jamil ghoreyshi

Sistan and Baluchestan province is one of the most important provinces in the country in terms of ethnic and religious issues. The various potential and actual capacities of this province and the numerous possibilities and opportunities available in it, at different levels of politics, society, culture, security, economy, etc., are important and noteworthy, which have created special requirements in this province. In order to manage ethnic and create opportunities from these ethnic and religious capabilities in the province, ethnic and religious backgrounds and their indicators must be well explained and recognized. This article attempts to explain the factors affecting ethnic and religious issues in this province by using integrated theoretical frameworks and utilizing three levels of sociological, political, and cultural studies analysis. The findings of this research indicate that the lack of comprehensive economic development, some signs of deprivation and discrimination, have damaged the process of trust and social capital, and this has directly and indirectly affected security issues in this province. Finally, the article, emphasizing the need to provide and pursue a comprehensive and multifaceted approach, offers suggestions for managing the opportunity of ethnic and religious diversity in this province. These suggestions include economic and social development, strengthening civil society institutions and local community participation, managing security and border issues, strengthening dialogue and interaction between ethnic groups, and cultural and identity policy-making. The aim of this article is to provide solutions to strengthen unity and peaceful coexistence in this province.

The establishment of the Islamic Republic following the 1979 revolution (1357 in the Iranian calendar) marked a new chapter in the history of political parties in Iran, endowing them with a distinct identity. By combining Islamic values with democratic principles, this system defined a unique framework for party activities. However, despite the existence of party laws and the formation of numerous political organizations, these entities have failed to play an effective role in advancing political development and achieving the ideals of Islamic democracy. This study, focusing on the period from 1997 to 2023 (1376-1402), seeks to explore the factors contributing to this ineffectiveness within the context of the Islamic Republic. The central research question is: why, despite the presence of a legal framework and the large number of political parties, have they been unable to secure their proper place within the Islamic democratic system or deliver the expected outcomes? This research is significant because a systematic and scientific analysis of the obstacles and challenges confronting political parties can pave the way for practical solutions to enhance their role in political development and the realization of Islamic democratic goals.

Data collection was carried out in two phases: library research and fieldwork. The fieldwork involved conducting semi-structured interviews with two groups: university professors and party-civic activists. This was supplemented by an extensive review of existing literature and the theoretical framework of the study. The semi-structured interview protocol consisted of fifteen open-ended questions, which formed the basis for open and axial coding and qualitative content analysis, facilitating the extraction of research categories. After gathering and compiling the responses, in-text codes were identified and categorized. These categories were then developed into subcategories, which ultimately led to the formation of main categories. The results for each group were presented in separate tables. Throughout this process, the principle of theoretical data saturation was applied to ensure comprehensiveness and prevent redundancy.

The findings, derived from expert opinions, indicate that party and civil activism in Iran faces multifaceted, deeply rooted structural challenges, which can be categorized into four main levels: 1) Legal and Structural Challenges: These include limited space for party activities due to biased legal interpretations, the absence of comprehensive party laws, legal restrictions, government-imposed limitations, a security-driven perspective on political activism, the lack of recognition of parties’ roles in elections, restrictions on freedom of expression, and the inefficiency of legal mechanisms. 2) Internal Organizational and Behavioral Challenges: These encompass weakened party performance and declining public trust due to the lack of party maturity, insufficient engagement with society, reliance on individual leaders, opportunistic behavior, hostile rivalries, disregard for legal norms, lack of financial transparency, absence of internal democracy, poor accountability and conflict management, contradictory actions, overreliance on slogans, weak organizational cohesion, dependence on government or foreign entities, and inadequate training of party members. 3) Challenges in Communication with Society: These involve diminished legitimacy and public acceptance due to a disconnect from the populace, weakened ties with the social base, neglect of public opinion, failure to address societal issues, lack of solidarity with protests, public distrust of political parties and civil institutions, discrediting of intellectual elites, and ineffective networking. 4) Challenges in Relations with the Ruling Establishment: These include a growing gap and lack of constructive interaction caused by insufficient efforts to promote dialogue, the absence of institutionalized communication mechanisms, party conservatism, the closure of electoral channels, suppression of independent civil institutions, and the ruling establishment’s disregard for civil demands.

