mohammad tohidfam

Human development, as a multidimensional concept, is one of the key foundations of a country's development and can be instrumental in achieving the country's economic, social, and cultural objectives. The present research, using a descriptive-analytical method and a deductive approach based on the theoretical framework of good governance, seeks to answer the main and subsidiary questions: What impact has transparency had on human development indicators in Iran during the period from 2013 to 2021? And what is the relationship and correlation between transparency and human development indicators? The existence of high and low levels of transparency in Iran during this period has had a significant impact on human development indicators in society, and these effects have changed over time. There is generally a direct and positive correlation between transparency and human development indicators. This research aims to explore the relationship between human development indicators and transparency in society and provide an empirical analysis of the impact and relationship between these indicators and transparency. The findings of the study suggest that by enhancing transparency in the country's economic spheres through the expansion of modern information and communication technologies, along with the development of e-government and increasing public participation, and digitizing public services, transparency in society can be increased, thereby accelerating and facilitating the improvement of human development indicators.

Numerous studies have been conducted on movements and socio-political unrest, examining them from multiple perspectives. In Iran, many studies have focused on social transformations, often identifying identity as one of the causes of such changes. The central question of this article is the relationship between identity pluralism and political and social tensions in Iran, with a focus on the period after the reform era. The hypothesis suggests that identity in Iran today is not monolithic, given that it has manifested at subnational, national, and transnational levels, and that identity has become fragmented, globalized, and virtualized. As a result, during social tensions, each dimension of identity can align with or be influenced by competing ideologies or discourses. The findings of this study reveal that in various instances of social unrest, one or more aspects of existing identities become activated, playing a pivotal role in driving tensions. The study adopts a discourse analysis approach, with data collection conducted through library research.

The issue of gender in contemporary Iran has deep ties with politics. The process of politicizing the issue of gender in order to create political legitimacy was started by the Pahlavi regime and then pursued by the opponents of the regime with more intensity for the purpose of delegitimization of it. The delegitimization of the established regime by attacking its gender policy played a central role in building the legitimacy of the alternative system, and on this basis, the gender approach of the Islamic Republic system became one of the most important sources of its political legitimacy. In the upcoming article, we have examined this proposition with a qualitative and historical approach. The findings indicate that within the framework of gender policy, the Islamic system has linked its ideological interests in terms of official supervision in the field of culture and society with the historical approach of Iranian society in relation to ethical considerations in the field of gender and has created a legitimizing policy that has the ability to attract a wide range of society in the most years of the system's life. This policy is the product of a historical process that most of Iran's political forces, due to the combination of the two elements of traditionalism and anti-Westernism, have contributed to its formation.

Iran's Islamic revolution is a revolution in which different competing discourses compete with each other, the roots of these discourses go back to the Iranians' representation of modern concepts in the constitutional revolution, Iranians became familiar with modern concepts in the constitution, and this was while There were different representations of the new terms, each of these discourses had their own central and secondary signifiers. The conflict field of these discourses, in addition to the messages of the scholars, is the press and the speeches of the representatives in the Constitutional Assembly. Iran's Islamic Revolution also continued. In fact, without knowing the constitutional discourses, it is not possible to achieve a precise understanding of the discursive differences about the concepts and their representation in the Islamic Revolution. Based on this, by examining these texts, three discourses emerged from the representation of modern words. identified and explained in the constitutional revolution as the basis of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution 57, the discourses of the opponents of the constitution with the central signifier (Sharia) which is the basis of the discourse of fundamentalism, the discourse of the constitutionalist scholars with the central signifier (Sharia) which is the basis of the discourse of the reformers and the discourse Constitutionalist intellectuals with the central sign (law) which is the basis of journalists' discourse after June 2nd were the three discourses that were present in the constitutional revolution and continued in the Islamic revolution as well.

The functioning of the parliament in democratic governments on the one hand and the relationship between the executive and legislative powers in this system on the other hand plays a prominent role and it also raises the merit of responsiveness of the bureaucratic system to elected political representatives andparliamentarians. The main question of the article is that according to the status effectiveness of the islamic council in the sixth and seventh periods, which of the presidential and parliamentary models was iran,s political system close to? In this reseach work, three variables of legislative function, supervisory function, function of the parliament and relationship of the parliament with other political institutions have been studied and analyzed using archived information and qualitative research method. The result suggests that the role and influence of the islamic council as an independent authority has decreased and iran,s political system is close to the presidential system, which has been an increasing trend.

