esmail shams

The cultural history of Arran during the 4th and 5th centuries AH is one of the significant topics that has received little attention in the historical sources of that period, and as a result, it has not been adequately addressed in contemporary historical research. This study, written using a historical method with a cultural history approach and by referencing literary sources from this period, examines the cultural transformations in Arran during these two centuries. The aim of this study is to demonstrate the process of weakening of the dominant Arabic culture in Arran and the various aspects of the revival of indigenous culture and the spread of Iranian culture in its place. The findings of this study, while correcting and complementing some previous research, show that the Sajid, Salarid, Rawadid, and Shaddadid dynasties, from the beginning of the 4th century to the middle of the 5th century AH, expelled the governors appointed by the Abbasid Caliphate and established semi-independent states in Arran, thereby ending the hegemony of Arabic culture and language. This led to the consolidation of the region's indigenous language and traditions, on the one hand, and the spread of Iranian culture and the Persian Dari language, on the other. Additionally, the Shahnameh (Book of Kings) culture became prevalent, and ancient names such as Shapur, Anushirvan, and Manuchehr appeared alongside Islamic names like Fazl and Ali. Festivals such as Nowruz, Mehregan, and Sadeh were celebrated alongside Eid events in Islam

In the historical memory of the people and in the research of historians, there is a prevailing belief that the creation of a centralized and authoritarian government in Iran was the work of Reza Shah, and that it began with his actions following the 1299 coup. The main issue of this research, which is conducted using a descriptive-analytical method and based on newspapers and documents from that period, is to challenge this belief and provide evidence showing that such a project was initiated for the first time under the Vossug-ad-Dawleh government, with the cooperation of the British. One of the first signs of the implementation of these actions was seen under the governance of Sharif-al-Dawlah, the ruler of Kurdistan province from 1297-1300. The central question of this research is: What actions did Sharif-al-Dawlah undertake at both the state and local levels that Reza Shah later repeated, expanded, and implemented on a national scale? The findings suggest that actions such as the establishment of military rule, the creation of modern administrative institutions, the curtailment of centrifugal forces, the suppression and killing of nomads, and the establishment and expansion of schools teaching Persian—actions aimed at creating a centralized government—were implemented before Reza Shah, specifically in Kurdistan. Reza Khan, who was the commander of a small group of Kazakhs in Kurdistan at the beginning of Sharif-al-Dawlah's rule, was closely familiar with these initiatives.

In the last hundred years, some orientalists have been formulated different theories about Goran, which do not agree with the narration of Arabic and Persian historical sources. One of the most prominent Oriental scholars of this period is Vladimir Minorsky, whose theory has been widely reflected in academic and public circles. Minorsky's theory is based on three bases: the denial of Goran Kurdish identity, the migration of Gorans from Gilan and Deylaman to Kurdistan, and the existence of an independent Goran language. The main problem of this research, which is written with a historical method, is to review and criticize the foundations of this theory from a historical approach. The findings of the research show that Minorsky interpreted the sources with a reductionist view and selected them according to his own preferences, and this has caused many contradictions in his theory. So, in contrary to his theory, historical sources, while emphasizing the Kurdishness of Gorans, did not provide accurate evidence that they migrated from the shores of the Caspian Sea.

 How Iranians were influenced by the Ottoman constitution has always been one of the challenging topics. Some authors have denied this issue and others have spoken about the influence of the Ottoman constitution on Iran's constitutionalism as if the Ottomans were the creators of Iran's constitution. The main problem of the author in this research is to know the nature and dimensions of Iranian influence on the Ottoman constitution. The findings of the research show that Iranian intellectuals interacted with the Western world, India, as well as the constitutionalism of Russia and Japan, along with the Ottoman Empire, and they were familiar with the constitution and the concept of the modern state. Even before the Ottoman constitution, they realized the necessity of reforms in their governance system; Therefore, Iran's constitution was an endogenous and original matter and it cannot be considered as an imitation or subject of Ottoman rule.The only exception was that the Ottoman constitutionalism happened earlier than Iran due to the neighborhood and the influence of the West, and the number of Iranians residing in the Ottoman Empire who were affected by it was more than the Iranians of other countries. Iranian intellectuals are also trying to adapt constitutional laws to religion; They needed Ottoman experience. These three issues, discussed in this research , caused Iran's constitution to be formally influenced by the Ottoman Empire

This article investigates the initial confrontation between the Iranian economy and the newly emerged capitalist market relations during the 19th century. In the first step, a descriptive account of the Iranian economy’ transformations during this period and the preliminary requirements for analyzing these transformations is provided. The next step deals with its different economical, political, and social consequences. Our findings show that this process of Iranian economy’s reorientation in response to the new international demands for cash crops resulted in various transformations imposing significant effects on the next course of Iranian history during the 20th century. Some of the outcomes include the emergence of new big merchants who invested substantially in real estate, the emergence of proto-forms of private property through selling the state-owned lands, the disturbance of the subsistence economy’ fragile equilibrium through ecological catastrophes like the Great Famine of the 19th century. Despite how influential they were, neither of these changes could complete a rupture from pre-capitalist social relations of production and pre-capitalist strategies of surplus extraction.

