hadi aazami

The political management of space, with the optimal organization approach of the country, is the potential and actual foundation of planning at all levels of land management. One of the common phenomena is the pluralistic ethnic context in most countries, whose political management at the macro level is of great importance. The administration of the regions of a country and the lack of authority that the regions have is one of the important issues of the political management of space. The current research has investigated and explained the internal and external geographical-political factors affecting the political management of space with emphasis on multi-ethnic countries with a descriptive-analytical method. Research information has been collected in a library manner. The findings of the research show that the geographical-political factors affecting the political management of space, especially in multi-ethnic countries, can be divided into two categories, internal factors and external or transnational factors, according to the origin of the effect. Internal factors are natural factors that include the variables of geographical location, topography, water network, unevenness and the shape of the country, as well as human factors that form the variables of population composition, national culture, ruling ideology, political structure, political-social institutions. give Another group of factors are of foreign origin, and among these factors, three variables, the existence of an independent political ideal between the border dwellers of the two countries, the intervention of regional and extra-regional powers, and finally the presence of ethnic groups in the neighboring country play a greater role.

Election campaign is a political process that can include all strata, classes and geographical spaces with its own social and political circles. Considering the significant registration of candidates in the Islamic Council elections, the present research seeks to explain the factors affecting the plurality of election candidates and the opportunities, challenges, harms and consequences resulting from it in Mamsani and Rostam constituencies. The research method is descriptive-analytical in nature, and the method of gathering information is based on the observation of local and provincial news-analytical databases, the activity of virtual electoral groups (WhatsApp, Telegram, etc.) and field observations of different periods of the Islamic Council elections. It is in Mamsani and Rostam constituencies. TIn general, this conclusion has been reached that only the wide registration of candidates to gain fame and electoral coalition as a result of political/tribal (tribal) exchange cannot solve the problem of Mamsani and Rostam development. Therefore, it is necessary for the serious action of the candidates to prepare and present a development-oriented program in order to put these cities on the path of development.

Encouraging political participation through electoral behavior is the most crucial mission for a candidate and their team. In other words, how the political process is initiated and how the game is played effectively to benefit oneself while also deepening competitive democracy requires a nuanced art and comprehensive, professional strategies. Election activists can explore and utilize various aspects of political participation by understanding diverse electoral behaviors, the nature and functionality of these actions, and how to create them. There are numerous factors involved in electoral competitions that, to varying degrees, influence a candidate’s ability to secure a position and achieve political power. These factors range from cultural and social elements to economic and livelihood conditions, as well as communication, networking, and geographic factors, which are fundamental and vital in overcoming political rivals during an electoral campaign.

The current article is a research-based study that is dual in nature regarding its objective both fundamental/theoretical and applied. However, its predominant aspect can be considered applied, specifically problem-solving. It is applied in the sense that the results aim to settle a problem, which is how electoral candidates can achieve victory and attain political power.

This study showed that there is no single factor that can predict how people vote. Instead, a combination of various factors explains voting behavior in electoral contexts. There are diverse and various factors and strategies involved in the success of candidates in electoral campaigns. Political actors cannot effectively influence the voters' perception and play a significant role in elections by relying solely on one or a few components or strategies. The findings indicate that activists who have entered the electoral arena with a well-structured and comprehensive plan have managed the electoral environment more effectively. Therefore, candidates need to develop and articulate well-founded and comprehensive factors and strategies to ensure their strong and stable presence in electoral contests, enabling them to outperform their rivals, attract votes, and ultimately win the election.

Electoral candidates are the central actors in an election, serving as the focal point of the electoral campaign. The following question then arises: What factors contribute to a candidate's success? Various factors influence this outcome, as explained through theories of electoral behavior and political participation approaches. Sociological, social psychological, and political economic theories emphasize social, psychological, and cognitive indicators and components, focusing on subcultures and macro-social cultures (demographic characteristics and membership in institutions and groups) and the individual's loyalty to party’s identity and rational, demand-driven actions. In this context, elitist, political communication, and electoral geography theories place significance on political elites and adherence to directives, media, and interactions among the electorate within geographical spaces of varying scales (states, provinces, counties, districts, neighborhoods, and regions; spatial differences). These theories highlight the importance of active political forces, spatial communication tools, and comprehensive coverage of the electorate within the geographical space. Therefore, it can be said that the factors are diverse and unequal, with each factor and strategy having its own mechanisms and operational contexts. Among these factors and strategies, five strategies (factors) with their respective components—namely, the personal and social personality of candidates, political parties, money and financial resources, media, and geographical perspective—are considered to play the most significant and influential roles in a candidate's electoral success. Actors should primarily focus on these five spatial factors in their electoral campaigns

