maghsood ranjbar

The purpose of the present research is to investigate and identify the factors and instances of globalization in the attitude of reformist and fundamentalist elites. The research had a practical objective and data collection was conducted by library study through a descriptive and analytical method. The results showed that since globalization is a project proposed by reformist elites and compatible with their intellectual foundation, it inevitably has caused improvement in different fields of identity, culture, economy, politics, foreign policy, and national sovereignty. On the other hand, since conservative and fundamentalist elites believe in an ideological government, ideological and traditional discourse, and mass society, globalization from their viewpoint could not bring any opportunity and has had no result but threatening the identity, culture, economy, politics, foreign policy, and national sovereignty of the country. It seems that this group of elites do not have an optimist attitude toward globalization to bring any opportunities in the fields of identity, culture, economy, politics, foreign policy, and national sovereignty.

The purpose of the present study is to review the nature and causes of the failure of economic adjustment policies in Iran from the view of political economics. The research method is descriptive-analytic and it relies on the hypothesis that since development theories are directly related to political economics in every society and its structure should be executed based on economic and strategic planning in the country, the Iranian government’s intervention and its outstanding share as a catalyst in the process of development or underdevelopment have been the main causes of Iran’s failure in its economic adjustment policies during 19089 to 2020. This predicament has gradually led Iran astray in preventing it from the appropriate execution of its development plans which led to the deterioration of economic and social conditions in the country. It not only has removed needed conditions and background for development, but also has had threatening consequences such as economic development crisis and fragile multilateral improvement in the country.

By recognizing the inherent duality of private law and public law, each domain has been allocated its distinct territory. Despite the relative and interconnected nature of these realms, the application of public law within its designated territory is essential due to its specific role, functions, and methodologies. Throughout history, fundamental rights (public laws) have governed the relationship between the government and its citizens, while private rights (civil laws) have governed the interactions between individuals. This demarcation of territories is not exclusive to Iran; numerous countries worldwide have embraced this division, leading to significant substantive and procedural implications.Notably, in recent years, Iran has witnessed a notable expansion of the public law domain within its legal system, which has raised concerns about its extent. This expansion can be attributed to several underlying reasons. One primary factor is the inadequacy and limitations of existing private law regulations in resolving societal issues. Consequently, legislators are compelled to address private law matters by formulating solutions based on public law principles, inadvertently diverting the core problem into the realm of public law. This practice, however, fails to address the root causes and restricts the available solutions to those provided by public law. As a result, the practical scope of public law expands beyond its intended boundaries. The excessive and multifaceted growth of public law can have far-reaching detrimental effects.Thus, the central question emerges: What potential harm can the development of public law inflict on citizens' rights, and what are the driving forces behind this expansion in Iran? This research posits that the government's inclination towards exercising authority, excessive interventions in social and economic matters, undervaluing of liberal principles, a tendency to resort to public law in ambiguous cases, and the adaptable nature of public law methods are among the contributing factors to the widening scope of public law. Moreover, the duality of influences on Iran's public law system—Western legal traditions and Shia jurisprudence—has led to its distinct development. Some facets of Iran's public law draw inspiration from Western legal systems, while others find their origins in Shia legal doctrines.It is worth noting that Iran's legal system is bound by Article 4 of the Constitution, which mandates the utilization of Sharia rulings and adherence to Islamic standards in all laws and regulations. This requirement, however, diverges from Western legal systems where such a mandate is not observed.The realm of public law has undergone extensive development, permeating even the most intimate legal issues. Notable examples of this expansion include the broadening of public law in labor law, characterized by significant government interventions in the field. Similarly, the realm of public law has made significant strides in business law, and its influence has extended to matters concerning property rights. The objective of this research is to contribute to the advancement of public law in Iran by conducting a comprehensive analysis of its benefits and drawbacks through a systematic examination of its expansion.To fulfill this objective, we delve into the causes and factors behind the development of the public law realm, providing noteworthy examples that illustrate its expansion. The research findings establish the undeniable separation of the realms of private and public rights, despite ongoing debates regarding their differentiation. In practice, even legal systems that advocate for the unity of public and private law demonstrate a distinct educational system for public law. By acknowledging the distinction between public law and private law, while acknowledging the inherent difficulty in delineating these realms in certain cases, each legal field can be allocated its designated sphere.In recent years, there has been a notable surge in the expansion and growth of the public law realm. Numerous issues that were traditionally and conventionally within the purview of private law have now either entirely or to a significant extent fallen under the domain of public law.