Cyberspace and the social networks, like many other emerging phenomena, have positive and negative consequences in various aspects of life. The impact of this environment is an undeniable fact and the extent of this impact on the national security of countries is more than other areas. despite the opportunities, changes and developments that it creates, it has many threats and problems for national security. The purpose of this study is to identify the threats that social networks create to national security infrastructure. data was collected using grounded theory method and in-depth interview technique with 16 experts in the field of politics and cyberspace. Data were analyzed by open, axial and selective coding methods using Strauss and Corbin approach. The results showed that virtual social networks can be a serious threat to national security by destroying and weakening national security infrastructure, ie: social, political, cultural, economic and environmental security. The research results have been analyzed in the form of a paradigm model.

This research was conducted to investigate the relationship between tradition and modernity in Ali Shariati's thought. Ali Shariati was one of the thinkers who was aware of both the system of tradition and the potential of modernity. He lived in a time when the Iranian society was involved in many issues and problems. Therefore, Shariati tried to pathologize it on the one hand by understanding tradition, and on the other hand, by understanding modernity, extract its conceptual and theoretical capacities. It seems that Shariati was not looking for polarization between tradition and modernity, but he was trying to understand their capacities before anything else. Ali Shariati, as a member of the Islamic thought stream, sought to reconstruct religion in a modern state. Her call to recognize the identity, return to oneself and revolutionary self-improvement, was an approach resulting from the conscious recognition that she had towards the internal problems of the Iranian society and especially its young generation. At the height of the tyranny of the Shah's regime and the dominance of Marxism theory, Shariati believed that the school of Islam is the only liberating element for Muslims and that Islam and the Qur'an should be cleansed of historical superstitions and distortions by reinterpreting them and relying on the religious conscience of the people in order to face the dictatorship. His narration of the modern and traditional pillars of civil society and his cultural critique of these pillars are placed in the realm of religious intellectuals. Shariati's view does not require the negation of tradition and religion and the replacement of modern ideas or vice versa; Rather, he was a critic of both, through the use of symbolic sources of tradition and liberating elements of modernity.

The methodology of this research was based on an interpretive approach. This interpretive approach has tried to go beyond the dualization of tradition and modernity in terms of the theoretical framework and re-examine this relationship according to the considerations of sociologists of Reflexive modernization.

Shariati gave answers to the questions of his time. These answers were the solutions for the revival of Islam in the modern world, criticizing the West and making critical use of it, as well as creating a fundamental transformation in the history of Islamic nations to overcome backwardness and colonialism.  According to Shariati, one of the factors of alienation in our era is cultural colonialism. An opinion that is reminiscent of the culture industry of the Frankfurt School. Colonialism appears in political, economic and cultural forms. Shariati was well aware that the contemporary history was not without movements and revolutions, and merely inciting the movement is not enough, so there should be a pathology of the past movements as well. Therefore, with his summary of the contemporary history of Iran and the history of the world, he came to the conclusion that one of the reasons for the failure of movements and revolutions in Iran, from the constitutional revolution onwards, is the lack of a liberating ideology that fits the history, culture and religion of this society. So, he tried to recreate such an ideology. This liberating ideology, like the critical theory of the Frankfurt School, should have criticized the totality of the existing social structure.
The final

Shariati, like most intellectuals after the constitutional revolution, stood in the gap between tradition and modernity. He knew very well that according to the used historical interpretations, the reserves of tradition, although they have good capacities, but like any everyday phenomenon, they have lost their revolutionary power, so they need to be defamiliarized so that they can be mobilized for the contemporary situation. On the other hand, Shariati was not a passive modern thinker who unquestioningly accepted the totality of imported and borrowed modernity. Rather, he had a critical and re-thinking reflection on modernity and accepted a re-thought form of it. While looking deeply into his historical features, Shariati is aware of both the weight of tradition and the effects of modernity. Therefore, he never wants tradition to prevail over modernity, or modernity to throw tradition aside. He tries to open a third way by criticizing both modernity and tradition. His method, with a rethinking approach, was refining and extracting cultural resources.

