mohammad abedi ardakani

Due to their geopolitical, geoeconomic and geostrategic capabilities, Iran and Saudi Arabia have a great influence on both West Asian countries and the countries of the Islamic world. Before the Islamic revolution, the relations between the two countries were friendly and at most competitive; But after the revolution, friendly relations between the two countries have turned into competitive and even hostile relations in most periods. The purpose of this research is to investigate the turbulent and complicated relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia between 1384 and 1392 based on the theory of constructivism and relying on the social concepts of international politics, especially the theory of Alexander Wendt about behavioral patterns between countries. Therefore, the question of the present research is: "How can the complicated relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia between 1384 and 1392 be investigated based on the three Kantian, Lockean and Hobbesian cultures or the three behavioral patterns of friendship, competition and enmity?" The findings of the research show that in the discussed time frame, the dominant pattern in the relations between the two countries was a competitive pattern, which mainly appeared in the spheres of influence of the two countries in West Asia, security considerations, and the acquisition of Muslim leadership. At a lower level, the pattern of enmity dominates the relations between the two countries and has crystallized around issues such as Iran's nuclear program and the Arab-Israeli debate. Finally, a limited part of Iran-Saudi relations has been based on the model of friendship. This research is of a descriptive-analytical type with a historical-documentary approach and appropriate data has been collected in a library manner.

Justice, freedom and, democracy are among the most important issues that political philosophers have dealt with not only in the past, but also in the contemporary history of the West. Based on the epistemology of Popper and Hayek, the present article tries to compare the intellectual concerns of these two thinkers, which are mainly manifested in opposition to the ideology of totalitarianism. The results of this study indicate that Hayek, due to his reliance on "spontaneous order" and "critique of modern rationalism" in epistemology, considers any organized and planned effort to rationally reconstruct society to be futile. But Popper believes in the principle of "gradual social engineering" because of his emphasis on "critical rationalism," "slipperiness," and "refutability" in epistemology. Nevertheless, both advocate the idea of "freedom," "open society," and "democracy." The present research is a descriptive-analytical type with a comparative approach and data collection has been done through libraries and using available valid sources.

Many studies have evaluated political power from a qualitative and quantitative perspective. But the present study tries to provide a quantitative criterion for calculation of power. To do this, using the country’s budget law, the institutions that enjoys from national budget are identified and then the officials who are at the head of those institutions from each province are identified. Then the importance coefficient of each official is calculated based on multiplication of two indicators: the allocated budget to his/her institution or organization and the duration of his/her tenure in each year. The power matrix for each province is made. Finally, the power index for Iranian provinces is calculated using methods of Simple Additive Weighting, TOPSIS, and Numerical Taxonomy. Then, according to TOPSIS method, the regions of Iran were divided into four groups. The findings show fundamental inequalities in the distribution of economic- political power in the regions of Iran during the period of 2009-2019. Also, The most fluctuations in economic-political power index have occured mainly in the middle groups. Since, most previous studies have emphasized regional inequalities in Iran based on various indicators, it seems that there is a correlation between the distribution of economic-political power and  regional  inequalities of Economic development. As a result, given the current status without change in the political power of the provinces, one can not expect a significant change in the economic development of the regions.

In the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Islamic Humanities, as a "paradigm" is becoming a "discourse" with the support of religious forces loyal to the government. Ministry of Education is one of the institutions exposed to the promotion of the discourse. In recent years, with the changes in school textbooks, especially in the field of Humanities, a great effort has been made to institutionalize the Islamic Humanities and turn it into the dominant discourse in these books. Evidence suggests that among the works of high school students in the field of Humanities, Sociology books in this field have undergone the greatest impact of this discourse. In these books, the principles of ontology, epistemology, and methodology of the Islamic Humanities have been discussed by criticizing the ontology, epistemology, and methodology of Western Humanities. The purpose of this study is to analyze and review the reflection of this discourse in the book, Sociology of Humanities, by implementing the method of Critical Discourse Analysis of "Theon Van Dyke". Therefore, the present study is of a descriptive-analytical type with a discourse approach that will be done in the form of content analysis. The research finding is that by applying Van Dyke's theoretical framework on the subject under study, it is possible to reflect the standing and strengths and weaknesses of the Islamic Humanities discourse in the mentioned books. Thus, the components considered by Van Dyke such as extension, attribution and using implicit reference, revealing, application of negative phrases, and especially polarization, such as "the spiritualist approach vs. the materialist approach", western man vs. divine man", and "liberal democracy vs. democracy" are found passim in that book.

