khalil sardarnia

The establishment of the Islamic Republic following the 1979 revolution (1357 in the Iranian calendar) marked a new chapter in the history of political parties in Iran, endowing them with a distinct identity. By combining Islamic values with democratic principles, this system defined a unique framework for party activities. However, despite the existence of party laws and the formation of numerous political organizations, these entities have failed to play an effective role in advancing political development and achieving the ideals of Islamic democracy. This study, focusing on the period from 1997 to 2023 (1376-1402), seeks to explore the factors contributing to this ineffectiveness within the context of the Islamic Republic. The central research question is: why, despite the presence of a legal framework and the large number of political parties, have they been unable to secure their proper place within the Islamic democratic system or deliver the expected outcomes? This research is significant because a systematic and scientific analysis of the obstacles and challenges confronting political parties can pave the way for practical solutions to enhance their role in political development and the realization of Islamic democratic goals.

Data collection was carried out in two phases: library research and fieldwork. The fieldwork involved conducting semi-structured interviews with two groups: university professors and party-civic activists. This was supplemented by an extensive review of existing literature and the theoretical framework of the study. The semi-structured interview protocol consisted of fifteen open-ended questions, which formed the basis for open and axial coding and qualitative content analysis, facilitating the extraction of research categories. After gathering and compiling the responses, in-text codes were identified and categorized. These categories were then developed into subcategories, which ultimately led to the formation of main categories. The results for each group were presented in separate tables. Throughout this process, the principle of theoretical data saturation was applied to ensure comprehensiveness and prevent redundancy.

The findings, derived from expert opinions, indicate that party and civil activism in Iran faces multifaceted, deeply rooted structural challenges, which can be categorized into four main levels: 1) Legal and Structural Challenges: These include limited space for party activities due to biased legal interpretations, the absence of comprehensive party laws, legal restrictions, government-imposed limitations, a security-driven perspective on political activism, the lack of recognition of parties’ roles in elections, restrictions on freedom of expression, and the inefficiency of legal mechanisms. 2) Internal Organizational and Behavioral Challenges: These encompass weakened party performance and declining public trust due to the lack of party maturity, insufficient engagement with society, reliance on individual leaders, opportunistic behavior, hostile rivalries, disregard for legal norms, lack of financial transparency, absence of internal democracy, poor accountability and conflict management, contradictory actions, overreliance on slogans, weak organizational cohesion, dependence on government or foreign entities, and inadequate training of party members. 3) Challenges in Communication with Society: These involve diminished legitimacy and public acceptance due to a disconnect from the populace, weakened ties with the social base, neglect of public opinion, failure to address societal issues, lack of solidarity with protests, public distrust of political parties and civil institutions, discrediting of intellectual elites, and ineffective networking. 4) Challenges in Relations with the Ruling Establishment: These include a growing gap and lack of constructive interaction caused by insufficient efforts to promote dialogue, the absence of institutionalized communication mechanisms, party conservatism, the closure of electoral channels, suppression of independent civil institutions, and the ruling establishment’s disregard for civil demands.

The analysis of solutions proposed by university professors, researchers, and party-civic activists suggests that overcoming the challenges faced by political parties and civil activism in Iran requires a comprehensive, multidimensional approach encompassing structural, legal, behavioral, and communicative reforms. Key recommendations include: Strengthening Communication with Society and Party Members: This can be achieved by ensuring continuous engagement with the public, representing public demands, promoting transparency in party operations, and establishing local branches. Enhancing Transparency and Accountability: Legal obligations, internal mechanisms for accountability, transparent performance, and oversight processes are essential to improve party credibility. Removing Legal and Structural Obstacles: This involves eliminating restrictive laws, financially empowering political parties, institutionalizing party politics, and ensuring media access. Changing Government Attitudes and Promoting a Culture of Party Politics and Democracy: Political will, fostering dialogue with parties, respecting diverse opinions, and amending constitutional provisions are necessary steps. Other Recommendations: These include ending negative rivalries, providing political education, ensuring financial independence for parties, promoting ethical practices, and fulfilling election promises. This comprehensive approach aims to reform existing structures and laws, strengthen political parties and civil institutions, and foster changes in societal attitudes and the political culture.

