jalal derakhsheh

The governance pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran must align with its legitimizing discourse and demonstrate a coherence between this theory and practical governance. However, governance in Iran often wavers and oscillates between liberal and religious discourses. No political system can achieve long-term legitimacy through governance frameworks that are inconsistent with its core discourse. Therefore, this study aims to explore the concept of freedom within Iran's governance pattern. The Islamic Revolution in Iran achieved victory with the key slogan 'Independence, Freedom, Islamic Republic,' yet some supporters see freedom as a disruptive concept and are unwilling to embrace it. On the other hand, critics often accuse this pattern of being in conflict with the notion of freedom.Here, we try to demonstrate the desirability of freedom within the governance pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran and to answer the question, "What is the philosophy of freedom in this governance pattern, and why is it desirable?" The aim is to prevent theoretical mistakes in the discourse. Given the prevailing influence of liberalism and its discursive demands, in the absence of an alternative Islamic theory, it risks imposing itself on Iran's socio-political structure. Therefore, elucidating the philosophy of freedom within the governance pattern of the Islamic Republic helps prevent incorrect theoretical and practical choices in governance.

In this study, a "descriptive-analytical" approach was used for data collection through the "documentary" method. The data analysis was performed using the qualitative method of "text-based hermeneutics.

This paper presents a coherent and interconnected discursive framework that reflects the philosophy of freedom and the intricate balance between the dos and dont's in this context. Firstly, it discusses Nizam-e-Takwin (The Order of Creation), demonstrating that from an ontological perspective, the belief in Ma'ad (Resurrection Day) and God's system of reward and punishment necessitate human freedom, as freedom is essential for "spiritual trial." Additionally, within the Islamic Revolution's discourse on anthropology, the belief in human "free will" and the "inherent nature of freedom" make freedom a valued concept. Thus, in religious rules, freedom is defined as liberation from servitude to anyone other than God and liberation from tyranny and oppression. In this regard, freedom is understood as a "right," "duty," and "value."

 Conclusion:

In the Islamic philosophy of freedom, "Tawhid" (monotheism) stands as the central principle and foundation. There is a seamless connection between Nizam-e-Takwin (The Order of Creation) and Nizam-e-Tashri (The Order of Religious Legislation), forming a unified system. This linkage in Shiism is established through the belief in the intrinsic goodness and badness of actions. Such a belief ensures that the moral quality of actions is rational and aligned with Nizam-e-Takwin, creating an integrated order where the dos and don'ts are interconnected.In this framework, the philosophy of freedom within the governance pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran is rooted in "Tawhid" (monotheism) principles. Freedom is regarded as a "right," "duty," and "value." This signifies that freedom is valuable because it is an inherent right. Furthermore, respecting and advocating freedom is a religious duty, which enhances its desirability. Additionally, freedom is recognized as a religious virtue. According to the Islamic worldview, humans possess free will and an innate inclination toward freedom. The system of rewards and punishments in Ma'ad (Resurrection Day) also necessitates human freedom, as the possibility of a spiritual trial depends on it, thus making the system logical.Overall, this paper seeks to illustrate the philosophy of freedom within a cohesive and integrated system, emphasizing the link between Nizam-e-Takwin (The Order of Creation) and Nizam-e-Tashri (The Order of Religious Legislation) in the context of freedom. This represents a significant innovation in the study.

Foreign direct investment (FDI) is one of the most important resources for governments to achieve the goals of development documents, in addition to the advantages it brings. Considering the role of FDI in the economy, the purpose of this article is to review the status of FDI in Iran and identify its strengths and weaknesses.

This article is descriptive and analytical. The materials and data are qualitative and data collection was used to collect the materials.

Ethical considerations:

 In writing the article, the originality of the texts, honesty and trustworthiness have been made.

Despite the preparation of six 5-year development plans in our country after the Islamic revolution, comparing the amount of resources foreseen in development resources from the foreign investment location with the amount of resources realized from this location, shows that a small percentage of the resources predicted in these plans have been realized.