The aim of this study was to investigate the effectiveness of Integrative Reminiscence therapy on Meta-Worry and intolerance of uncertainty of war veterans with at least 30 months of experience in the front of the imposed war in Mazandaran province. The method of the present study is quasi-experimental with a pretest-posttest design with a control group. The statistical population in this study is all warriors of Mazandaran province with at least 30 months of experience in 8 years of holy defense. The selection of samples was first done through the available non-random sampling method. Then we used simple random sampling to divide the samples into different groups. In this way, first 24 fighters were randomly selected and then randomly divided into two groups of 12 experimental and control. The intervention was held weekly in Nine 90-minute sessions with specific topics of each session. Descriptive statistics (mean and standard deviation) and inferential statistics (covariance and t-test with independent samples) were used to analyze the results. Findings showed that in both variables, the difference between the two groups was significant and the Integrative Reminiscence therapy significantly led to a reduction in meta-worry and intolerance of uncertainty of the war veterans. The results of this study show that specific memory interventions can be effective and can be used as adjunctive therapy along with other therapies.

The economic literature has long conceptualized the terms of absolute and comparative advantage, and so the competitive advantage theory has been introduced for explaining the regional inequalities in recent decades. However, the results of previous studies have not been able to indicate caused factors of the regional inequalities in Iran. In other words, the above three advantages cannot explain the differences in the levels of development in Iran’s regions. For this reason, the present paper doesn’t try to evaluate regional imbalances with the economic variables and advantages, but it tries to focus on economic power crystallized in political power. This study examines the distribution of Political-Economic Power Advantage (PEPA) among the regions of Iran during the period of 2012-2019. In this regard, it depicts the power imbalances between the provinces of Iran based on the budget of institutions and their officials as well. The results show that PEPA is unevenly distributed among the provinces of Iran. Based on the government’s centralized and comprehensive dominance over the budget, the inequality of political-economic power among the provinces of Iran can be considered as a factor for the unbalanced regional development.

The main purpose of this article is to evaluate the factors influencing the behavioral pattern and jihadi management of Sardar Soleimani in relation to the "resistance forces" in the Middle East, based on the theory of Everett Rogers. In this regard, the question that arises is "According to Rogers theory, what are the main factors influencing the behavior and jihadi management of General Qassem Soleimani in Syria, Iraq and Lebanon?" Methodologically, the present research is descriptive-analytical with the approach of "adaptation and testing of theory with the case". The results show that based on the five factors emphasized by Everett Rogers, namely "comparative advantage", "compatibility", "observability", "complexity" and "testability", respectively, 5 factors, influence and acceptance of behavior pattern and Increased the jihadist management of Sardar Soleimani, which includes:1-The multifaceted and transnational nature of Sardar's personality along with the unifying approach, which had increased the advantage of accepting his behavioral and managerial model;2-High intelligence and hard work, along with the axis of resistance and information aristocracy that his adaptation and compliance with the developments in the Middle East and ultimately the transfer of the management model facilitated;3-Achievements and plans leading to the results of Sardar Soleimani, which were well visible, liberating and path-breaking for the forces of the resistance;4-Individual behaviors and pure spirits of Sardar Soleimani that reduced the obstacles to accepting his managerial model And 5.Combat strategies, creativity in the formation of popular forces, and finally the success of Sardar Soleimani, who responded well to his test in critical situations.