During the First World War, the city of Savojbolagh became the center of competition and conflict between Russia and the Ottoman Empire in Azerbaijan. The cause of this phenomenon was the location of Savojbolagh on the route that connected Azerbaijan to Mosul and Van and could connect the united army of Russia and England. For this reason, Russians tried to take it’s control . The Ottomans also protected Savojbolagh with all their forces. The present study seeks to investigate the effect of the Russian-Ottoman conflict on the situation of Savojbolagh, in a descriptive-analytical approach. The findings of the research show that during the 4-year period of the First World War, Savojbalagh was the most severely damaged city in Iran. So it can be mentioned as the biggest victim of the world war I hostilities . This city was occupied 8 times by the conflicting parties military and many of its residents were killed a seend displaced. Also, one of the consequences of this struggles was strengthening of Qazi family after the descendants of Aziz Khan Mukri were removed from the core of power in Savojbalagh which by itself had a significant impact on Savojbalagh future situation.

The constitutional revolution provided a suitable ground for the emergence of various associations and social organizations throughout Iran. The main issue of this research is to examine the first experience of organizational and group activity in Kurdistan in the form of constitutionalist engines and how Qajar agents faced them during the constitutional period (1329-1324 AH). The question is, when and how were the state and provincial associations, municipality and other associations of Kurdistan formed? What were their constitutions and what actions did they take? How did the governing institutions interact with them and why and how were they dismantled? The findings of this research, written on the basis of a descriptive and analytical method, show that the Kurdish constitutionalists created various associations and organizations in Kurdistan by modeling the activities of the constitutionalists of Tehran and Azerbaijan and expanded people's participation in the activities. Political and social issues helped. On the other hand, the ruling statesmen, who were still inclined towards the traditional system of governance, prevented their plans from progressing with different methods and means. Despite this, the constitutionalists did not back down and the conflicts between the two sides continued until the end of this period

In discourses concerned with the Islamic state, ghaza was a central concept from the time of the Prophet of Islam. The term ghazahas its root in ghazwa, or Muslim wars led by the Prophet himself against infidels. After the death of the Prophet of Islam, historians such as al-Waqidi used al-Maghazi (the plural of ghaza/ghazwa) for the prophet’s battles, and al-Futuh (the plural of fath) for the battles after him as well as the conquests of both the Roman and Persian Empires. However, from the Umayyad period, in particular, in the Abbasid age, the term ghaza gradually began to replace ghazwa, jahad and futuh and became the most important term and a popular notion of the religious literature in the war with non-Muslims. The geographical areas of the ghaza in the east were against the Turks and the Chinese; in the west the Romans and in the north against the Russians, Georgians, Armenians and the Khazars (Turks). Although ghaza was apparently intended to spread Islam, it was also a means of seizing the war booty, territorial expansion, enslavement and also contributed to bolstering the ligitamacy of rulers among the community. By using a descriptive-analytical method, this article deals with the holy war of Muslim rulers with non-Muslims in the Caucasian borders (the Russians, Georgians, Armenians, and Khazars/Turks) from the Umayyad period to the Battle of Malazgird. In these four centuries, Muslim rulers frequently fought the four tribal groups and the Romans who supported them, however, a significant point that distinguished their wars (ghazas) from those on the other fronts, was that they could extend the scope of their conquests of the periods of the Caliphate Rashidun to northern Caucasia. In this region, they had mainly taken up a defensive position and in most cases with the help of volunteer ghazis were repelling the attacks of these four groups.

The present study compares the Rawadids history in the Islamic historical sources and the Divan of Qatran ,the poet of the court of this dynasty rulers. The main issue of this research is to show the importance of Qatran poetic narration for completing, developing and correcting the reports of historical sources from the period of Rawadids. Due to the distance of Azerbaijan from the center of the Abbasid caliphate and the relative independence of the Rawadids from the Buyids, the narration of historical sources about them is short and cross-sectional and lacks temporal and spatial continuity.this narration does not go beyond the political and military spheres and covers only the times when part of the events of the Rawadids is linked to the Caliphate or the Buyids and the Seljuks. Contrary to historical sources, Qatran provides a narrative report that has a half-century continuum. His report includes characters from this dynasty that do not exist in historical sources. Although Qatran does not refer to the lineage and clan of the Ravadids, his poems deal with a part of their intellectual, cultural and social history that does not exist in the narration of historical sources. Much of Qatran's narrative of the history of the Ravadids challenges the narrative of historical sources and shows their numerous flaws and shortcomings. This contemporary and direct narrative can to some extent provide the possibility of verifying the narration of historical sources that have been written mainly within a temporal and spatial distance from that period

The present paper explores transportation crisis in Iran after the First World War. Famine and drought and the need for cars and trucks urged the then Iranian government to take action to satisfy these needs. In the first place, the government decided to take Russian trucks – which were brought to Iran for the First World War – in place of the cost of the damage they caused to Iran. But the Russians did not accept this. Hence, the government decided to buy the trucks. Russians sold most of their trucks to the English forces that had settled in Iran and seemingly sold a number of them to Iranian government. But this did not resolve the transportation crisis. Consequently, to combat the problem, the government decided to buy cars from America and Germany.