meisam ghahreman

This study seeks to elucidate the concept of justice within the intellectual worldview of Ayatollah Khamenei using qualitative content analysis. More precisely, we began by qualitatively coding meaningful units (derived from his statements from the 1980s to the present). Subsequently, approximately 400 codes were interpreted and categorized into 17 themes. Finally, the derived themes were analyzed and interpreted collectively, leading to the identification of a central theme: "Continuous and persistent progress toward Islamic justice as the primary criterion and hallmark of an Islamic society" in Ayatollah Khamenei's conception of justice. In other words, considering Ayatollah Khamenei's view that justice is never fully or absolutely realized and its achievement is relative, values such as true freedom, rationality, spirituality, and others play a significant role in defining justice. However, because these values are constrained by justice, they cannot be considered the primary criterion for a society's Islamic character. Therefore, the overarching theme of justice in Ayatollah Khamenei's thought can be formulated as follows: the primary indicator of an Islamic society is the extent of its movement toward justice.

With the modern era, subjectivity was placed in the center of philosophical reflections, and therefore, the goal of philosophical reflection became to discover the rules of correct thinking and to build epistemic systems. In the 20th century, an important development occurred in the concept of subjectivity, which can be called the transition from "subjectivity" to "subjectification". In this transition, the truths based on epistemic depth (legal/discursive subject) give way to truth-telling that is the product of the subjects' self-care and exercise of their power. In other words, legal/discourse subjects give way to ethical subjects; Subjects who, in Foucault's interpretation, as specific intellectuals, have their own concerns and constantly participate in the construction of truth in a collective way. In this article, focusing on the question, can traces of such subjectification of the Muslim person be found in the political thought of Ayatollah Khamenei? We are looking for the test of this hypothesis that fire at will, jihadist, revolutionary and resistanceist approach are concepts that provide the possibility of speaking about the subjectification of the Muslim person in the political thought of Ayatollah Khamenei. The findings of the research indicate that fire at will, the resistanceist, jihadist and revolutionary approach is the product of the relationship between freedom and justice in the political thought of Ayatollah Khamenei. It is in this relationship that the Muslim person emerges as a subject. This means that with the force that the subjects get from the immanent relationship of Islamic freedom and justice, they will take care of themselves as specific intellectuals. And, by exercising power while simultaneously promoting Islamic freedom and justice, they also participate in building the truth in a collective way.

In 19th century Iran, through the publication of travelogues, the expansion of capitalism, and familiarity with the governance methods of Western countries, a system of knowledge or grand discourse emerged that represented Iran's backwardness and illness. Within this system of knowledge (episteme), various discourses aimed at remedying this illness were formed, one of the vital being the discourse of modernist nationalism which served as a counter-discourse to the "Anti-autocratic Constitutionalist" discourse and sought to justify its propositions in response to it, was extensively exploited by the Pahlavi court and managed to become the dominant discourse of the court for a long time. The present study employs the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe, focusing on the question of ‘What the semantic network of modernist nationalism discourse was and what function it aimed to achieve?’ The semantic coordinates of this discourse are examined. The results indicated that the most significant signifier of the modernist nationalism discourse was "Iranian nationalism," which, by outlining a semantic network composed of various elements such as superficial and top-down modernization, centralization (establishment of a dominant state), the necessity of reviving the monarchy and kingship, secularism and opposition to Islamism, and the strengthening of militarism, aimed to consolidate the power of the Pahlavi regime by providing a solution for Iran's backwardness.

Governmentality is regulating and directing behavior with the aim of governing with the lowest possible cost. In efficient governmentality, subjects must relate to themselves in such a way (form their understanding and behavior) that they freely and creatively reproduce or update a certain order. Therefore, the basic question of the present article is as follows: How and in what way should efficient Islamic governmentality be established so that on the one hand, Islam and Islamic teachings play a significant role in shaping the understanding and behavior of the subjects, on the other hand, can the creativity and innovation of the subjects be used in order not to marginalize Islam in Muslim life? To answer this question, we must consider Islam as an immanent political force or political spirituality that is current in people's lives (not Islam as an epistemological system that should lead to the rule of law). Islam as an active political force in human life (as manifested in the Islamic Revolution) continuously shapes people's desire for change and resistance (as active forces that live on the limits), and turns them into efficient subjects who creatively apply Islam (as a social knowledge) in their daily lives and keep it efficient.