Religious democracy is a new model of religious government that was proposed by some modernist religious thinkers and emerged after the victory of the Islamic revolution. In spite of the modernity of this theory, it has not yet been able to show the degree of Islam; And not much research has been done on why. (Background) In this regard, we are faced with the question of what effect the Salafist and fundamentalist ideas branched off from Sayyid Qutb's thoughts have had on the non-expansion of religious democracy in Islamic societies. The challenge facing the expansion of religious democracy in the Islamic world is, in addition to liberalist ideas, Salafist ideas based on the opposite. The thought based on appearanceism, anti-rationalism and fatalism of Seyyed Qutb, which is mixed with concepts such as ignorance, elementary jihad and caliphate, has had a direct role in creating and expanding this challenge. ) while criticizing Seyed Qutb's political thought and the influence of his political thought in Salafi-Takfiri groups and currents, show that one of the challenges facing the expansion of religious democracy is Salafi and fundamentalist ideas. And it is possible to overcome the challenge of expanding this modern religious model by relying on political Islam based on rationality and ijtihad and synergy with the balanced groups of the Islamic world.

The approach of liberal and Marxist thinkers, as the two dominant ideas in the twentieth century on freedom, shows their worldview on the issue of freedom and fundamental rights of individuals. The question is, which theories liberals and Marxists hold on the concept of freedom which was gained based on historical experience over the past century? Also, to what extent, are their views towards individual rights and freedoms of their citizens and recognition of these rights and freedoms in practice different from each other?! In Berlin's view, Liberals conception of freedom is negative as opposed to Marxists which is a positive conception. Having considered the historical experiences and Marxists and liberals’ views in the last century, it seems that what guarantees the free will and constitutional liberties of individuals is the negative conception of freedom while the positive conception of freedom could lead to denial of free will and ultimately tyranny. Therefore, the main purpose of this article is to study, compare and determine the status of freedom (especially the common interpretation such as negative freedom and positive freedom) in comparison with the principles and rules governing the two political ideas of liberalism and Marxism.

Public policy requires collective action and, consequently, depends on the path. This issue has been less considered in policy-making, and we need to pay attention to and analyze its negative effects in this field, But how does path dependence cause these kinds of adverse effects? Route dependence on locking and subjugation now in the past prevents policies from changing due to changing circumstances and the passage of time. The present article, by searching in various books and articles, examines the negative consequences and examples of path-related processes as an important and effective obstacle in policy-making and shows how and in what context this factor will have an effect; how and by what mechanism it intervenes in decision-making and non-decision-making. Also by giving examples of the negative effects of this factor in economic and political contexts over time; Its destructive effects have been mentioned. Since the dependence on the path in economics and transiently in management has been dealt with, so this has been the stimulus for the regulation of the forthcoming writing, to draw attention to the above factor in policy.

This comparative study aimed to investigate anthropology and the status of the ruler from the perspectives of Hobbes and Khajeh Nezam Al-Mulk. On the one hand, we have Hobbes representing Western Thinking where God and Religion have no position as the human soul has prevailed, while, on the other hand, we have a Muslim thinker whose ideas have been derived taken from the Qur'an and a Hadith (Quotes from the Prophet). In this research, we first seek to review the political thinking of Hobbes and Khajeh Nezam Al-Mulk Tusi, and secondly, to investigate the position of the government in the thinking of these two thinkers. Using the library method, data were collected and after the data were collected, the differences and similarities between the two views were stated and finally, the following results were inferred: 1- There are fundamental differences between the two views and ideas of these two philosophers with the differences being that Hobbes thinks only based on mundane and human thinking and encounters many doubts and contradictions, whereas Khajeh states his thinking based on Islam and Revelation. 2. Hobbes's political thinking is originally extra-religious and is based on the social contract, while the political thinking of Khajeh Nezam Al-Mulk is based on religion and religious decrees. However, the two thinkers are mostly similar in the sense that they regard security preceding over justice and equality being the most important concept when justifying the absolute governance. The most important findings of this study suggest that Hobbes focuses more on the law as being more in favor of the ruler with the people following the ruler completely; hence this is a prelude to the formation of absolute states. This is while Khajeh considers people slaves to the ruler while emphasizing the ruler's Divine Right. Accordingly, this could intensify domination. The two thinkers consider the security of the people and the society under the shadow of the ruler with Hobbes regarding the ruler as an elected representative of the people and social contract and Khajeh calling him as selected by God. In this article, attempts were made to review and compare the issues using the historical and analytical method proposed by Skinner.