The analysis of solutions proposed by university professors, researchers, and party-civic activists suggests that overcoming the challenges faced by political parties and civil activism in Iran requires a comprehensive, multidimensional approach encompassing structural, legal, behavioral, and communicative reforms. Key recommendations include: Strengthening Communication with Society and Party Members: This can be achieved by ensuring continuous engagement with the public, representing public demands, promoting transparency in party operations, and establishing local branches. Enhancing Transparency and Accountability: Legal obligations, internal mechanisms for accountability, transparent performance, and oversight processes are essential to improve party credibility. Removing Legal and Structural Obstacles: This involves eliminating restrictive laws, financially empowering political parties, institutionalizing party politics, and ensuring media access. Changing Government Attitudes and Promoting a Culture of Party Politics and Democracy: Political will, fostering dialogue with parties, respecting diverse opinions, and amending constitutional provisions are necessary steps. Other Recommendations: These include ending negative rivalries, providing political education, ensuring financial independence for parties, promoting ethical practices, and fulfilling election promises. This comprehensive approach aims to reform existing structures and laws, strengthen political parties and civil institutions, and foster changes in societal attitudes and the political culture.

The question of this article is what are the most important challenges and limitations of cultural diplomacy between Iran and post-Saddam Iraq from 2003 to 2024? This research has been done with analytical-descriptive method with historical sociological approach to international relations and with library, internet and documentary techniques. The findings of this study showed that Iran has tried using the comprehensive discourse of historical relations with Iraqi Arabs in general and with Shiites in particular based on cultural and religious commonalities and an approach based on resistance against the development and hegemony of trans-regional powers, of course with the cooperation of the Iraqi government. , to create a suitable environment for cultural diplomacy and improving relations between the two nations. However, there have been challenges and obstacles in the way of cultural diplomacy between Iran and Iraq from 2003 to 2024, the most important of which are: the activities and negative role-playing of the American-Saudi media centered on Iran phobia in the region, the activities and destructive actions of Takfiri terrorist groups, especially ISIS. The formation and political-intellectual divisions between the Shiite organizations, especially the Sadr group and the rest of the Shiites, Shiite phobia in the region in the context of geocultural competition between the Shiite Crescent led by Iran and the Sunni bloc led by Saudi Arabia, the activeness of anti-Iranian currents in Iraq and the remnants of the Baath party. Foreign interventions in Iraqi affairs to make the government fragile.

The present study compares the views and opinions of two of the most prominent contemporary political philosophers in Iran and the world, Shahid Motahari (one of the most famous speakers in the two decades before the Islamic Revolution and one of the most influential people in the Islamic Republic) and Friedrich Hayek (one of the greatest economists). and political philosophers of the 20th century) about the concept of freedom. The results of the research show that freedom from Shahid Motahari's point of view is simpler than its concept in liberalism, and by creating "spiritual freedom" literature, he tries to point out another dimension of freedom that is neglected in the liberal view. Secondly, the basis of these two concepts have differences with each other; But now we have to look at the concept of "social freedom" which is a common word in Islam and liberal thought; What are the similarities and differences and to what extent can Shahid Motahari's view be considered as an explanation of the thought of pure Islam, converging with social freedom in its liberal sense. In a general summary, it can be said that freedom in Motahari's thought is more institutional and natural, and in Hayek's thought, it is followed institutionally and in relation to economic and political institutions.

This research aims to provide a typology of Islamist Sunni Kurdish movements that have emerged in Kurdistan, Iran, in the aftermath of the Islamic Revolution. The study utilizes a descriptive-analytical approach, drawing upon extensive library sources and interviews with experts who possess in-depth knowledge of the field and the historical developments in Kurdistan. By employing these research methods, the paper endeavors to shed light on the diverse typology of current movements within Kurdistan, Iran. Major intellectual movements are the Quran School, Salafists, and Iranian Call and Reform Organization. These movements have both social and intellectual origins. The Quran School, established by Ahmad Moftizadeh, aims to advocate for Kurdish rights through political means. The Iranian Call and Reform Organization draws inspiration from the Muslim Brotherhood and engages in political activism with a moderate and law-abiding approach. Salafists hold the belief that the early Islamic community represents the ideal society, leading them to vehemently oppose various aspects of the present society. In their pursuit of these goals, they may sometimes adopt radical methods. The Sufi movement, on the other hand, is focused on individualistic spiritual practices and practical mysticism. They emphasize personal purification and place importance on following a spiritual leader to adhere to Islamic principles and divine commands.

Urban symbols and signs are an integral part of analyzing and reading the morphology and meaning and different layers of the city, but reading urban signs without considering the context and context in which the sign is located and the interaction of that sign with other signs outside. and have their own content; Both residents and citizens who consume the urban symbol, the history of the events experienced by the urban symbol is impossible. Analyzing the semiotics of the Milad Tower is in line with the investigation of the events and developments that have occurred in the past years and decades in the country's politics and governance and it has manifested itself in the urban context and in a symbolic format.