Sustainable participation of the people in various fields is a necessary condition for the establishment of religious democracy. One of the important components that leads to the sustainable participation of the people in various political spheres is the transparent performance of political officials and institutions, which is called political transparency. In other words, political transparency is the basis for sustainable public participation, so that if transparency is achieved in all its features, popular participation and its fruits will be visible. Accordingly, the main question of the present study is formulated as follows: given the conditions and requirements of the Islamic Republic of Iran, how and by what strategies can the principle of political transparency lead to the promotion of sustainable popular political participation? In order to answer this question, first using the focus group methodology, the situation of public participation in Iran was pathologically examined and then with the focus on the principle of transparency, under three categories of political and legal, structural and technical, and cultural and social, an appropriate response to these harms was provided.

The concern of the present article is to answer two main questions: First, what is the place of the concept of freedom in Ayatollah Khamenei's intellectual system? Second, has the concept of freedom been meaningfully broken in Ayatollah Khamenei's thought throughout history? To answer these questions, the method of qualitative content analysis has been used. More precisely, first, the meaning units collected from his statements from the 1360s until now were qualitatively coded, and then we categorized and interpreted the codes in eleven categories and within two main themes, which are: "true freedom is essential to building a strong and civilizing society" and "the need for a revolutionary vision and approach in the face of the West's tactical freedom". Also, based on the findings of the qualitative content analysis of the concept of freedom (history of the codes obtained), we came to the conclusion that the concept of freedom has not been broken in Ayatollah Khamenei's thought. However, since the mid-1370s, when more space has been provided for the concept of freedom, in his lectures, he has explained in more detail the concept of freedom.

Foucault's view of the Islamic Revolution, both during his lifetime and after, provoked different debates and reactions and various works were written about it. One of the most controversial works is “Foucault and the Iranian Revolution: Gender and the Seductions of Islamism” by Janet Afary and Kevin B. Anderson. On the one hand, this book can be considered a political reaction to Islamism, and on the other hand, it is an epistemological critique of what the authors call "cultural relativism". Behrooz Ghamari-Tabrizi in his book "Foucault in Iran" while presenting the truth of Foucault's views on the Iranian revolution, also gives an appropriate answer to Afary and Anderson. In other words, in this book, he seeks to answer the question: How did Foucault make sense of the Iranian revolution? The present article has examined this issue from a particular point of view both of these works are formed within a discourse practice and, therefore, are different sentences of a statement and we must get rid of both equally.

The dominant approach to Islamic governance considers Islam as an epistemological system and tries to identify and discover the institutions, practices, principles and rules of Islamic governance from within it. In this approach, like other epistemological systems, analysis is based on certain transcendental axioms. From an epistemological point of view, many works and books have been written about Islamic governance. In this article, we sought to answer the question that from a non-epistemological point of view, how can one think of Islamic governance? To answer this question, the hypothesis formulated using the immanent method (Which is in contrast to the transcendental method and the epistemological approach) is that in the non-epistemological approach to Islamic governance, which can be called "Islamic governmentality", Islam will become the active political force in the immanent life of subjects, regulating the behavior of subjects through changing and daily relations with themselves, resisting the un compromising and domineering axioms of the present, and turning Muslim subjects into creative forces of government . . The most important example of such a non-epistemological Islamic governance (Islamic governmentality) can be seen in the current Islam in the life of revolutionaries in the years leading up to the Islamic Revolution.

The issue of peace between the Zionist entity and the United Arab Emirates can be viewed from different angles and perspectives. From the point of view of Critical discourse analysis (CDA), part of the story takes place in language or discourse. Therefore, the study and analysis of "power in discourse" is necessary to understand it. Another part of the Adventure involves non-discourse reality, and to understand it we need to examine the dimensions and components of the "power behind discourse"; This study is done at the level of explanation or social practice. In this article, the components and dimensions of the power behind discourse of Zionist entity in advancing the "peace discourse" have been investigated. The findings show that in addition to Jewish lobbies and US foreign policy in the Middle East, the UAE's dependence on Israeli technology and products (part of which is the product of the US-Israel Irano-phobia project) has made Israeli state-owned companies as well as Israeli advanced companies, that are seemingly private, as one of the most important "powers behind discourse" of Zionist entity in advancing the peace discourse, so that in recent years, the UAE has signed a number of cooperation agreements with them in various fields such as military, cyber, espionage and intelligence, health, agriculture, water and food security.