By correctly understanding the concept of religion and media, it prevents the confusion of different meanings and examines different approaches to the relationship between religion and media on television from the perspective of Western philosophers and theorists with the presence of religion in individual life and its accompaniment in social and media processes. And in the discussion of the realm of human expectation from religion, we express the views of thinkers such as Allameh Tabatabai, Martyr Motahhari, Martyr Sadr, Ayatollah Javadi Amoli, who consider the realm of religion to be wide. That is, they believe that religion interferes in all areas of humanity. Then we examine the views of Bazargan, Dr. Soroush and Mr. Mojtahedi Shabestari, who have so-called minimum expectations of religion. Examining the different views of essentialism, instrumentalism, functionalism, culturalism, satisfaction and usefulness, functional structure and convergence, we came to the point that the media can be directed to propagate religion and deepen the religiosity of religious people. Due to the importance of religion throughout human history,no phenomenon such as the media can ignore religion, and from another perspective, due to the extraordinary position and role of television, religious people and religious institutions can not be indifferent to it. And the knowledge of Sima is a proof of this claim.In this article, by reviewing the views and opinions of thinkers in the field of convergence between religion and media, we express the necessity and possibility of intelligently using the capacity of the media in converging with religion.

The process of privatization in Iran began in 1978, and after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, with the passage of several laws, the phenomenon of privatization was seriously placed on the agenda of government officials. But the important point is that in the laws of Iran, there is no clear definition of privatization, private, public and public sector, and even some different legal materials, lead to the inference of concepts of heterogeneity with each other. Finally, the existing conclusions in this regard will not be possible except by studying the history of the debate at the global level and the leading countries in this field. France can be considered one of the pioneers of the privatization process. However, there is no definition of privatization in the country's laws, However, according to some legal materials and the history of debate in this country towards us, in the above-mentioned concepts, there is no serious theoretical difference in the legal and economic works of French scholars. Finally, the main question of the author is to study the nature and concept of privatization in Iran and France. In order to explain the hypothesis of the current research, it can be stated that privatization in France is limited to the mere transfer of assets of national companies to the private sector. But in Iranian law, privatization involves the transfer of assets, the removal of state control, and the transfer of public and private affairs to the private sector.

Iranian thinkers, befitting to the time and context, each chose a different approach in dealing with the West and modernity. The purpose of this study is to understand Shariati's attitude towards the West and modernity and by using qualitative content analysis method and quoting his works and based on the theoretical framework of the Frankfurt School, this research seeks to achieve this goal and answer the question: what is Shariati's position and view on the essence of the West and modernity? He seems to have taken a selective and critical look at the essence of the West and modernity, insisting on the need to use modernity properly and maintain an identity against the essence of the West. According to the evidence, Shariati's view of the essence of the West is from the perspective of civilization and colonialism. He was interested in the positive and scientific aspects of Western civilization because of its relevance to Third World societies and had a critical view of colonialism because it imposed alienation on the societies of the Third World. His view of modernity is also divided into two aspects of civilization and modernity. Although he saw civilization as a positive thing, he attacked modernity that imitated and consumed us.

The purpose of this article is to consider the position of rationality and modernity in the eyes of Mohammad Ali Foroughi, "Zak'a alMolk", in foreign policy of Iran. Foroughi was deep acquaintance with the new Western philosophical ideas of the West, which until his time was unprecedented among the political elites of Iran, had a profound understanding of politics in the new era; he also tried to participate in international conferences and effective participation in the community of nations. To bring Iran's interests in the global arena through its political and personal actions and, more than ever, make Iran credible and reputable in international affairs. He was interested in Iran's national interests with a realistic insight, focusing his efforts on reforming from above, translating, classifying western classical texts, lecturing and participating in international conferences and effective participation in the community of nations. The present research seeks to explore the reflection of Foroughi's works and ideas on intellectual development and the rationalization of national interests and foreign policy. The main question of the research is that the approach of Foroughi to foreign policy based on what approach? The hypothesis of this paper is that among the political elites of Iran, Foroughi has a better understanding of the concept and importance of power or the third actor in foreign policy of Iran, and his efforts have been somewhat of a kind that was removed from the fence of the concept of positive balance, which was followed by the political elites like Qavam. From the fence of the negative balance approach that Elite approach such as the deceased Mosaddeq and the teacher of the teacher would be removed and a different institution in Iran's foreign policy that although based on the concept of the third actor, but also based on reasonableness and self-esteem was also. Findings of the research suggest that the internationalization of the foreign system can, in the current context, also bind Iran's foreign policy constraints.

This article reviews the book "Language, Discourse and Foreign Policy" by Mr. Majid Adibzadeh Considering that the author's approach is cultural and discursive, Genealogy The foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is based on anti-discourse discourses from the 1330s onwards. The purpose of this paper is to assess the cultural views and attitudes toward foreign policy in general And the view of the author of this book is in particular. The basic question of this article is that Culturally oriented attitude theoretically can Explain Politics in Iran in general and foreighn policy of iran in particular? The hypothesis of this article is that The cultural-oriented approach is reductive Instead of focusing on the role of power and structure, focus on the culture as a cause while that is dependent variable. For this reason, Critical Review of the Culture-Oriented Attitude to Foreign Policy And critique of the writer's view of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran are The main focuses of this article.

