farzad navidinia

In the contemporary world, protest and social movements have always been an important lever in social, political and cultural transformations. The root of the formation of these protests can be seen in crises that cause deep dissatisfaction among the people with political institutions. With the spread of desperation to improve the existing situation, people show their displeasure with the governments in different ways and thus protest and social movements are created. Meanwhile, the role of the media as a comprehensive and powerful tool in representing the news of protests and their continuation is clearly evident. This research was designed and implemented with the aim of answering the question of what was the nature of the social psychology of the protests of 2022 in Iran and what role did the persian language foreign media (case study of Iran International Network) play in creating unrest. To answer this question, Ted Robert Gere's theory of relative deprivation and descriptive-analytical method were used. The results of this research showed that protests as a social and psychological phenomenon, which was widely observed among young people and especially women, showed a deep dissatisfaction with the social and economic conditions of the country. These unrests were rooted in the feeling of insecurity, discrimination and social inequality. Meanwhile, the activities and provocations of foreign Persian-language media, especially Iran International, played a direct and central role in exacerbating dissatisfactions, political activism, spreading the virus of gatherings, undermining public mental security, sabotage, tarnishing the image of the regime, and security and military organizations. This network represented the protests of 2022 as national, ideological and purposeful protests.

The concept of justice has long held a special place in human thought and has always been a subject of discussion and examination among philosophers,theologians,and intellectuals.Given that one of the analytical shortcomings of critical theoretical approaches is the influence of assumptions and viewpointsofreligious leaders,the present research endeavors to examine this issue from such a perspective.Undoubtedly, Martyr Motahhari and Martyr Sadr are among the prominent thinkers ofthe present centuryin the fieldof the philosophy of justice,who have played a significant role in explaining and interpreting justice and its analytical indicators.Therefore,the examination of the philosophical ideas of these two thinkersin studying the subject of justice in comparison with Western intellectuals has been highlighted. Hence, the main question ofthis article is what are the differences and similaritiesin the concept of justice between the perspectives of Western thinkers and the Islamic thoughts of Martyr Motahhari andMartyr Sadr?The research findings indicate their commonalities inthe divine nature of the basis of justice, criticism of models such as communism and liberalism,the necessity of justice forthe happiness of humanity and society,and the government's duty to establish justice.However,the criticism leveled against them isthat they have only addressed one dimensionof the multidimensional truth and have not paid attention to other aspects and elements,while Islam has addressedthis issue comprehensively anddiscussed justice from various angles sothatno one's right is violated in Islamic society.This article, using a descriptive-analytical and comparative method and benefiting from library resources,first examines the evolution of justice in the West and Islam and then logically compares them.

In the last two decades, the South Caucasus has been the focus of the surrounding powers, including Iran and Türkiye, each of which follows and follows itself. The purpose of this article is to explain the conflict between Iran and Türkiye in the South Caucasus from a critical geopolitical point of view. The main question is, how is the conflict between Iran and Türkiye in the South Caucasus explained from a critical geopolitical point of view? The main hypothesis is that Iran and Türkiye are trying to realize themselves in power-oriented, spatial and identity structures, away from traditional geopolitics. The competing hypothesis is that the conflicts between the two countries in the South Caucasus are power-oriented in nature and are not influenced by geographical space and identity contexts. The findings show that there are two countries in the South Caucasus in the minds of the officials of the two countries in a cultural, civilizational, historical, geopolitical, communicative and balancing role. On the one hand, this is a conflict in the competition for regional supremacy. Iran considers Azeris living in Iran and the Caucasus to have the ideological potential and time to expand Ankara's influence in the region. Türkiye also expands the space of Shia in the Caucasus, especially Azerbaijan, to expand the space of Iran. Türkiye also considers Islamic-Shiite religious teachings to be an inseparable part of Iran's politics. While Iran perceives the expansionist role of the former Ottoman Empire, which Turkey considers to be its representative,

In 2022, Iran witnessed a wave of social protests that attracted the attention of the world. The main goal of this research was to answer the question, what was the role of foreign Persian language media, especially the international network, in covering and influencing the protests of Shahrivar month 2022 in Iran? According to the hypothesis of the research, foreign language Persian media are trying to weaken the authority and change the government of Iran by targeting people's values ​​and beliefs and projecting and reflecting false news and adopting the method of news tyranny. To answer this question, highlighting theory and descriptive-analytical method and secondary data were used. The findings showed that the activities and provocations of the foreign language Persian media, especially the Iran International network, play a direct and central role in intensifying dissatisfaction, political activism, spreading the virus of gatherings, desecrating the mental security of public opinion, vandalism, tarnishing the image of the system and officials. and had security and military organizations.

Saudi Arabia and Israel, two key players in the Middle East, have expanded bilateral and regional relations over the past decade. The main purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between these two actors with the focus on new developments in the region. This descriptive-analytical study, using the theory of threat balance, raises the main question: what is the most important reason for the expansion of Saudi-Israeli relations over the past decade and how can it be explained? In response, it pursues the main hypothesis that the main reason for the expansion of bilateral relations is joint cooperation with Iran in the region. The findings show that Saudi Arabia and Israel, based on the variables of threat balance theory including total power, geographical proximity, offensive power and offensive intentions, consider Iran as a threat and try to form a coalition and balance against it. The most important joint approaches of the two sides in dealing with Iran also include Iranophobia, supporting terrorist groups, challenging Iran's regional allies, Shiaophobia, influencing the US withdrawal from the JCPOA and expanding the normalization of relations with Israel among the Arab Gulf states.

The Middle East is a full of tension area. The existence of despotic governments and relatively stable dictatorships has at least been governed by a threat balanced, state-owned security structure as part of the essence of the region. The rise of religious terrorism, extremism, and in particular its spread to al-Qaeda and Taliban groups and in the current era of ISIS, has gradually diminished this state-owned Westphalian order. In this article, the structure of the regional order of this part of the world in the post-war period and the situation of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic is examined. Given the realistic approach, the main claim of this article is that ISIS in the context of terror assimilation has transformed the pattern of balance of power into unstable patterns. Thus, in the post-war period, regional governments will experience close relations to strengthen their desired security order. This article is a library-based descriptive method.