With the significant emergence of economic-livelihood crises from the second half of the 2010s onwards and protests in the country, Teachers have also participated in these demanding in self-motivated street forums. The interesting point in these demands, was desperation and despair towards Guild unions and civil institutions, in the unique conditions that internet social networks have created to organize protests. The main question of the current research is why, in recent years, teachers do not carry out their Guild union Demandings through Guild unions? by using the theory of street politics and by using library and internet resources as well as the field method (Structured interview) and with qualitative and quantitative content analysis method of obtained data, this hypothesis was proposed: the decrease in trust in the functions of Guild unions, their conservatism and the lack of continuous pursuit of Guild union, along with high capacities of mobilization, stimulation and participation of Internet social networks, they have influenced the street and self-motivation of teachers' union demands and the reduction of the role of trade unions in recent years. Therefore, with solutions such as: providing freedom for guild union and institutional activities of teachers, creating arrangements and legal opportunities to deliver demands to the authorities, the need to strengthen legality and belief in the law, the need to continuously follow up demands by trade unions, etc., we can trust the organizations trade union and as a result institutionalized demands were brought back to the society.

In this article, the main question is what were the most important reasons for labor protests in Asaluyeh and its consequences from the second half of the 2010s onwards, and the most important suggestions for institutionalizing demands and preventing labor radicalism from the perspective of model indicators and governance theory. what are good The general finding of this field research with the interview technique of workers, workers and experts indicates the first place of economic components, the second place of social and cultural components and then the third place of institutional components (supervisory, trust, regulatory, etc.) as drivers. or the roots of the labor protests were in Asalouye. Of course, in the eyes of experts, due to their specialized knowledge and the importance of institutional factors, the importance of institutional components in rooting protests and consequences was high compared to workers. Some of the most important consequences of these labor protests for the country were: increasing the vulnerability of internal security, decreasing trust and weak acceptability of government institutions and labor unions, and the contagion effects of labor protests to similar areas. In the end, to prevent labor radicalism and institutionalize their demands, practical suggestions were presented from the perspective of good governance theory.

This analytical-descriptive study And with the method of historical sociology, by using the theoretical foundations related to the concept of political stability and instability, it has sought to answer this question why Bahrain and Qatar, despite having similar characteristics in the indicators related to the economic (oil revenues), social indicators (lack of strong civil institutions), cultural indicators (subordinate tribal political culture), and paternalism political structure, have undergone different fates of stability and instability in the region following the Arab Spring. The research hypothesis indicates that Bahrain's political unrest following the Arab Spring was caused by factors including the country's history of Shia political upheaval, the unfair distribution of wealth, positions, and jobs, and Shias' perceived inferiority in society as evidenced by indicators of economic, social, and political governance. On the other hand, Qatar has enjoyed relative political stability since the Arab Spring, owing to factors such as a relatively homogeneous religious distribution (Shia minority), the continuation of relatively good welfare, economic, and social indicators, and gradual top-down political liberalization.

Ethnicity has had important role in socio-political developments in 21 century. This role has been obvious in underdeveloped and developing countries and developed countries. The purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between the security-political vulnerabilities of this province and Iran's limited access order and to provide solutions within the framework of institutionalism to maintain and increase security in this province. Using the descriptive-analytical method and the methodological-theoretical approach of institutionalism with an emphasis on the limited access orders, this article seeks to answer the question that from the perspective of the theory of institutionalism, what is the relationship between Iran's limited access order and the security and political vulnerabilities of Kurdistan province? The findings of the article indicate that Iran's limited access system by negatively affecting economic, political and social indicators causes its security and political vulnerabilities, and not paying attention to the improvement and promotion of these indicators can escalate the security threats of the province and endanger national security.

The social and guild protests from 2017 onward are a turning point in Iran because of intrinsically and formal differences with the protests in past. This research has been done by street politics theory and exploration-content analysis method by emphasis a social- guild protesters and viewpoint of expert. The authors try to answer this question: What are the differences between intrinsic and formal   past protests the social and guild protests from 2017 onward and the past protests and why have been happened? The main findings of this study follow that: This protest intrinsically have been spontaneous- direct in street, leaderless, innovation in protest tactics, distrust to civic- guild assemblies, serial-continues horizontal relation whit other protests and so on. The information of this study shows that economic, political, social, motivational, environmental and legal variables respectively have been impact on this protest, but the economic variables have been in the most effectives.

