothesis of the article is that Israeli economic diplomacy, using the existing security and trade infrastructure, first seeks to improve trade relations and ultimately seeks to achieve political peace. Applying the conceptual model of economic diplomacy with the help of descriptive-analytical method, while confirming this hypothesis, showed that Israel has established institutions for managing its economic relations in the region over the past years. These institutions have laid the groundwork for peace and the normalization of political relations by networking and portraying Israel as a desirable and peaceful actor. The findings show that the Persian Gulf region is one of the most important cases in Israeli economic diplomacy that has so far helped to normalize relations with the UAE and Bahrain. This could be considered as a source of threat to the Islamic Republic of Iran in the future and affect Tehran's economic relations with the Gulf States.

Without knowing the new approach of Trump in the field of energy diplomacy, the maximum pressure campaign against Iran can't be explored. In an effort, Trump tried to transform energy diplomacy as an effective tool and exert possible maximum pressure to Iran. the present paper, with the descriptive - analytical method, the question of what role the energy diplomacy plays in the battle of maximum pressure of Trump to Iran is investigating the performance and behavior of Trump on the oil market. The main hypothesis of the is that the main root of the Trump pressure on Iran's oil market is ahead of the neo-mercantilist approach, in which prominent examples can be seen coming out of JCPOA and returning oil sanctions, the reordering geopolitics of oil imports, destabilizing oil prices and maximum production of shale oil with the aim of capturing traditional Iranian markets. This approach led to the fall in Iranian oil exports to at least possible due to an increase in American influence in determining the prices of international oil prices. Trump's most important move in his campaign against Iran should be oil exemptions. By doing so, Trump was able to bring in the major oil importers from Iran, especially India, while maintaining his sanctions regime. If Trump had suddenly banned these countries from importing Iranian oil, he would probably have faced resistance from national governments and seen his maximum pressure on Iran defeated. However, with the policy of gradual elimination from the market, Iran's oil exports to India, which was in third place after Saudi Arabia and Iraq, gradually approached zero.however such an approach alongside mismangemant in domstic iranian economy lead to wide and violent riots both in 2017 and 2019 year. this instabilities in viewpoint of Trump adminstration was the results of successful strategy of maximum pressure.

Wars are one of the simplest and fastest levers to enhance the prestige of the region. The main issue of the research is the effect of the type of action and Iran and Russia on the prestige of their region in the Syria-Yemen war (Problem). Considering that the present research has been exploratory, the unity of the hypothesis has been found, which from the descriptive-analytical method (Method) showed that the developments in Yemen and Syria have helped to promote the prestige of Iran and Russia. The findings show that Moscow used temporary mechanisms to promote prestige in Syria because of its preference for immaterial interests and land in the environment of an international power. Has not been. In contrast, the Islamic Republic of Iran, due to its priority in maintaining the geopolitical resistance in the two crises of Syria and Yemen, tried to use two mechanisms. Iran's combined mechanism in the Syrian crisis helped to protect my interests, and the prestige of this country was also raised in the short term. But stabilizing it in the long run will require strengthening the soft levers of prestige-making.(Findings)

Notwithstanding absence of prominence in Soviet epoch, Middle East turned to be geopolitically weighty in Russian perspective predominantly during Islamic Awaking developments. Due to evocative geographical immediacy, Middle East regional balance of power as Russian intervention in Syrian crisis elucidates is a top priority for the country. Looking for an amended soft power in the region, through energy diplomacy Russia sets such an end. How Russia play as regional balancer in the region through energy diplomacy, the article by putting on qualitative case study seeks to illuminate among Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Israel. Hypothesis chosen is, Russia cooperates with the states to set a bed for the more political and economic influence as well as improving and upgrading the position against west in the world energy markets. Investment in Iranian energy sector, OPEC+ deal with Saudi Arabia, pipeline diplomacy in turkey and oil export to Israel are few among many Russian energy diplomacy balancing behaviors in the Middle East.

Possessing a large amount of oil and gas reserves, the Middle East and Persian Gulf are the most impressive regions in the eco-political developments of world. On the other hand the heading opponent countries to the present leadership of international system, seeking to bring it to standstill are located in the region. In this respect these countries searching an increasing role and effectiveness, tried to cultivate their own capacity what for instance could be seen in Iran- Iraq and Syria gas pipeline proposal aimed to afford Iraq and Syria gas needs as well as export it to the European countries. In light of the proposal, the central question of the paper is “what are the challenges and opportunities ahead of energy geopolitics of Axis of Resistance? The author believes that geographical and discourse proximity, increasing importance natural gas and easy availability to the world markets are the opportunity and insecurity in Iraq, Syrian political crisis are the challenges ahead. In the result he believes that in compared with challenges, opportunities are more sable whereby in the successful pass scenario, the pipeline will be the chokepoint with unique role in the world energy system.