The continued presence and competitiveness of our country in the field of foreign investment, in addition to international rules, requires achieving a specific and practical model for the realization of national development. Therefore, the non-fulfillment of this importance in the upstream documents, despite being located in the geopolitical region, having primary sources of oil and gas, and a relatively large market, makes the need for a serious review of strategic and development policies in this area a hundredfold.

The statement of the second step of the revolution (SSSR), as a road map and strategic document, seeks to explain the course of the second four decades of the I.R.Iran. By adopting the strategy of resistance, I.R.Iran was able to successfully overcome the four decades of ups and downs and enter the second four decades of its civilization. According to many experts on the dominance of the concept of resistance in SSSR as the ruling spirit in the statement, the researchers of this study decided to examine the position of resistance in SSSR from the perspective of leadership. Undoubtedly, the government of the I.R.Iran in the future can use various mechanisms, including diplomacy, as in the past, especially since some experts and activists in the field of foreign policy in the next four decades of the Islamic Revolution of Iran to interact with countries through other approaches. The resistance approach is known as resistance diplomacy. The importance of this document has led researchers to study it from different dimensions. The researchers of the present study have tried to explain the components of resistance in this statement, considering the wide hostilities of thedominating countries with the I.R.Iran and considering that the Islamic Republic is the birthplace of decades of resistance of the Iranian people against domestic tyranny and foreign arrogance.The result shows that theresistance includes social, economic, scientific and, of course, military dimensions, the details of which are stated in the text of the article

Associations and constitutionalist parties of Gilan played an essential role in the revival of constitutionalism by public mobilization and marching towards the capital, Tehran to conquer it and remove the Tyranny. Among the various parties, the Abbasi Association, and the Social Democratic Party are two outstanding ones. When Sardar Afkham, was at its peak in the, these parties were able to play a role in getting rid of the tyranny by sharing interests with the peasant and organizing the events. This article aims to evaluate the activism model of these parties. Its theoretical framework is based on Charles Tilly’s Resource Mobilization theory, which focuses on the two variables of interest and organization as behavioral criteria. The question is, "How is the process of mobilization based on the two variables of interest and organization and why did they pioneer this process among Iran?" Using the historical-analytical method and collecting data through the desk-based method, this study showed that parties were able to pave the way for the downfall representative and march towards Tehran by modeling from and being influenced by the intellectual currents of northern neighbor and connection with the peasants rebellion by sharing interests with it and organizing the events.

The rise of Israel in the Middle East has created a complex situation in terms of regional security. Israel, like other actors in the international system, has to complete the state-nation-building process. This issue is one of the challenges that the Zionist regime has always faced. This regime has based its existence on a special and complex identity that at first glance, this special identity can be considered a strong point for the survival and formation of a society; But the specific characteristics of this identity based on race and its lack of demographic diversity have created challenges for this regime. The Islamic Republic of Iran, both as a country in the Middle East and because of its inherent and inherent conflict, has always been exposed to the security and economic threats of this regime. Threats that are inherent in the Israeli nation-state-building process. This study is a detailed and explanatory study of the identity and interests of the Zionist regime, which is the basis and shape of the state-nation-building process, and as a result, its behaviors and actions in the international arena, especially in the West Asian region. And will ultimately answer the fundamental question of what effects the Israeli nation-state-building process has on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Common good as one of the basic concepts in political thought has not been independently explored so far. While this concept, along with concepts such as "public interest, public interest, public policy, public goods and common interests and public good", has formed the basis of most school approaches and debates. In the popular discourse of political science, "Common good" refers to the material, cultural, or institutional possibilities in which members of a community share interests. "Common good" is an important concept in political philosophy and political thought because the role , It is important in philosophical thinking about the public and private dimensions of social life. "Public life" in a political society is thought to involve: the joint effort of members to maintain certain possibilities for the common good. "Private life" involves the pursuit of each member of a distinct set of personal plans. This research is a developmental type and has been done in a descriptive-analytical manner using reliable library sources. Therefore, comparative analysis has been the concept of common good with other related concepts in the approaches of political thought, and for this reason, it has conducted scientific and descriptive research in this regard.