Social Cleavage is the criterion and indicator of dividing society members and its subgroups into different groups in different time and space intervals, which is formed in different ways based on social faults and affected by political developments in the election campaign. Various and numerous social divides are revealed in national and micro-scale geographical spaces such as Nourabad Fars, whose election contests are under the shadow of Illyrian and tribal contexts, between political actors and specifically election candidates. The political developments prevailing in each period (national and local level) and the presence of election candidates in various political spectrums have fueled the social divisions in this constituency and have led to the question, what are the types of social divisions in the election campaign? This question is based on the three identifiers of "typology", "essence" and "formulation" in such a way that the social Cleavages have been discovered, examined and explained on this basis. The current research has a qualitative/analytical nature and the data has been collected in the form of library/documents and based on quantitative statistics. Based on the findings, these results are obtained that the number of social Cleavages governing the different periods of parliamentary elections in Nourabad, Fars, is between a minimum of 4 and a maximum of 10 cleavage affected by election candidates in It has been fluctuating in such a way that with various types and different/diverse natures, the field of dense and intersecting social formations in the election campaigns.

The foundations and cultural features of human societies change over time and space, and become specific to themselves in such a way that this set of beliefs and values affect the way of life of their inhabitants. Gachgaran is a biogeography that is located in the central part of Mamsani, and in the course of history, affected by various factors, it has enjoyed multiple dimensions and cultural strains. Is the creation of ancient culture and micro-culture in the habitat of plasterers and the transformation of these values and attitudes stemming from various and diverse factors and institutions that have caused the question in this research? The nature of the research required the researchers to choose the descriptive/analytical research method for how to do the work. Finally, the results of research and study in the style of library/documents (statistics and figures) and field (interview and observation) showed; Changing the attitude of the new generation, increasing the level of knowledge/awareness of the residents, civil/physical renovation, virtual space and social networks, are among the agents that cultural transformation in customs, mourning of the month of Muharram, religious beliefs, marriage and divorce, clothing, food , local games, nature-loving, tourism, educational/health/sports centers have caused the rural settlement of Gachgaran to the extent that it has resulted in the change of the form of this village towards cultural modernization.

Due to its special situation, the Caspian region has been influenced by the political action of coastal and extra-regional actors. The geopolitics of this region and its effective foundations mutually give direction and meaning to the behaviour of the actors. The entanglement of three categories - geography, politics and power and the resulting forms of behaviour have created the question of what effect do the geopolitical foundations of the Caspian legal regime have on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In addition, the impact of geopolitical factors has consequences for the Islamic Republic of Iran which has brought about this research and which is also the search for truth. The following text is of a descriptive/analytical nature and a documentary/library foundation with the theoretical application of foundations and geo-political factors. The output of the research shows that geopolitics and its foundations, while creating the behavioural pattern of "opportunity" for the Islamic Republic of Iran, has provided the behavioural pattern of "insecurity" for this country. To be more precise, the geopolitics of the Caspian legal regime and its foundations, despite creating some opportunities for the Islamic Republic of Iran, the national security of this coastal player in the context of the geographical location and territorial space in the context of historical and civilizational developments, characteristics and the natural nature of the coastal area, territories and access to the sea and the territorial extent of the maritime country have been overshadowed and challenged.

Mamsani has undergone profound political and administrative changes at the crossroads of history. These developments have taken place in a primitive context and based on the identifiers of tribal culture. One of Mamsani's settlements is the Gachgaran village, which is considered to be the home of the Gachgaran people. The political activism of the residents of this settlement is not only separate from other Memsani settlements, but is formed in a tribal context. With this approach, the question is raised, what is the role of tribalism as a historical phenomenon in the political participation and local management of Gachgaran village in the central part of Mamsani? It seems that the tribal culture has played a role in the political participation and local management of Gachgaran village through the institutionalization of the traditional ethnic/kinship model and the intensification of the excitement of the residents. The research method is descriptive-analytical. Among the indicators of tribal culture as an independent variable are: local-tribal emotions, habitat loyalty, nepotism, limited demands of individuals and groups and hometown rivalry. Among the indicators of political participation as a dependent variable are: the special work of the representatives, the election of the Islamic Council, the Dispute Resolution Council and the Village Islamic Council. In this regard, the performance index of the village assistant is considered as another dependent variable for local management. The data were collected by library/documentary (statistics) and field (observation and interview) method. The output of the research shows that tribal culture, by producing ethnic/kinship tendencies and intensifying excitement and emotions, plays an effective role in increasing the political participation of village residents in political moments such as political gatherings in the context of history, the elections of the Islamic Council Parliament and The Village Islamic Council. On the other hand, the selection of local managers in Village Association, House of Justice and army of Science after the land reforms and village governor after the Islamic Revolution based on kinship/tribal considerations and not on the basis of expertise/merit-oriented has fueled the inefficiency of local management in Gachgaran village.