"Globalization" has transformed many of the key traditional concepts of politics. One of these concepts is "democracy". Given the changes that have taken place in the age of globalization, Held and Habermas have tried to replace the models of "cosmopolitan democracy" and "Deliberative democracy" with liberal democracy respectively. The purpose of this paper is to show the efforts of Habermas and Held to replace their proposed model with the model of liberal democracy. Habermas describes his proposed model of democracy by relying on the three systems of "government", "economy" and "the lifeword". But Held does this by rebuilding the current world order. The findings of this article indicate that the efforts of both thinkers to achieve the desired goal have not been successful. The main reason for this failure is the conservatism of Held's intellectual structure, and consequently desire to maintain the status quo on the one hand, and Habermas' overly optimistic view of consensus and rationalism on the other. This article is descriptive-analytical in terms of method and content, and the required data has been obtained through library methods.

It is obvious that every society needs government for its stability and stability, its development and its welfare and security, and the government also needs organizations and an efficient administrative system to fulfill its goals and mission. Therefore, in case of being healthy, efficient and agility, it can be an effective and successful instrument for achieving the goals and objectives of the government and play an important role in the development and advancement of citizens' satisfaction and their support of the political system to play. This research examines the relationship between the administrative system and political development in the Islamic Republic of Iran without emphasis on a particular period. Therefore, its main question is: "What is the relationship between the administrative system and political development in the Islamic Republic of Iran?" Its hypothesis has also been formulated: "An efficient administrative system in the Islamic Republic of Iran can, by influencing stability, equality and political participation, provide for the growth and consolidation of political development." Thus, the subordination of the administrative system and political development interact and interact with each other; the administrative system is the driving and executing engine of the programs of the political system. With these considerations, this research is descriptive-analytical and data collection method is also a library. Findings of the research show that the elimination of injuries and changes in the administrative system of the country increase the capacity of the political system to respond, equality, stability and political participation, and the reciprocal expansion of political institutions, and to strengthen the response of the political system and equality and stability and political participation in it Will lead to the health and agility of the administrative system.

In the area of Islamic civilization and the West, Imam Khomeini and St. Augustine are important because the thoughts and effects of both have been the source of profound developments, hence the comparison of the political ideas of these two characters is of great importance. This comparison is based on the three pillars of the "nature of politics", "the relationship between religion and politics" and "the duty of citizens", given the impact of these axes on the religious attitude of the two characters. The main purpose of this study is to compare the religious attitude of Imam Khomeini and Augustine and its effect on the thoughts of these two characters. The main question is: what influence did the religious attitude of Augustine and Imam Khomeini have on their political ideas? Based on this, the present study is a descriptive-analytic type with qualitative and comparative approach taken by the library method. Findings of the research show that different attitudes and impressions of Augustine and Imam Khomeini from religion have caused a difference in their political beliefs.  In relation to the first axis, the "nature of politics", Augustine's view of politics is a negative and pessimistic view, in which he considers politics the domination of man over man. He believed that God initially created human beings, but with the disobedience of Adam and Eve, many difficulties and problems, including politics, arose for mankind. In other words, he believed that politics was a punishment and divine punishment for mankind, which was created by the guilt of Adam and Eve. But according to Imam Khomeini, the nature of politics is considered as a desirable and guiding phenomenon. From Imam Khomeini's point of view, there is a policy of spiritual color, because politics is a way of life and has dimensions of the worldly and non-existent. Indeed, based on the spiritual attitude, Imam Khomeini considers politics to guide the society and preserve its material. Therefore, in his view, politics is not only an evil and unpleasant thing, but a sacred and spiritual matter, which is responsible for leading society to perfection.  In the second axis, "The Relationship between Religion and Politics," Augustine believed that the state and church were two separate issues. He believed in the supremacy of the church over the power of the state. In his view, the domains of the Church include the entire world and is an eternal institution, but the state is a temporary variable that will be destroyed by the divine manifestation. However, according to Imam Khomeini, there is no separation between religion and politics, and they are both complementary; politics does not need to be in line with the religious guidelines, so that it does not deviate from the right path and follow the right path. Running requires government power. Imam believed in unity and did not accept the duality of political and religious thought. According to him, religion is the same politics.  At last, this article examines the views of Augustine and Imam Khomeini on "citizen duties". In the political thought of Augustine, Christian is passive in terms of political activity.  The only duty of citizens against the rulers is obedience and prayer in the king's right; it does not matter whether these rulers are just or ruthless. For Augustine, citizens do not have the right to protest or fight and uprising against the rulers, because the ruler has received his authority from God. However, Imam Khomeini portrayed citizens as one of the pillars of governance and considered participation in political activity as one of their great religious authorities and made indifference in the affairs of the state a major sin. He considers the revolution and the uprising of the people against the tyrannical rulers from the very important duties of the citizens, which, if they are disregarded, will learn the corruption of the whole earth and human societies will be degenerated.