Looking at the historical developments in Islam, we can distinguish three trends in opinion and practice. A tendency that takes precedence into action, a tendency which precedes theory as an action, and believes in the third tendency to interact with theory and political action. Meanwhile, the Shiite belongs to the Third Trend. Throughout the Shiite history, different approaches, such as taqiyya, have been chosen by the Shia in the context of this tendency, and reform and revolution in interaction with the political environment. Or approaching the contemporary Shiite era is far from the approaches of taqiyya and reformation, and in particular, with the emergence of the Pahlavi era in modern Iranian history, we are approaching a revolutionary approach and an attempt to form an Islamic state. Here, the main question of the research is that the objective context and developments of Reza Khan have had an effect on the Shi'a political thought in that period, and how this thought has influenced the political action of the Shiite scholars active in this age?

Since the establishment of International Relations as an academic discipline, religion has been neglected and marginalized by scholars and theorists in a way that we can consider IR as the most secular sub branch of social sciences. Scholars usually offer some reasons and justifications why to neglect religion and consider it irrelevant to international relations namely: the implications of modernity in western societies, the spread of secularism as an established principle, the Westphalian order of international system, the dominance of rationalist meta-theory, and the materialistic essence of IR mainstream. This article rejects such reasons and offers this hypothesis that nowadays in the aftermath of new developments such as the emergence of post secularization and post Westphalian process, the demise of positivism which put an end to the monopoly and dominance of the mainstream and the creation of a pluralistic context in IR, the marginalization of religion in the discipline in no longer logical and acceptable and taking this important issue area into consideration in quite possible and even necessary for understanding and making sense of global environment. As a result, continuous neglecting religion in IR, leads to inefficiency in understanding and explaining new events and phenomena in the world.

The analysis of the impact of the counter-terrorism cooperation as an alliance between the I.R.I, the Republic of Iraq and the Syrian Arab Republic on tangible national power resources of these nation- states from the perspective of the realist theory of international relations is the problematic of this research. The main question is that what is the impact of the alliance between Iran, Iraq and Syria against terrorism on the tangible resources of the national power of these three states? Other questions are what is the impact of counter terrorism alliance on geopolitical national power resources of the three states? what is the impact of alliance on military national power resources of the three states and what is the impact of alliance on economic national power resources of the three states? This research is based on a hypothesis which is that the alliance between Iran, Iraq and Syria against terrorism has strengthened the tangible national power resources of them. The method of this research is descriptive- analytical and its data gathering method is a secondary study. The realism is used as the theoretical framework of this research. The main finding of this research is that the counter terrorism alliance between Iran, Iraq and Syria has led to strengthening the national power of these states in geopolitical, military and economic dimensions. This impact in the geopolitical context has found as extending the dominance of the three states on strategic regions of north Middle East and connecting between important geopolitical areas. The impact has been found in military dimension as increasing the ability in equipment, support and logistics and manpower. At the economic context the concentration has been on the extending dominance of the three states on the strategic energy ellipse and synergism in the field of oil and gas resources.

Recognition of major keywords in Imam Khomeini's thoughts is an important path to completely know the intellectual-political collection of the structure which he legally and institutionally built after the revolution of 1357 and left for us. "Ommat" is one of those keywords with religious essence and Islamic feature that came to the political thinking of Islamic thinkers specifically the great leader of our Islamic revolution. The investigation of theoretical and practical works of Imam Khomeini indicates that the word "Ommat" has been able to compete with conceptual changes of the day such as nation and nationalism in addition to maintaining its validity and Koranic origin. In fact, it has reproduced itself employing the instrument of ejtehad, adjusting itself to the conditions of time and place in Imam Khomeini's thoughts. The present research tried to study Imam Khomeini's attitude employing descriptive-analytical technique and library method. By studying the terminology used by Imam Khomeini, it is concluded that the concept of "nation" is a marginal one, in relation with the concept of "Ommat" In fact, Imam Khomeini has not negated nationalism with the meaning of national authority in his comments, but he has negated ethnicity and clanship and their undesirable impact as the factors of separation among Islamic ommat.