Election geography is a branch of political geography that examines the spatial dimensions of elections. One of the geographical dimensions of elections is the pattern of environmental and birth votes. Mamasani constituency, because it has a tribal and nomadic context, the voting pattern in this geographical area is influenced by ethnic and tribal groups, and therefore the main vote of candidates in geographical areas is attributed to their tribe and descent. Hence, the forthcoming research intends to examine and analyze the voting base of the candidates in the 11th round of the Islamic Consultative Assembly elections in Mamasani constituency? In examining the spatial distribution of votes, it seems that the votes were not uniformly distributed in all places and geographical spaces of Mamasani constituency, but the weight and concentration of votes in the spaces attributed to the districts and tribes that are the most populous population and the number of voters. Research method The present research has a descriptive and analytical nature and the method of collecting documentary and field information (observation). The results of the studies showed; The voting pattern in Mamasani constituency is influenced by local-spatial identities and tribalism, and this issue has caused the spatial distribution of votes is not homogeneous and the votes of electoral actors in the birthplace and territory of their tribe more than other places and settlements. Candidates whose place of birth does not have a sufficient population should not reach

Political stability has always been one of the most important goals and results of political systems. In other words, the sustainable development and security of any country will be achieved under political stability. Hence, the emergence of examples such as civil war, revolution, insurgency, coup, terrorist operations, economic imbalance, social imbalance, etc. is a sign of political instability, the course of which is different in different countries. It is highly dependent on the country's geography, historical transition and political economy. A fragile country is the result of political instability. Fragile states are states that have low degrees in the Charter of Fragility (exercise of authority, provision of services, and legitimacy), which itself includes three types of weak, failed and collapsed. Absolute separation of fragile states from each other is difficult and so far no clear definition has been provided for them, and also assessing the fragility of states is a complex and multidimensional matter.The destabilizing factors in Turkey depend, in short, on three historical periods: 1) the period before the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, 2) the period of the Kemalist one-party system, and 3) the period of the rise of the Guardian state in action. Also, from the perspective of political geography in the contemporary history of Turkey, three mistakes have occurred in its political structure, which have been the source of many destabilizing factors, which are: 1) Kemalist citizenship law: "Secular Sunni Muslim Turk"  2) Choosing a situation instead of a position from the time of Ataturk to before the AKP's coming to power, which is contrary to national security  3) Violation of zero tension with neighbors and improper use of the region's geopolitical code in the beginning of the Syrian crisis. The effects of the era and the consequences of these mistakes have caused the Republic of Turkey, despite its significant economic growth and increasing geopolitical weight in the region and the world before the Syrian crisis, conflicts and tensions. In addition, since 2014, Turkey, through its coercive action in the region, has led to insecurity, greater instability, and reduced geopolitical prestige in the region and the world. And for this reason, in the ranking of the fragility index of governments, in 2018, it has gained 82 points, which puts this country in the group of weak governments. Accordingly, the present study seeks to answer the following questions:1) What are the examples of destabilizing factors affecting the fragility of Turkey?2) What are the most influential destabilizing variables on the fragility of the Turkish government?

This research is methodologically descriptive-analytic. The data gathering procedure is based on library and panel of experts' findings. Thus, the most important variables and indicators of destabilization in which Turkey has instances of instability were prepared and classified according to the Schwartz model, STEEPVASL. Then a closed-ended questionnaire with multiple-choice ranking scale designed to rank the variables and had provided to the panel of expert on Turkish issues.

Findings show that examples of Turkish instability in the Schwartz classification are:  social (decrease in growth rate, increase in asylum and displacement, increase in middle class exodus, increase in elite flight, increase in ethnic-religious divide), technical (low share of top indigenous technologies in GDP), economical (economic fragility, rising military spending), environmental (ecosystem vitality, environmental health, spatial inequality and hydro-political tensions with neighbors), political (changes in government apparatus in order to consolidation authoritarianism itself, financial corruption, sanction of economic and  institutions of government, AKP's confrontation with the Gulenist  movement, political, economic and logistical support of foreign actors to opposition groups), vales (increase of  power and influence of the Diyanet organization), army (territory affected by conflict), security (widespread group grievance, unsuccessful military coup 2016, extensive terrorist operations), legal (suppression and trial of dissidents, increase in political prisoners, violation of freedom of expression, increasing refugee and refugee issues).In the next step, based on the opinions of Turkish experts, the effectiveness of the calculated variables in Turkey was ranked. Findings show that increasing ethnic-religious divide, economic fragility, widespread group grievances, spatial inequality, increasing asylum and displacement, political, economic and logistical support of foreign actors from opposition groups, territory affected by conflict, hydro-political tensions with neighbors, financial corruption, and the AKP's confrontation with the Gulenist  movement have the greatest impact on the Turkish government's fragility.