Some states were established, in the twentieth century, which are characterized by the title of “Totalitarian”. They consist of a wide range including conservatives, fascist radical right-wingers and communist radical left-wingers. The nature and behavioral style of these governments are manifest in their doctrines or policies which are more or less rooted in the past. Hence, some thinkers like Karl Popper and Schopenhauer contain that Hegel was one of the philosophers whose trace of thought can be seen in these doctrines. Now, the main purpose of this article is to clarify the validity of this claim by adapting the most important features of Hegel's theory of state with the doctrines of the totalitarian states of the twentieth century, mainly from Nazi or fascist type in Germany and Italy between the two world wars. For this reason, the main question of the present study is: “has Hegel theorized about his desired state in a way that is consistent with the doctrines of the twentieth-century totalitarian states?” The findings of this study suggest that, although it is possible that notions may be found in Hegel's thoughts that are misunderstood or misused by totalitarian states, but overall, what Hegel has proposed about the state and its features is entirely different from the doctrines of the totalitarian states of the twentieth century. This study is descriptive-analytic with a documentary-historical approach and collecting the appropriate data for analysis is done in a library-based way.

Positive thinking is the result of a mental conception of the capabilities one country can play for another. So that any action taken by country A can have beneficial results for B. Finding positive aspects in comparison with the negative effects is some of dimensions of positive thinking. In fact, changing the attitude from negativity toward positivity is a long-term process which is, of course is due to a reciprocal and interactive relationship. Therefore, positive thinking, while somewhat rooted in objective facts, comes from the thinking of the person at first and the elite ruling of foreign policy as a device of that country in the second phase. For example, while most of Gulf States have a pessimistic look about Iran's nuclear program and implicitly advocated unilateral action by the United States and Israel against Iran (Saudi Arabia is notable in this case), Central Asian countries have looked more positive and cautious about Iran's nuclear program and rejected any unilateral attack on the country with the aim of destroying its nuclear facilities, and called for a peaceful solution to this issue. For example, Uzbekistan was silent about Iran's nuclear issue, indicating no support from the parties to the conflict; Turkmenistan supports Iran for its borders with Iran and high-level economic relations with the country. Tajikistan had a more positive attitude toward Iran's nuclear program than all of Central Asian countries. Meanwhile, Kyrgyzstan and its president strongly opposed any unilateral attack on Iran's nuclear facilities through the Kyrgyzstan manas base. (Although this site is not currently leased to Americans) and called for a peaceful solution to this issue. Kazakhstan also challenges the international community's stance on Iran's nuclear program. On the other hand, they want Iran to cooperate more in this regard with the international community, For example, in November of 2011, Nursultan Nazarbayev, in a media commentary, announced that current sanctions would suffice because the IAEA conclusions were ambiguous, and the IAEA inspectors should once more go to Iran's nuclear facilities for further investigation. He Asked the United States to enter directly with Iran to resolve the remaining issues. Given the above assumptions, the basic question is posed: What are the reasons for the Central Asian countries to look positively towards the Islamic Republic of Iran? Are economic, political-security-strategic considerations effective in creating such a view? In response to the above question, it can be argued that a set of political, economic, security and strategic considerations serves as a reason for the positive perception of Central Asian countries compared with the countries of the southern Gulf of Persian Gulf to the Islamic Republic of Iran. For example, while Tajikistan and Turkmenistan have good commercial and economic ties with Iran, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan have political and strategic motives, worrying about the spread of political instability