In this article, an attempt is made to answer this question, what were the foundations and components of Imam Khomeini's ethics and political upbringing in order to attract people to the realization of the Islamic Revolution? The main hypothesis of the article in response to this question is that in the thought of Imam Khomeini (RA) with an emphasis on the foundations of philosophical existentialism and the definition of man as a being towards excellence who must follow the path with political education and also reflect the characteristics of Such as humility, faith, hope, justice, tolerance, acceptability of criticism, simplicity, self-improvement, obligation orientation and honesty objectively, the foundations and indicators of ethics and political education in order to attract the maximum number of people in the realization and victory of the Islamic Revolution. is

Rafi and Halal-Khor (2013) in their article entitled "Interaction of ethics and politics in the thought of Imam Khomeini (PBUH)" believe that in examining the interaction of ethics and politics in the thought of Imam Khomeini, since the imam is more concerned with ethics The practicality and effect of ethics emphasizes the lives of people, therefore, their view of ethics is from an individual perspective, because ethics deals with the inner state of the human being, and the reform of society depends on the correct ethics of its leaders, political elites, and citizens. Selahshuri et al. (2013) in an article entitled "Basics and components of political education from Imam Khomeini's point of view" discussed the dimensions of political education from the Imam's point of view, and the findings of the mentioned research show that Imam Khomeini (RA) considered the subject of politics as education. and considers political education as turning freely and consciously towards divine values; Based on this, from Imam Khomeini's point of view, he considers the main principles of political education to be monotheism, nature-oriented, cultivation-oriented, and ethics-oriented. And the components of political education from his point of view are awareness, self-knowledge, freedom, and justice.Farsian and Pourmanochehri (2018) in their article entitled "Importance and Necessity of Political Education in Imam Khomeini's Ijtihad School" believe that the stability of popular governments depends on a process called political education. Political education, which provides the basis for the transmission of governance values ​​from one generation to another, is considered the most important process before any government of the basic people. For this reason, Shia political jurisprudence, which considers itself to be the claimant of a popular government based on the theory of velayat al-faqih, will not be exempted from this general rule. For this reason, it is necessary to continue and preserve the Islamic revolution, it depends on the fruits of political education; In the end, the authors have come to the conclusion that Shia political jurisprudence, with a new development in Imam Khomeini's school of ijtihad, accepts political education as a mutual right for the nation and the government, and considers the realization of civil society as an evolutionary pillar of political education. Jamshidi Mehr and Abdipour (1402) in their article entitled "Political education in the field of education from the perspective of the Imams of the Islamic Revolution" defined the term political education as a speech-hermeneutic act in the thought of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei in the field of education. have checked And they have come to the conclusion that Imam Khomeini's speech act in the concept of political education was adopted according to the current conditions and Islamic religious foundations, and the words associated with it are struggle, science with spirituality, monotheism, believer and religious, being revolutionary, and independence were presented.Ahmadi Sefidan (2017) in his article entitled "Relationships between politics and ethics in the political thought of Imam Khomeini (RA) with an emphasis on the book Commentary on 40 Hadiths" and using the text-based hermeneutic method, reached this conclusion. According to Imam Khomeini's point of view: "Political science is one of the beneficial sciences and the guardians of its pure prophets and imams and, accordingly, the guardian of jurisprudence, in fact, it is the leader of the society on the straight path. Based on the intoxicated and veiled nature, four faculties of wisdom, anger, lust, and illusion can be identified in humans. Politics and human powers are intricately intertwined. In political affairs, it is difficult to take a straight path without paying attention to moral virtues and vices. Forming an Islamic government and paying attention to politics increases moral virtues and decreases moral vices. On the other hand, the spread of moral virtues leads to the rule of virtuous and worthy politicians and managers. Ethical excellence is responsible for the excellence of politics and the excellence of politics is responsible for the excellence of ethics. Ehsani (2013) in the book "Political Education: Dos and Don'ts in the Light of Imam Khomeini's Thoughts" collected one hundred and thirty questions about various aspects of political education and answered these questions by using Imam Khomeini's views and practices. has presented Aman Nazar in the works compiled in this field shows that despite the many researches that have been written about ethics and politics and the concept of political education from the perspective of Imam Khomeini (RA), but this issue from the perspective of philosophical foundations as well as the issue of Attracting people has been given less attention. For this purpose, the present article tries to solve this problem, to present a more detailed picture and look at the thought of Imam Khomeini (RA).