Land reform, as one of the principles of the White Revolution during the second Pahlavi period, overshadowed the conditions of the rural economy and the structure of tribes and nomads. In the meantime, the Mamasani tribal structure underwent intra-tribal changes and the ground was paved for the role of rural production cooperatives, farmers and other social forces in the rural economy. Under these circumstances, the village of Gachgaran, located in the central part of Mamasani county and the center of first Bakhsh, experienced more and more economic transformation and expressed itself in economic developments. Therefore, the question is what effect has the land reform had on the economy of Gachgaran village in the central part of Mamasani county? The present research is of applied type and the research method is descriptive-analytical. The required data were collected through documentary and field methods (interview and observation). The results of the studies showed that land reform, while swaying in the Mamasani tribal structure, transformed the rural economy of Gachgaran (civil engineering, animal husbandry, horticulture, agriculture, handicrafts and production workshops), so that transformation the economic development of this rural settlement has accelerated with the occurrence of the Islamic Revolution and the implementation of rural development programs until 1400, and agriculture and small production units have been taken care of by the residents more than livestock.

This research aims to study the reflections of the Islamic Council of Representatives' approach in Mamasani city, emphasizing the three concepts of technocracy, bureaucracy, and charisma. The research method was descriptive-analytical and the results showed that the reflection of the "charismatic" approach was based on the identifier of "fame", devotion, emotional mobilization of the masses, and the separation of social-cultural institutions. The reflection of the "bureaucratic" approach, based on the "power" identifier, is the application of native attitudes in managerial changes and the disintegration of administrative institutions. The reflection of the "technocratic" approach based on the "wealth" identifier, is taking credit and budget allocation to the infrastructure of Mamasani's geographical space.

Relations between Iran and Azerbaijan, from the beginning of 1990, when the country gained its independence faced with challenges. The Nakhchivan as part of the Azerbaijan Separated by Zangezurmargi corridor from motherland. and after the Nagorno-Karabakh War, iran has been The only way between Nakhchivan and Republic Azerbaijan.Due to the many challenges and security relations between the governments of Azerbaijan and Iran over the years and also due to the lack of geographical continuity of the country with its exclave unit (Nakhichivan) that it is the biggest strategic problems of Nakhchivan, which it can be used for dependencing of Nakhichivan to iran and changing the level of relations between two countries.The method research of this paper is descriptive-analytic and collecting data for this paper is based on using library resources and questionnaire for surveying and prioritizing of various variables in economic fields for increasing dependency of Nakhchivan to iran.According to the results, Increased ground transportation through the territory of Iran, improving the communication infrastructure, Increase the volume of oil and gas swaps and Power Plant Development, The most effective factors to increase the dependence of Nakhichivan to Iran.

Dependence of countries to each other in different field has dramatic effects on the geopolitical weight and type of their behavior. The Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic as part of the Azerbaijan Separated by Zangezurmargi corridor from motherland. After the Nagorno-Karabakh War, Iran has been the only reachable ground way between Nakhchivan and Azerbaijan Republic. Due to the many challenges and security issues between the two countries over the years and regarding the abovementioned gape as the biggest strategic problems of Nakhchivan, which caused Nakhichivan dependence to Iran, the relations between the two countries has been changed. The methodology of this research is descriptive-analytic and data collection is orchestrated through library resources and questionnaire for surveying and prioritizing of various variables in cultural and tourism fields showing increasing dependency of Nakhchivan to Iran. Results shows that Components of the abolition of visas for citizens of Azerbaijani and Improving health-care services, Common linguistic, religious and cultural institutions have been the most effective and common historical background and academic relations have been the least effective indicators of dependency of Nakhichivan to Iran.

In Iran، border regions are considered as strategic and critical locations. Potential، natural، and economic constraints as well as being away from the capital، and consequently from power and decision-making centers are some of the main features of these regions. In this regard، the establishment of border markets is one of the most recognized methods for the economic development of border regions، which can make a dramatic change in production، frontier population stabilization، increased revenue، and finally sustainable development and security in these regions. Relying on library and field resources، the present paper aims to analyze the physical-spatial effects of Mahiroud border market in Sarbisheh County after its establishment. The main research question is what physical-spatial effects the establishment and activity of the above-mentioned market could have on the region. The results indicate that as Mahiroud border market was activated in physical changes section، significant measures were taken to develop utilities and infrastructure services such as transportation network، water، electricity، gas،welfare، accommodation services، and establishment of executive and administrative institutions. In addition to increased motivation for habitation، increased employment، reduced deprivation and poverty، and decreased immigration، this market has relatively improved the security and development indexes in this region