In this article we have dealt with a critique and on the relationship between terror and contemplation based on the Eagleton, Derrida, Chamsky' viewpoints in the book" terror and contemplation". Since the present book is pivoted around different and sometimes opposite viewpoints about a controversial idea in political science( terror and contemplation), the reader is introduced with a theoretical challenge about a single phenomenon ( such as September 11th event); therefore, a complicated mentality is provided for readers to reflect more on the twisted societal phenomena. In a general criticism, all of the above_mentioned viewpoints about a historiograghy of a terrorist event ( each one from a specific perspective) have their own defects, and this has been acting as a block against making a comparison between terror and contemplation and consequently, having an understanding of a phenomenon with different dimensions that in the critiques that has been made we have tried to deal with them.

Velayat-e faqih written by Imam Khomeini has gained a unique position in the analysis of Imam Khomeini's thinking pattern. Due to its special contents with a variety of components and categories being connected to one another, the analysis and understanding of the book Velayat-e faqih requires an application of an appropriate methodological approach. In this article, an attempt has been made to understand the book based on the qualitative content analysis. The qualitative content analysis not only provides a distinctive interpretation of the book, but also, due to the fact that it is a basic method, the results of this study may work as a guidance for other investigators in discourse analysis and other content analyses in the analysis of the book Velayat-e faqih. The qualitative content analysis is achieved by first determining the meaning dimensions of the text and labeling them in the form of codes and then discovering the connections and links between them by categorizing the codes and placing them under a proper theme. By doing so, we will be able to present a special interpretation of political system pattern in the book Velayat-e faqih of Imam Khomeini. Ultimately, the findings of the articles shows the principle of "good governance in Islam" and the "necessity for revolution" as the two main messages of the book.

So far, the political philosophy of Farabi has been thoroughly studied from different perspective; however, paradigm analysis is one of the approaches which are considerably influential and practical in this regard. The aim of present research isto investigate the possibility of paradigm analysis in political philosophy of Farabi; in other words, we will examine whether five-aspect analysis and presuppositions of Farabi would able the researchers to have a paradigm analysis or not. The study hypothesis says that this matter is possible since such an analysis not only distinguishes the principles of ontology, epistemology, anthropology, sociology (knowledge of community)and teleology, but it also enables the depiction of a meaningfully logical line among these factors and consequently among the components of the political philosophy of Farabi.

Pluralist radical democracy of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe is a way to end any kind of innate thought about political life; a way in which sporadic powers, parallel hegemonies and as a result various discourses are formed. Discourses whose predicates’ capacities to satiation and saturating can turn them to hegemonic discourse; but something which seems very important in this radical democracy is that as a result of cultural development due to postmodernism and language games, otherness and plurality in society must be reserved in contest form. Authors believe that against the real world, this kind of contest can be applied in virtual space; hence we call it radical virtual democracy; a radical democracy which has great abilities to affect social and political life; therefore, the main question of this article which we try to answer is that, how is the formation and realization of radical virtual democracy caused by Internet? The hypothesis of the current writing is that the virtual space of Internet with its unique features like hypertext, hypernetwork, interactional action and the decentralization of medium power which is assured by two features of access possibility to virtual identity and technical and non-exclusive skilled facilities, has the ability to form radical virtual democracy.

In this article, based on Carl Schmitt's view of politics and focusing on the concept of evil in the teachings of Zoroastrianism, we read Zoroastrian beliefs and ideas of the formation of the Sassanid Empire. According to the authors, in Zoroastrian teachings, the concept of evil takes on a concrete, existential and fundamental concept (not non-existent, as we see in Muslim philosophers), resulting in increasing confusion. There is a connection between the good and evil teachings of Zoroaster (morality) and the daily life of the people. The concreteness of morality in Zoroastrian teachings gives these teachings a high capacity to empower the political. Thus, the Sassanids, with their friendly and hostile dualities of "Sassanid-Parthian", "Sassanid-Roman", etc., while pursuing a policy based on the Schmidt political cause, also sought the unity and integrity of the new empire. This unity, while drawing strength from Zoroastrian teachings, was also a new innovation in these teachings, an innovation that derived Zoroastrian beliefs from religious teachings based on antitheses. He turned good and evil into political ideas based on the antitheses of friend and foe.