Economic transparency is one of the most important indexes in democracies. Non control of economic corruption led to weakening of political legitimacy of government. By explanation method and interview to Shiraz"s academic Elites, in this study, has been tried to answer this question: how much is successful and acceptable the function of civil society in it's function and combat to economic corruption and why? The main finding of this study shows the unacceptable function of civil society in Iran due to these reasons: impediments in governmental structures and absence of legal, possible and encouragement opportunities and in other hand due to weakness and dysfunctions in civil society such as none serious practical performance and action in pay attention to political transparency to general demand and shaping a social movement and absent of public opinion In the end, practical recommendation be noted in modification and enforcement of surveillance mechanism and transparency.

The main question is: what is the relationship between national and religious identities (legitimizing identity) and ethnic and virtual identities (namely protest- resistance identity) with political trust of interviewers in three levels of political system, government institutions and elites? The total finding show the negative- significant relationship between ethnic and virtual identities with political trust and positive- significant between national, family and religious identities and political trust. The independent variables have been determinant in in political trust in political system level at 45 percent, political institutions 39 percent and political elites 19 percent. So all five hypothesis verified as well as all used theories such as institutionalism, uneven development and relative deprivation in ethnic variable in Pierson correlation and virtual identity in all statistics methods. By the means, the findings of this study is same and congruent to another mentioned studies in negative correlation between two protest- resistance identity (ethnic and virtual ones) and political trust for Kurds population or others.

The Middle East is the scene of intense regional and trans-regional competitions. The present study aims at investigating the possible scenarios regarding the future of Iran-Iraq relations. The most possible scenarios include cooperation, competition, and competition along with coordination. This study scrutinizes these scenarios by using historical evidence and focusing upon the geopolitical, political, economic, and identity-related variables. Although it is impossible to confidently prognosticate a scenario for the future relations of two countries, the signs of more cooperation and less tension in the relations of the two countries resulted from a variety of variables and reasons can be seen in the horizon. The most important indicators of possible competition include competition in the oil industry, political leadership, border disputes, regional and trans-regional activism, and environmental problems. On the other hand, the most significant indicators of cooperation encompass common security issues, convergence in the economic sphere, cultural and religious links, humanitarian aids and especially the perception of a common danger from Takfiri groups such as ISIL. Findings of the study indicate that the ‘competition along with cooperation’ scenario has the maximum likelihood of occurrence in the future of Iran-Iraq relations.

The main question of this research is, what is the relationship between trust to cyber social networks and social trust factors and institutional trust among students? The main hypothesis is that trust on social networks (facebook, twitter and etc) has meaningful impact on factors of social trust (family and religious & national identity) and institutional trust in two levels of government and civil institutions. The overall finding of this study shows that in the form of structural equations, 38% of the dependent variable,means institutional trust, was determined by independent variables, means trust in the social network and the mediating variables of social factors (family, national identity, and religious identity).Trust in social networks has a 26% negative effect on social factors of trust specially national identity, and this decrease in social trust also reduces institutional trust specially in governmental- sovereignty level. Among the components of social factors, national identity has the most negative impact on social networks with 23%; among institutional components, trust in political institutions indirectly has the highest negative impact on 14% of social networks, ultimately the main hypothesis of this research is proved.

In this research by using two theories namely structure- agency and needs pyramid of Maslow, has been tried to answer this question: what are achievements and challenges of impediments of political liberalization in Qatar from 1995 onward? The research hypothesis is, Qatar society has been seen some achievements and primitive political liberalization such as in media sphere specially in Aljazeera satellite network, nearly competitive election, primitive expression freedom and reformation in constitution and parliament. But nevertheless have been had serious challenges in this process due to structural reasons such as absence of serious political willingness in sovereignty for deep and comprehensive reformation, socio-political conservative structure, mootness of strong traditional and cultural norms and non- structural reasons such as: weakness of civil agents and assemblies and priority of more people’s welfare-subsistence needs to political liberalization. The main finding of this article follows that: in spite of non-denying of some reformation and primitive political liberalization, this country has had more gap with real and consolidated democracy due to structural challenges and impediments and non- structural one’s among of agents and citizens.