in the region and its spread within their borders and the activation of Islamist groups in their country. Kazakhstan, as an influential country in Central Asia, is concerned about the prevalence of instability and the possibility of Iran reacting to a military strike against them. The method used in this research is descriptive-analytic after event occurrence. In this regard, at first, the dependent variable, the positive look of Central Asian countries, was investigated in the form of an examination of the approach of the elites of these countries to Iran. For example,  statements by presidents of some of countries regions, including NourSultan Nazarbayev, have been advocating remarks, indicating their support for the peaceful nuclear program of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Authors studied geo-economic, geo-strategic and geo-cultural indicators to clarify their independent variables. In other words, in order to prove the research hypothesis, using existing information and statistics and library, the authors tried to prove a meaningful relationship between two variables, namely, the positive thinking of Central Asian countries relative to Iran, due to geo-economic, geo-strategic, and geo-cultural considerations. Therefore, the reasons for the Central Asian countries to look positively towards Iran, especially in the nuclear issue derive from geo-politics, geo-cultural and geo-economic dimensions. For example, all Central Asian countries have a degree of economic relations with Iran and Iran could be considered a key factor in the future for the access of these countries to free water. For example, nearly 70% of cotton exports are currently exported to the outside world through the Islamic Republic as the second largest export commodity in Uzbekistan. In terms of security-strategy, Central Asian countries are also concerned about weakening Iran and the powering of countries such as Turkey, Israel and Pakistan, That is the reason why a country like Kazakhstan explicitly declares that the West's approach to Iran's nuclear program is not transparent and they want to clarify the true nature nuclear programs of Israel and Pakistan because they don’t regard Israel as having nuclear weapons, and put the Islamic Republic at the forefront. The third reason why Central Asian countries have a positive outlook for Iran is that they are worried about the spread of insecurity and instability resulting from the attack and rehabilitation of Iran's rigid response. Finally, the cultural and soft powers of Iran in the region and the influence of Iran among the peoples of the countries of the region will make the decision making system of Central Asian countries, even in countries like Uzbekistan, to look at the Islamic Republic of Iran as an influential country in the Central Asian region. Therefore, the positive attitude of Central Asian countries towards the Islamic Republic of Iran is due to their beliefs about the functioning of Iran in the regional sub-system. As a result, the main motivations of Central Asian countries to support Iran's nuclear program are rooted in various political, security, economic and geostrategic considerations which could increase Iran's regional weight among these countries. Whether this pattern can be repeated in relation to the Persian Gulf countries that have a negative view of Iran, needs to be explored separately.

All throughout the human history and in all societies, violence has always been an undeniable fact which is not expected to be terminated. However, man has always attempted to limit it by taking approaches, yet, despite human efforts, no noticeable decline has been seen in this regard. A group of scholars believe that violence is inherently a political phenomenon. According to their view, power constitutes the essence of politics and a power-based thing cannot be detached from violence. By definition, power involves a person or a group of people dominating another group to imperiously persuade the latter to take the desired route of the former. The actions of the dominated group do not necessarily conform to their wants and interests, rather they consciously or unconsciously take such actions in public as to meet the interests of the governing or dominating group. Other views consider violence independent from political affairs. Adopting a descriptive-analytical approach and employing library sources, this study attempts to indicate that Karl Schmidt, like Hobbes and Machiavelli, believes that violence in politics is a natural thing.