This research uses Roland Barthes semiotic method to reread and interpret Milad tower in order to understand and recognize these changes and developments. Roland Barthes clarifies the relationship between the primary meaning and the secondary meaning or the myth in two parts. He insists that he presents his mythical signifier in an ambiguous way; The signifier is synonymous with the same shape, it is full on one side and empty on the other. The meaning of this statement is that the military salute of a young black man is a tangible reality and more importantly, it belongs to history. The young black man had a special life before entering the military, which And it has been so, and if the myth does not grab hold of it and does not turn it into a parasite, it is completely self-sufficient and has meaning. Barthes means that the mythological signifier is full of meaning, referring to this historicity, but when the meaning is transformed into a form, it becomes empty.

If we want to look at the mythology of the Milad Tower in the form of meaning and form, and consider the mythological sign that consists of meaning and form as a closed whole, then consider the Milad Tower as a telecommunication tower that serves the development of urban communication and telecommunication infrastructures. Let's assume that it seeks to respond to the communication services of Tehrani citizens. This meaning of the tower was the primary goal and also something that existed in the goals of the tower and the intentions of its builders. But this meaning has undergone a distortion in the process of becoming a form and subsequent mythmaking, it has become a commercial, entertainment, restaurant center, and in a sense a base for consumption and luxury, which has become a form. It is this package that shapes the myth of Milad Tower and shows consumerism and luxury in this myth. This meaning and form does not hide and hide itself in any way, but it is the appearance and the inside of consumption that makes the ideological aspect of this myth. As a consumption myth, Milad Tower, in addition to the ideological dimension of consumption, requires supervision and diligence to advance the project it is responsible for. The height of this tower is like a nose that watches over the consumption behavior of the citizens. Being monitored in the form of eyes and eyes and waiting for more consumption and showing these luxuries is always demanded by the society and the tower as the whole between observes and wants all these behaviors. This is a terrible control system in the form of consumption and trying to keep up with the caravan that rules and supervises the society.

The results of this research show that consumerism and luxury are the arrays that decorate the Milad Tower myth and like the omniscient who has the power to control and inject norms from above, consumerism has ruled over the society and led the people of the society towards this value. calls and in this way it is monitored and those who do not follow this rule are called to account. Therefore, the urban identity in Tehran is formed by consumption and myth-making around the Milad Tower and becoming a part of it, which part It drives many people out of this sense of belonging.

The emergence of social divisions have been effective in the emergence of social-political currents, determining the type of political, party, electoral systems and the nature and process of competitions, etc. Political-social competition of political-party and civil organizations and political-social currents in modern societies claiming democracy is inevitable. This thesis seeks to answer this basic question with explanatory-analytical and descriptive method, why the participation and competition of political, social and intellectual currents in Iran is mainly due to the crisis of institutional trust (to civil institutions and political organizations) since the middle of the 1370s. Has it lasted until 1400? The hypothesis of the research is that inflexible polarization and power-hungry, law-abiding, non-transparent, unorganized and non-committed to civil and democratic principles and ethics, national independence and cohesion lead to a crisis of institutional trust in the government and civil institutions, lack of peaceful political dynamism. It has been in the political processes of the country. The findings of this research show that the polarization between two competing social and political currents, fundamentalist and reformist, leads to relative instability in the social-political system of the society, a significant decrease in social capital centered on public trust in political-party currents and It has even been ruled.

The main purpose of this article is to analyze the disintegration of government in third-world countries using network policy. Although networks pursue different goals, they seek to strengthen the resources of the relationship between individuals. In network politics, the central position of action, political power is the subject of conflict and gaining more power is the most important goal of political action. The interaction between these two concepts, That is, social capital and network-based analysis means adopting a network perspective on social capital in a qualitative way and involving the government in this analysis. The results of this study show that specific resources are flowing within the political networks, which include social capital or integrated capital, depending on the way of distinguishing people inside the network From others outside the network. Although these networks seek to gain a greater share of society's scarce resources of political power, economic wealth, and social prestige, the main issue in the conflict is the acquisition of political power. The point of contention is the state arena or within and around the state. Although research on The social structure has been the focus of network analysis, network policy, while considering both structural and cognitive-normative dimensions, emphasizes the quality of norms and the type of strategies that political actors adopt to achieve greater political power.