Citizenship rights with political, civic and social dimensions are the fundamental elements of democracy and political development. This research has been done with aim of critical reappraisal of newspapers contents in Iran about human rights. In this study, Shargh and Keyhan are two case studies belong to reformist and conservatives as to important streamline in Iran. The methodology is quantitative content analysis. The main questions are: how and how much have been the performance of these newspapers in pay attention to and informing of audience to cognitive and practical- objective indexes of human rights? By the means, what are the viewpoints of elites about this performance of newspapers? The main findings of this study follow that: these newspapers have not done their role well and preferable in promotion of human rights due to the reasons such as: fractional and political dependencies, intellectual and financial dependency, none transparency, censorship, unfairness in speech, false and politicized analyses and informing functions and neglecting of professional ethics in journalism and then, have been faced to legitimacy crisis and challenges in views of public opinions and peoples.

Political participation is one of the most important signs of political development, which its quality and format differs from society to society. The realization of institutionalization and political participation requires the preparation of the psycho-social, cultural, economic and political conditions of each society. The purpose of this research is to investigate the impact of effective social and cultural factors, such as media, associations, social networks and friendship groups, on the political participation of students in political and party organizations. Quantitative and qualitative studies have shown that modern and classical media have been influential in political parties and political and civil formations. Today, modern communication and information technologies are considered as the driving engine of political, economic and cultural globalization and the spread of democracy     The research method is quantitative by using a questionnaire technique. Political participation is one of the fundamental requirements of citizenship and is one of the indispensable necessities of the political system in the twenty-first century and one of the main indicators of political development. This research is also based on a survey method and a questionnaire technique for collecting data and information. Dependent variable and some independent variables are measured based on the Likert spectrum. SPSS software was used to analyze the data; In order to extract the effect of each independent and intermediate variables on the dependent variable, Amos 22 software was used to analyze the paths. The statistical population in this study was Shiraz University students whose number in the academic year (1396) was about 16 thousand.   The present research try to answer this question that which one of the below factors (mass media, both classical and new, domestic and international, social networks and factors or social variables such as friends' groups and membership and cooperation with associations) has the most effect on the young people's political orientation and participation in parties and political organizations? The findings of present research indicate that the effects of media and virtual network with the intermediation of the association and friends on political participation are generally significant, up to the virtual network 0.110 and its lower limit is 0.040 that are both directional and its coefficient is 0.01. Also, the internal media has upper limit 0.0257 and bottom limit 0.0127 and significant is 0.01. The external media also has a high level of 0.042 and a low of 0.005 and its significant coefficient is equal to 0.02, which confirms the assumption that associations and friends have a mediating role in relation to the predictor variables of political participation. All relationships are meaningful. Internal media has the most impact on the community. The impact of it is 0.603, as well as the virtual network, has the highest impact after the medium, with a coefficient of 0.476. Interestingly, the virtual network has the greatest impact on political participation among variables. The group also has a significant impact (0.288) on the political participation. The results of the research indicate that, respectively, access and active communication with social networks in cyberspace, group friends, membership in civic and voluntary associations, domestic media and, ultimately, foreign media (radio and satellite television) on the tendencies and political participation of students at Shiraz University in political parties and political organizations have a positive and meaningful effect. The important role here is that the influence of the media on associations and friends that interfere with political participation. Of course, media are also directly affected. The importance of the media in the world today, especially in the broader field of policy, can be very effective in the process of community participation, especially political participation.

Minimal political liberalization or democracy is not the same as maximalist and institutionalized democracy and does not lead to the necessity, consolidation and institutionalization of democracy. Achieving this goal requires favorable conditions and opportunities in the structure of power and sovereignty and political and civil actors. This research is based on an analytical-explanatory research method and a socio-political approach in the framework of structure-agent structural theory and with the aim of analyzing the roots and challenges of political liberalization in Jordan. The process which began with the economic crisis and social movements of the middle classes and the masses in Jordan since 1989, and was stirred by the Arab Spring. While it is unrealistic to overlook some of Jordan's early progress on democracy, it still faces major challenges and shortcomings. The most important research question is, "What have been the major political and social obstacles or challenges facing the political liberalization process in Jordan in the last three decades?" The research hypothesis is that the process of political liberalization in Jordan has led to some changes in the structure of power, political leadership, social movements, and democratic civil and political actors that distinguish the political system from the Persian Gulf monarchies. However, they also face significant structural, and non-structural challenges, shortcomings, and obstacles: weak political will in the rule, elite domination and dominance of traditional-tribal government and actors in the structure of political power, institutionalization of the culture of allegiance among masses , and political and ideological gaps among protesters and social forces and actors.