There are three types of voters in any election: A) those who indicate they voted for the current party or candidate, B) those who indicate they did not vote for the current party or candidate and change their attitude in different elections, and C) those who have not previously voted. The main question in present study is: "If the kind of the relations of These three groups of voters affect their decision making factors (1-involvement, 2-information seeking, 3-knowledge, 4-loyalty, 5-certainty, 6-satisfaction and 7-stability)?" the object of present study is to "investigate the effect of the decision making type and style of the voters on the factors which impact this decision making through using marketing technics and customer behavior analysis. The survey population is 320 youth from 18 to 25 in Esfahan city, selected using cluster sampling method. The results indicate that the relationship between "involvement", "knowledge", "loyalty", "satisfactory" and "stability", and the above three groups of voters there is a significant, But other variables It is not significant.

Imam Khomeini (RA) with emphasis on the principle of continuity of religion and politics could lead the revolution in Iran and eradicate tyranny and oppression. He not only turned down the Shah’s regime, but also inherited his unique legacy characterizing cultural identity and remained a symbol of resistance within the international arena. Since, the political aspect is most bearing issue to the founder of Iran’s Islamic revolution. Therefore, desirable Islam from our revolutionary point of view encapsulating the pragmatic Islamic revolution capable of achieving sovereignty which could best be defined as political Islam. However, the political approach of the Islamic Revolution is not unique to the Islamic Republic of Iran. In recent decades, we have witnessed different kinds of political Islam: political Islam in Turkey- liberal Islam, politically conservative Saudi Wahhabi, fundamentalist, political Islam (Taliban) in Pakistan and Afghanistan, political Islam perceivable in Malaysian economy and Islamic terror practiced by ISIL .Despite the common trait of political Islam , theoretical and practical manner of political Islam in Iran’s Islamic Revolution is fundamentally different in comparison with other types of political Islam mentioned earlier.
Among the types of differences, the issue of “violence” is of great prominence and importance. While the political Islam of Salafi - Wahhabi, Taliban and especially the Islamic State (ISIL) accommodates overt and covert forms of violence and even “The state of being panic” which can be seen in political Islam and the Islamic revolutionary movement of Iran was built on elements and attributes that keeps such system clear of any violence or atrocities.
Given the above considerations, the main argument of this paper tape that “political Islam as practiced by Iranian Islamic revolution utilizes the benefit of cultural elements and words such as logics, rationality and wisdom, dignity and honor, friendship (tolerance) not only denies and rejects violence and violent irrational and inhumane methods, but also seeks to achieve a world free of violence. To assess this claim, the current research is trying to use library and get the best from reliable sources to collect the appropriate data which should be described and analyzed at later stages.
Hence, the study is a “descriptive - Meta analysis “ bases its substantiation on valid documents and comparative approach. Methods are also being carried out in a way that after introduction and definition of violence and their different theoretical perspectives, the roots of violence are investigated.

In Shia religion, the governing of Islamic society during the occultation of Imam Mahdi (AS) is important. Because it should be specified the duty of the Muslim people in two side. First: who is that governing on people? How governing in people? It is focused resources of Islam to answer of questions, it showed that Capable Person of governing the Muslim people is " Velay-e faqih " with special attributes. But, for the second answer question, which are explained several matters. Perhaps it is concerned most notably the issue of the relationship between "freedom" and "Velayat-e faqih". On the other hand, a Muslim, is born free and live free. Man is always the right choice and no one can take this right to him.. God created us free and asks people to live free. At the same time, God by reason, allowing her to lead a spiritual movement. In addition, revelation and prophets and imams and scholars have come to help the man so he could move in the right direction. Thus, freedom and human equality, as the fundamental principles of Islam, are in accordance with human nature. Contemporary scholar quoted different idea, These are including of conflict, confrontation and evolution. Among them, Ayatollah Mohammad Husseini Behesti is important role, due to take a leading role in the adoption of the constitution, the political system and governing after the revolution. After Iran's Islamic Revolution martyr Beheshti University of thinkers who have a deep meditative state. Mental principles of his own supreme political dimensions - social knows, this approach results in conjunction with the principle of freedom, and the freedom of their provincial relations based on mutual development and  are thinking.
The aim of this study was to determine the status of individual freedom in structure of Velayat-e faqih system, with the perspective of the shahid Beheshti. For reaching aim, try to use Library way and it collected data from credible sources and then described and analyzed qualitatively. Result indicated shahid beheshti believed freedom and Velayat-e faqih system is Complement, formed and contented each other know.