This paper intends to review and examine the political foundations and principles of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and the Muslim Brotherhood Movement of Egypt as two models of political Islam in West Asia. Even though both these models of political Islam emphasize on a return to true Islam and setting up an Islamic state, their perceptions of Islam are quite different. With the view to coming up with a successful model of political Islam capable of providing the Muslims with proper guidance for setting up an ideal Islamic society the two have been in relationship and rivalry over the recent decades. These two models consider their main rivals in political and social arenas to be despotism, colonialism and underdevelopment of Muslims and try to eliminate the systems dominating and controlling the world of Islam and set up an ideal system based on Islamic Shariah. In spite of long geographical distance between the two, there exist some similarities in their political principles and they have had some impact on each other. The factors that cause closeness between these two models of political Islam include: belief in the inseparability of religion from politics, the ideal of establishment of an Islamic state, independence, struggle against colonialism, justice, unity in the Muslim Ummah, abstinence from sectarianism and support to the Palestinian cause as the first priority of the world of Islam. Thus, the main objective of this paper is to identify the similarities between the Islamic Revolution of Iran and the Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt with respect to principles of political Islam Moreover, the researchers also intend to determine as to why - in spite of the existing similarities - one of these models of political Islam has managed to succeed in establishing a ruling system, while the other one has failed in achieving its objective in this regard despite having access to favorable condition. The researchers believe that the revival of religious concepts by the Islamic Revolution in the modern times, the most prominent of which has been the theory of Velayat-e Faqih, as well as the civilization-oriented approach of this Revolution has been the main cause of its success. Whereas, on the other hand, the negligence of the basic principles of the Muslim Brotherhood has been the cause of the failure of this great Islamic movement.

The occurrence of the Islamic Revolution with the claim of the rebirth of pure Islam of Holy Prophet Mohammad (AS) led to the transformation of cultural equations regarding international relations and challenged the cultural patterns of the world. The Islamic Revolution was called a cultural revolution, and consequently, the export of the revolution deliberately or involuntarily developed within a cultural framework in already established The Islamic Republic of Iran. On this basis, the divine and universal mission of the revolution, in addition to providing a positive image of it and facing various actions of enemies and rivals, took the issue of international cultural policy as a strategic issue, and of great importance.
In this article, the authors try to explain the concepts of policy making, cultural policy making, and international cultural policy through the review of the background of the subject , doing research in both categories: macro, and micro documents (in Islamic republic of Iran), making the main theme, or the dominant basis of his speech in relation to the instruction of international cultural policy is the main issue to be addressed in this article, worthy of deepening the corresponding value that has. These documents have been examined in explaining the discourses that govern the international cultural policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the question of the international cultural policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran has been analyzed as the main question.
Finally, in clarifying the requirements of the international cultural policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the most urgent need is to formulate a national document on the development of international cultural relations of the Islamic Republic of Iran and to prepare part of the document.
The methodology of this research is descriptive-analytical, whose data are analyzed through library studies and documentaries. And the scientific documents will be extracted and analyzed.

create this question that despite the difficult conditions in Lebanese society and the hardships on the way to the party how Hezbollah has managed complex society of Lebanon to achieve this political and social situation.
Hezbollah at first faced with a wide social and political restrictions both inside and outside its borders, even it was not recognized by other parties and government but it could by appropriate utilization of current facilities and good application of social and political tactics be an Effective party in Lebanon and region. This movement was efficient in his military and social arena and could reach the political legitimacy by achieving the social acceptability. This research using descriptive - analytical method dissecting the word "legitimacy" and after explaining the practice fields this concept, showing how Hezbollah was able to achieve this success.

With the passing of nearly seven decades of existence of the Zionist regime of Israel, this regime is facing major challenges known as "identity challenges", which step by step brought the regime to fall into "identity crisis" and provided an instability condition for Israeli. In this research which is categorized as theoretical and applied research, attempts were done to provide sources of establishing identity of the Zionist regime, using descriptive and analytical method, and after that through a thorough analysis and study of Israeli society, the challenges facing these resources were identified. Therefore, the aim of this study was to answers the question that; "What are the challenges of establishing identity of the Zionist regime." .The results of this study indicated that the majority of the resources for establishing identity of Israel are achieved through the Jewish holly book, which contains the 'promised land', "historical identity" and Jewish culture. Jewish culture also includes " Judaism orders" and symbols such as "Hebrew", the "myth", "art", "public service" and "religious cover". The challenges facing these resources could be explained by topics such as "falsification of the Torah", "multi-Language" and "secularism and atheism"