The rise and spread of Salafi-Takfiri movements is one of the subjects that has seriously attracted the attention of socio-political analysts. Perhaps can be told, ISIS is the most radical Takfiri group that world has ever seen already. ISIS has been shaped from very different composition such as literates, illiterates, religious fanatics, children, women, and foreigners. More than 550 Muslim women has been attained to ISIS from western countries. In this research, by explanative and discursive methodology with emphasis on theoretical framework of Lacla and Moffe, has been tried to answer this question: what is the position of women in ISIS’ discourse and why? In answer to this question, the hypothesis is that: in ISIS discourse by axis of Islam as central signifier and important factor in making of Islamic State (Caliphate), the women has high position beside of men due to these reasons: breeding in the path of making Islamic Society (Ommah), jihadi mothers for consolidation of Islamic society, emancipation of Muslim women from secular society and suicide attacks and intimidating of the west.

Intellectuals are one of the important efficient social forces in political processes and policy making at sovereignty level. Besides they are one of the important and influential reference groups that give shape to public opinion. In Iran in 19 century, with civilizational collision with the West was shaped the intellectual mainstream under the impacts of Iran’s socio-political developments. In this research, the authors try to explain the reasons and factors of intellectual’s transition from democratic ideas and beliefs to the idea of authoritative state in two time periods of constitutionalism and Pahlavi by using explanative method and knowledge sociology and romanticism. In response to this question, it must be told that in this metamorphosis rooted in socio-political factors in constitutional age such as political anarchy, Protorianism, national sovereignty crisis, non-realization of democratic ideals and principles and public tiredness of socio-political turbulence. The finding of this article shows that the intellectual mainstream in the beginning years of constitutional revolution and its critical situation came to this conclusion that in the absence of authoritative state or government as a main motivation for development, there would be no hope for national sovereignty and development and additionally without authoritative stability, liberties lead to anarchism and national humiliation.

Up-down democratic transitions occur in reaction to internal and external obligations and necessities by governments. This kind of transition begins in the form of liberalization and minimal democracy, and then in the process of time can lead to consolidation of democracy by providing various good situations and responsibility in government, people and civic associations. By adopting political-sociological approach and causal- analytical explanative method, the important aim of this research is finding the answer of this question: What are the most important roots or efficient factors effecting on liberalization and gradual democracy in Kuwait from the 1990s onward? Research hypothesis: The most important factors effecting on liberalization and gradual democracy in Kuwait from the 1990s onward are the invasion of Iraq to Kuwait as an important external opportunity, the intensification of demands for democracy in civic associations, civic actors and social movements, political cleavages in power block or ruling elites and the impacts of press and the internet on awareness and attitude changes. The main findings of this study indicate that against other Arab countries of the region, and with regard to some obligations, Kuwait’s government move realistically toward gradual political liberalization and this process continued in controlled manner. This transition has mainly occurred by tactical aims than substantive one and then, probably would face challenges in future.

In this article, the emphasis has been on analysis of the mechanism and legal obligations about reations of guilds and professional unions with state, their deficiencies and weak institutionalizing of this relation in Iran. This study has been conducted by interdisciplinary manner in two courses of public law and political sciences. The main questions in this article are: What are the important legal mechanism and obligations on the activities and interaction of guilds with state in Iran in two last decades? What have been the important efficient variables on the non-full successfulness of professional unions and their weak interaction with state in Iran? In answer must be said that: in the professional system law and the constitution, have been articulated the obligations, preconditions and necessary opportunities for the activities of professional unions, and then, Must try to find the reasons of non-full successfulness of these actors in political, organizational and sociological variables. Of course, in his article, have not been denied the relative practical successfulness and organizational advancement of them, but have nearly much distance with ideal type.