There is no consensus، among scholars of political science، about political thought of Machiavelli (Machiavellianism) andits relationship to his real character. Some have considered him، pro-militarism، pro-authoritarianism and pro-pragmatism while others believe him to be realistic، pragmatic and a public-good pro. In this paper، Machiavelli''s political philosophy has been initially studied، to be cleared whether he intended to present a general theory or a particular theory of his time-specific. Impact of these thoughts on one of the twentieth century’s totalitarian movements has also been examined. Now this study is formed around the question; 1) If bases and principles of Fascism، one of the totalitarianisms، are rooted in the Machiavellianism? The purpose of this paper is to assess the impact of Machiavellianism on the formation of Fascism by looking at the books «The Prince» and «Mein Kampf»، It has been tried to take steps towards analyzing the issue by analyzing these two works according to the qualitative content analysis method. Article assumption is; Machiavellianism theoretical concepts underlie the principles and bases of Fascism. Though could not be explicitly said that Machiavellianism implications and Fascism concepts are the same، but there are signs of the influence of Machiavellianism on the concepts of Fascism.

For a long time, the issue of Imamate and leadership has been discussed in the Shiite Islamic community; therefore, it has gained high importance and it has been called "the pivot of Shiism" (History), but in the political thought of Martyr Beheshti, its nature has not been investigated enough (Problem), an issue which has not been given serious attention by the research community of the country (Background); therefore, this question is raised: What is the nature of leadership of the Islamic community and its requirements like the role of people and the relationship between people and the leader in Martyr Beheshti's point of view? (Question) It seems that Martyr Beheshti seeks the answer to this question in the conceptual framework of the "Theory of Imamate and Leadership" (Hypothesis). In order to achieve Martyr Beheshti's point of view, the present article seeks to explain the relationship between people and the leader of the Islamic community (Objective) through using descriptive-analytical method and collecting appropriate library data (Methodology). The results show that Martyr Beheshti considers Imamate as a continuous line from the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and the Infallible Imams (A.S) to religious scholars at the time of occultation which is now manifested in the Islamic Republic, and emerged in two categories of being republic as a sign of the sovereignty of the people and being Islamic as showing divine sovereignty, such a way that they are hierarchically related not as parallel ones (Finding).

In connection with concept the self, There is abundant writings and works. Nevertheless, one of the definitions of the Self, Especially in modernist and postmodernist attitude, refers to space of independent and autonomous activism of subject, as can be seen in the Phrase like Self-advancing, depend on themselves and did itself. Basically, the self concept among political thinkers is frequently observed. Two of the thinkers of the twentieth century that with this understanding of self have written, are Hannah Arendt and Herbert Marcuse. On one hand, by introducing the concept of "human diversity”, Arendt follows idea that introduce humans as self (subject) and reveal as distinct and free existent. And finally, this approach connects with the concept of action to introduce the human self as designator in the political system. On the other hand, is Herbert Marcuse that in One- Dimensional Man' book, is looking activation humans as active and independent selves from the grip of a kind of continuity that capitalist society has created. Therefore, as long as there is the continuity, Political action is also limited. Basically, common feature between Arendt and Marcuse can be noted to their efforts in activating the Human minds or selves and its connection to political activism. Fundamentally distinct concepts of self, in the Arendt and Marcuse thought, compared to the previous political philosophy, is that self in philosophy, is highly dependent on power, domination, Technology and Media. But these thinkers, with the connection of the subject to political action, attempt to renew subject, political activism.