The question of dominance in human thoughts was associated with the formation of the first governmental organizations in the history. In this direction, a fundamental question that emerged in political and legal realm is search for the origin of power and sovereignty of government. There are two viewpoints on this matter, namely the perspective of God’s sovereignty and the viewpoint of people’s dominance. This paper will study the concept of sovereignty along with its impressions, beside explanation of the meaning of political sovereignty, and theories related to it in the constitutional laws of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Islamic Awakening in the Middle East and North Africa has revived the importance of founding an Islamic government in recent years and has provided an opportunity to review the ideas of Islamic scholars on the foundation of an Islamic government. Although the Iranian Islamic Republic model was considered in the first years after the revolution among Islamic scholars but as a result of internal conditions, regional, extra-regional and international problems, and new western models slightly lost some of its popularity. Many scholars believe that Imam Khomeyni, as the theorist and leader of the successful experience of Islamic Revolution, and Seyed Qotb, as the inspirer of many Islamic movements in the Arab world, played an important role in conceptualization of the Islamic Government in modern world. In this article we tried to analyze the concept of government and the necessity of founding an Islamic government in the Imam Khomeyni`s and Seyed Qotb`s ideas, as the two greatest scholars in the Islamic world, in a comparative approach.

Justice and Advice is most important subject in political though. The relations between those two subjects are occupied mind of political philosophers. Hikmat Mote’alieh political though is one of favorable base for survey relation between Justice and advice. Imam Khomeini is one of most important philosophers in Hikmat Mote’alieh political though that he was leader of Islamic Republic of Iran. Also he obtain base for reduction of Justice and Advice concepts in administration and government. In this essay tried to scan relation between justice and advice in Imam Khomeini political though with methodological hermeneutic method and Justice and Advice concepts studied in in Imam Khomeini political though. In end of this essay denote that in Imam Khomeini political though justice is axis of advice and advice define on base of justice. Therefore justice is administrated people to advice and people in comprehensive of justice gain felicity.

Hermeneutics as an independent method has achieved a special position in human thought in recent centuries. Moreover, in twentieth century, hermeneutics has spread its achievements to other fields of knowledge such as philosophy, theology, literary criticism, social science, philosophy of science and etc. and leaded to new discussions in these fields. Hermeneutics has been defined as knowledge of interpretation and paraphrase and divided to philosophical hermeneutics and methodological one. The first one is mainly recognized with interpreter-based orientation and the second is considered as an author-centered tendency. The most important questions of this article are: Which attitude of hermeneutics can be used in Islamic studies? Is there any relationship between hermeneutics and the prevalent method of understanding texts in Islamic studies? Concentrating on the possibility of relationship between religious texts and hermeneutics, this article is supposed to clarify that using philosophical hermeneutics in Islamic studies is not allowable. Because using it in such studies leads to plural readings of religion, belief to the impact of assumptions and finally relativism. But methodological hermeneutics and its hidden author-centered and text-based method with regard to its admitted rules and principles is the most accurate way to interpret religious texts in Islamic studies.

Applying hard and soft power from the beginning of Iraq occupation in 2003 was the US main agenda in Iraq. Cultural interventions as the main tool of exerting soft power became official after the 2008 Strategic Agreement between the two states. This paper is going to answer the following question: what are the US main purposes in pursuing cultural diplomacy as one of the enforcing tools of soft power in Iraq? The analysis of these programs would be demonstrative of America’s main objectives. The study is designed in a descriptive-analytic manner and upon analysis، it became apparent that their main goal is to change the views of common Iraqi people about west and promote liberal western culture instead of Islamic culture.

Joseph Nye is considered one of the leading thinkers and founders of neo liberalism in international relations. His works and Writings on the nature of power، the position of U. S in the global power hierarchy and the future of power in information age led to his being considered as a theorist of the concept of power. This important fact was particularly substantiated by his proposing the idea of “soft power” in 1990s. In this article، Nye’s perspective on power، seizure and expansion of such concept، and philosophical، theoretical and practical deficiency of his views in relation to his beliefs on theoretical debates of power in international relations will be examined. The claim of this research is that، Nye''s attempts in the ambit of power does not provide new possibilities to understand power، beyond what had previously been provided by classic theorists of such concept. But، his mental effort is limited to the redefinition and elaboration of voluntary systems for exercising power.