The aim of this research is the analysis of internet’s impact on shaping silent revolution in Middle East and then, occurrence of Arab spring in the context of this revolution in framework of Ingelhart theory. By attention to this aim, the author has tried to give quantitative and analytical answer to this question: what is the most important factor on shaping of silent revolution in urban and educated youth in the Middle East from 2000s onward? What is the behavioral repercussion of this revolution? Without denying the impact of development in educational system as control variable, the hypothesis in this research is that the increasing of availability and using internet from the second half of 2000s decade onward has been led to shaping of silent revolution in attitude dimension and then, in shaping and intensification of protest actions in cyber and non-cyber sphere and Arab spring at behavioral one. By attention to these socio-political circumstances, The Middle East region has been the focus attention of mass media, analysts and public opinion in the world.
Design/Methodology/Approach: This paper is formed and based on causal-analytical explanative method and secondary analysis of data by using of attitude-value survey data from regional and world research centers.
Findings: The result of this research is that in more than one last decade, internet has been much efficient on the changing of urban and educated youth at value-attitude and behavioral dimensions in Middle East. This change can be named as silent revolution. But this result cannot be verified for illiterate or little literate masses, so we cannot deny the impact of educational system as a field or control variable that has been hypothesized in this research. Findings of this research show that without these value/attitude developments and changes, we couldn’t see the last political protests in this region. Of course, it is so soon that these protests are named as a revolution. But by extension of these changes in value and behavioral dimensions and other requirements in future, probably we will see the development toward to real revolution. At present time in the context of attitude and awareness changing, the urban and educated youth acts as the important actor in socio-political sphere of Middle East.
Originality/Value: The silent revolution is an idiom that has been used for changes in socio-political values and beliefs. This revolution can be an introduction or incitement for political protest and socio-political developments. The present research is new due to reasons such as: absence of direct research with this title, application of the theory of silent revolution, using world and regional value survey centers and then, making relation between value and awareness changes and political protests in Middle East and North Africa in the last decade. In this research, it has been tried to test a fulfilled theory in west Europe but now in a different region.

Public diplomacy is an idiom that has been noticed increasingly in last decades due to extension of internet and satellite news networks. This type of diplomacy be used related to influence, guidance and mobilization of public opinion for the aims of governmental and non-governmental agents. In this article, the author tried to give analytical answer to this question: in spite of being newest, why satellite network of Al-Jazeera has been more successful than western satellite networks in public policy and influence in public opinion in Arab world? The most rezones are: Independence and political taboo-breaking in news-image coverage, critical and analytical content, criticism of U.S.A dominance and it’s interventions in the region, pan-Arabism and pan-Islamism in discourse, defense of Palestinians rights, new and attractive techniques and structure in in news-image coverage and arrangement of political and analytical panels with emphasis on main issues of the middle east. The research method is secondary analysis of data and analytical-causal explanation. The most finding of this research is that: the Al-Jazeera network due to above- mentioned reasons has been successful in regional public diplomacy and influence in public opinion in middle east and north Africa, the peak point of that was the quickening role of this network in the mobilization and continuance of protests in the recent revolutions. So the role-and the position of this network must be notices by analysts.

Shaping and institutionalizing federalism as the most famous local-regional democratic governance requires extension of civic and democratic political culture, overcoming identity crisis, etc. Federalism was one of the mechanisms of international coalition under the leadership of America for stablishing peace and democracy in Iraq, but it was fulfilled only in Kurdistan and not in central and southern regions. The aim of this article is the analysis of the impact of identity crisis and entrenched undemocratic political culture on nonfulfillment of federalism in Iraq by using a political- sociological approach. The main question is that why federalism didn’t fulfill in Iraq? In this article, the hypothesis is that: historical and entrenched identity crisis in Iraq in the past century and the supremacy of subjective and religious-ethnic political culture over civic - democratic ones, have led to a failure in implementing federalism in this country. This article concludes that, the identity crisis due to imposed nation-state building in the recent decade, ethnic-religious violence and divergent political culture in post-Saddam Iraq led to the un-fulfillment of federalism.