Focusing on elites’ political culture is very significant for understanding and analyzing the nature of political development، particularly in the comparative approach to political systems. In other words، political development and underdevelopment has a close relationship with political elites’ ideology and attitude in a way that their change may affect the trend of political development. Although the ability of political system for realizing the components of political development is also related to popular political culture but elites’ attitudes، passions and recognition have more effective roles in weakening or reinforcement of political development elements. In this article، after explaining the theoretical bases of relationship between elites’ political culture and underdevelopment، its position is examined in the administrations of Hashemi Rafsanjani، Khatami and Ahmadinejad. Thus the main aim of this research is to identify the relationship between elites’ political culture in these three periods and political underdevelopment based on a theoretical pattern. This aim requires that this hypothesis be tested: One of main serious factors of political underdevelopment is that political elites are not inclined towards broadening participation and competition in politics، and there are the gaps and disagreements among elites in Hashemi، Khatami and Ahmadinejad administrations that indicate a kind of subject and conflictual political culture instead of participatory and consensual one.

The subject of this article is «the study of relation between political participation and needs theory: case study، Yazd university staff» and essential question is: «what is the relation between political participation and Maslow''s hierarchy of needs?» Considering those subject and question، This research In terms of target is Applied and In terms of data collection is a descriptive - analytical study carried out using a questionnaire to collect data. Statistical community، Yazd University Faculty and staff and sample size 266 adherents that through stratified random sampling method and the Cochrane formula is obtained. first was prepared a researcher-made questionnaire to evaluate the different levels of political participation. on the other a questionnaire used to measure hierarchy of needs. After data collected، by using one-way ANOVA test (Anova) and t-test، attempt to assess the relationship between political participation and Maslow''s hierarchy of needs. Also we have tried to find relation between political participation and the level of Maslow''s hierarchy of needs with education، gender، and occupation. Our findings illustrate that whatever the political activity of individuals is higher، satisfaction of needs is better too، and people have better performance in basic needs. Also there is relation between gender، occupation and education with political participation and Maslow''s hierarchy of needs.

The power and duty of executive branch in the constitution enacted after Islamic Revolution in 1979 is reflected by code 113. There has been conflicting interpretation of this code، some believe that the president according to this code is to oversee the true execution of constitution and others see it otherwise. Deconstruction method in Drida''s thought is close to text deconstruction and Drida is of the opinion that a unified meaning of a text is formed by its negation in another text. Hence، the main argument in this paper is that any interpretation of code 113 in the constitution must take into account the time exigency under which it was prepared only then we can have true interpretation and understanding of this code.

The aim of this essay is to analyze the behavior of great states towards Iran during Reza Shah’s rule. With this aim in mind, the two main hypotheses of this essay are: 1- Colonialist policies and pressures and continued interference of Russian and British states in Iran made Reza Shah’s government consider these two great powers as ‘enemies’ and decide to replace them with a ‘third power’. 2- German army’s advance on western front and finally its invasion of the Soviet Union made Britain and the Soviet Union to reconsider their view of Germans as their ally and see it as their enemy. In its turn, Iran’s tendency towards Germany became intolerable for them which led them to decide to occupy Iran.After the introduction and mentioning of the research background, we have explained the application of Constructivism theory in the study of states’ foreign policies and international relations. Next we expound on different issues regarding the relations between Iran and the Allies, especially the reason and the nature of the Allies’ confrontation with Iran. In the end, conclusions derived from the analysis will be presented.

Cultural change, results from various causes and factors, some parts of them are internal and some are external. This article examines the relationship and correlationship ratio between "self – respect" and "western life style". The sample populations are selected from 227 youth in Yazd city. The researcher has used Kopper Smith's standard test of self – respect, and has divided the sample population to "low self – respect" and "high self- respect". He has also arranged a questionnaire to examine youth's tendency to western life style in order to measure the correlation coefficient of self – respect with various moral, Economical, social, personal, political and scientific domains. The result of this research shows that the mean difference is found between self – respect and western life style altogether. In other word, whenever self-respect is high, youth's tendency to western life style is low and vice- versa.