Western human rights have been based on merely «being mankind» and human''s divine nature and one''s talent to achieve worthy evolution have been ignored. In this viewpoint of human rights، concentrating the view on liberal thought، atheism، individualism and formalism and ignoring the beginning and the destination of the existence and the universe and then ignoring duties and personalities، what is not western is not considered as human rights and rather than paying attention to human sublimation، real human identity is ignored and therefore any ideological، political، cultural and racial differences will be changed to serious challenges. Because which of them، on this viewpoint، leads to formation of a new identity. Really western human rights discourse has not been universal both theoretically and practically. Neither it has been successful to achieve universal consensus or at least to involve a common area of different cultures and civilizations nor it could have been impartial than different cultures، religions and civilizations، kept out humanism and codified rights based on primary and innate requirements. Criticizing the bases of humanist western human rights discourse، this paper is supposed to explain that these rights have been based on atheist humanism and therefore cannot be universal.

Muslims'' retardation which is a product of two phenomena of colonialism and despotism was challenged by appealing to three discourses: westernism، nationalism، and Islamism. Historical experience however showed that، because of ideological depth of Muslims and cultural geography of the Islamic world، only appealing to the discourse of Islamism may bring Muslims to their final goals in their struggle. Of course، the discourse of Islamism is not a homogenous one and has undergone some changes because of requirements of the time. In the course of its development، this discourse may be explained in the form of various approaches. With different tactics but based upon a single strategy، this discourse managed to provide necessary software for the Islamic movements. These movements managed to produce considerable impacts in the domestic fields of countries and in the Islamic world and at an international level. In the present study we seek to provide a reply for the following question: «what changes has the prevalent discourse of Muslims to struggle against retardation resulted from colonialism and dictatorship undergone، and what changes should it undergo; and in the form of which approaches، may such a discourse be explained?»

The present article examines the relations of Iran and Turkey from the time of coming into power of the Islamist party of Justice and Development in Turkey from 2002 till 2009. For this purpose the paper lays emphasis on variables such as the quest of the two country to become a regional power, the attitude of the two countries towards the Middle East, nuclear issue of Iran, the Kurdish problem in relations of the two countries, the important factors in expansion of the relations of the two countries, the impact of the United States and Israel relations with Turkey on Iran, the economic cooperation between the two countries and the interaction of these variable on each other. The question, which is raised by the article, is that, what are the factors contributing to integration and disintegration between Iran and Turkey?

The main question discussed in the present article is “may religion be used to increase and improve the functions of the social capital and at the same time to reduce the adverse effects of the social capital?” The authors have assumed that the principles governing the social capital cause special characteristics to rule the relationships creating the social capital and، as a result، many malfunctions of the social capital may be eliminated. In a comparative way، at first، the present article discusses the concept of the social capital and its malfunctions; then introduces the principles recommended by Islam to improve the social capital. In the present writing، the authors recommend to employ the Islamic teachings to reduce adverse effects of the social capital.

Indonesia, as a Moslem country in the south east of Asia, is home to a large number of Shiites; so that we can consider an increase in the number of this group nowadays. The establishment of Islamic and Shiite organizations and centers in this country reflects the vast Shiite atmosphere prevalent in this country. After a brief history about the formation of the Shiite society in Indonesia, this article presents a classification on them and meanwhile it refers to the considerable number of the descendents of the prophet's household (Sadats) and the way they entered this country, and then it refers to the number of the Shiites in Indonesia. Next, the existence of the Shiite centers –which reveals the presence of the Shiites in a country– is discussed and then the article introduces some outstanding Shiite figures, and refers to some translated books from the Iranian scholars and thinkers, which can be deemed as the existence of Shiism and interest in the household of the prophet of Islam in this country. Finally, the article refers to some of the Shiite customs and traditions, especially the ones in the month of Moharram, attended to by the Shiites in Indonesia.