The perception and expression of state is the most important element in political thought. It is impossible to have a democratic system without a theoretical perception of state. Due to the fact that there are many different theories concerning state, the principal question of this research is as: within which of the theories of state does the state considered by the Islamic fundamentalists lie or to which of them is nearer? In this research, our assumption is that the theory of state from an Islamic fundamentalism point of view has more proximities to the theory of absolute state. In other words, in many features, the perception of the Islamic fundamentalists of state is near to the features of the theory of absolute state. In order to survey this subject matter, we have used a descriptive, analytical and comparative method. In this essay, the features of the Islamic fundamentalism approach to state have been surveyed with the help of the theory of absolute state based on such criteria as the kind of perception of authority, the bases of authority and its legitimacy, the expediency of state, the divine right of ruling, the base and realm of ownership, the concept and realm of the law and legislation and the goals of state and its realm. In the end, the relation of these findings and perceptions with the modern state has been studied, since the modern state has been the most important form of a democratic state.

Seyed Asadollah Kharaghani is among the second-rate personages who played an active part in the Constitutional Movement, and has been effective in arousing political and religious personages. He also engaged in religious and scholarly activities along with political activities, and eventually led to the emergence of a specialist trend in Islamology called Qur'anism or the return to the Quran.
He faced new questions and needs of the new age that we did not have in previous religious and traditional teachings or did not seem to answer, or it seemed that past answers did not have the effectiveness of the new problems. It was suggested that we should read the Qur'an again and extract the material that is coming to us today.
The present study examines the political thought of Seyyed Asadollah Kharaghani regarding the criteria, since the type of conception on the basis of the rule of law, the divine right of the state, the basis and scope of private and public law, the scope of law and legislation, and in particular their approach to the issue of Islamic democracy.
This research will focus on library resources through descriptive-analytic method and with an interpretive-political approach to explaining the components of its political thought.

This paper reviews and criticizes the “Incomplete Modernity of Iranian Intellectuals”, written by Gholamreza Goodarzi (2008). The book includes four chapters and the author intends to offer a historical trend of the role of Iranian intellectuals in the incomplete modernity in Iran. The most criticism consists of: the lack of theoretical framework for the research, offering the variant approaches without reviewing and criticizing them, criticizing with no grounds and documents, saying again the repeated claims, using the concepts without understandable explaining, and the lack of innovation.

Many domestic and foreign factors had been involved in triggering Iran's Constitutional Revolution. This paper intends to investigate the role played by the Ottoman Empire in the Iranian Constitutional Movement. The Ottoman Empire was influential in different ways in both the preparation of intellectual grounds for the Revolution and the practical chain of events that took place daring the Revolution itself. Part of this influence goes back to the fact that the Turkish Government had initiated sociopolitical reforms before the imperial government of Iran, and this had caused the Iranian reformists to look at Turkish reforms as a good model for adaptation and adoption. Another part of the Turkish influence on Iranian reforms and reformists was related to the permanent rivalries between the two states. Yet another reason was the heavy presence of Iranians of all walks of life, and in particular merchants, in the Ottoman Empire that naturally caused their being influenced by various developments in the Turkish realm.

The paper studies the crisis of knowledge production in Iran and its theoretical, historical, and political dimentions. The crisis is partly rooted in theory and methodology, but it is mainly rooted in the socio-political structures of the Iranian society which is indiffernt to knowledge and research. The indifference of the political structure to the political sciences discipline is more than other disciplines due to the special subjects dealt with in the discipline. In spite of the essential role of the discipline in solving Iran's socio-political predicaments, internal inefficiency annd low education are the major reasons for the marginalization of the political sciences, leading to a crisis in the discipline.

In the analysis of security questions and challenges in multi-ethnic countries like Iran, ethnic inconsistency and national fragmentation are considered as the main causes of political insecurity and instability, and security strategies are designed and suggested accordingly. Criticizing this viewpoint, this research holds that ethnic diversity and national incoherence cannot be eliminated with a reductionist approach and while recognizing and respecting differentiation and discrepancies among the Iranian ethnicities, they should be integrated under a legitimate political system. What helps to consolidate and stabilize the political systems in Iran is not the negation of distinct ethnic identities but the emergence of legitimate political structure. In other words, if political systems acquire sufficient legitimacy in the society, ethnic diversity will not be able to interrupt their continuity and stabilization. In verifying this hypothesis, reference can be made to the effects of the Pahlavi regime’s legitimacy on the degree of national cohesion and indicated that how ethnic questions and their appearance are conditional on the legitimization or illegitimization of the political system rather than otherwise would be correct. In other words, the activation of ethnic conflicts and low level of national cohesion result from the low level of confidence in the political system and its legitimacy.