 This article has been compiled with a descriptive-analytical method and its data has been collected in a library form. 

Imam Khomeini, as a religious politician, attaches special importance to ethics and education. In Imam Khomeini's thought, based on a special definition of ontological and anthropological topics, he considers the connection of ethics and politics necessary for the purpose of leading and educating the society. According to him, the only acceptable policy for managing the society is the divine policy, which is the Prophets and Saints, and after that, especially the awakened scholars of Islam, and such a policy is based on moral rules. Imam Khomeini believed that despite the fact that qualities such as faith, justice, honesty, tolerance, simplicity and honesty are necessary for all citizens of the Islamic society, these qualities are obligatory for the ruler of the society and all the agents of the government. Because the observance or non-observance of these characteristics has an educational effect on the society, and the continuation of the government is basically dependent on the objective observance and application of the aforementioned characteristics. Imam Khomeini's political, campaigning, and life history confirmed the observance of these characteristics; And this made him different from other leaders of other countries and drew a charismatic role for him among the Muslim community and nation, especially Iran. Therefore, in a summary, it can be said that Imam Khomeini (RA) was raised as a perfect human being and in the position of an educated authority in the lap of Islamic teachings, and his virtues and dignity had reached such a level that it made him a divine man. On the other hand, his social, personal and political character and behavior were such that he presented new concepts in the dictionary of political science in the form of duty orientation, justice, self-refining, avoiding hypocrisy, decisiveness, populism and simple living. Also, the investigations showed that traits such as foresight, courage, and most importantly political tolerance, attention to the disadvantaged and communication with religious scholars and intellectuals, creativity and innovation in the formation of government and divine and popular leadership led to a unique model to attract people. To be formed according to his leadership model during the struggles against the Pahlavi regime and also during the years of his grace.

Social justice has been a long-standing demand in Iran's contemporary history, which entered Iran's political culture since the constitutional revolution and under the left discourse. During the second Pahlavi period, the desire for justice was strongly intertwined with political trends and found deep connections with the issue of political legitimacy. This led to the delegitimization of the established regime with a justice-seeking approach and the use of justice policy as a sociological source of legitimacy in the alternative system. In the following article, the mentioned historical process is analyzed with a sociological approach and descriptive and analytical method. The article aims to answer the question that how the distributive justice policy directed towards the poor, became one of the most important sources of legitimacy in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The findings of the research indicate that the aforementioned policy is not the exclusive creation of the Islamic Republic, but rather the product of a historical process that the majority of contemporary Iranian political forces have played a role in creating it. The Islamic Republic of Iran has had the opportunity to take advantage of this legitimizing source due to its wide base among the lower classes since its establishment.Analyzing the link between political legitimacy and social justice as a historical matter, from before to after the revolution, is the main goal of this research.

The Middle East has long been an important region in China's foreign policy. In ancient times, China's main interactions with the Middle East were around the ancient Silk Road. In the modern era, with the coming to power of the Communist Party in China, this country took a different course. This means that during the period of Mao's rule, China's relations with the Middle East region had an ideological nature, the objective manifestation of which was the support of liberation movements in the region. But with the beginning of reforms in China since Xiaoping era and the continuation of that policy by succeeders, China abandoned the previous policy and tried to turn the Middle East into one of the important areas in its foreign policy by relying on trade and economy.In fact, due to the wealth of the Persian Gulf countries, China pays more attention to the Persian Gulf region.The expansion of relations between China and the Arabs of the southern Persian Gulf is an obvious fact, especially in the framework of the One Belt and One Roadand Digital Silk Road projects. Along with this business project, "the Digital Silk Road plan" is also on China's agenda. In the framework of this plan, China has played a central role in the implementation of the most important digital projects in the region, such as "Smart Dubai 2012" and "Saudi Arabia National Transition Program 2030".  Also, China has so far approved the strategic partnership document with the members of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council (except Bahrain), Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Egypt, Algeria, Djibouti and Morocco. Chinese companies have made strategic investments throughout the Middle East region. According to the prediction of the International Energy Agency, China's need for energy will increase by 56% by 2040; Such a fact will mean an increase in China's appetite for investment and greater presence in the region. In addition to trade and capital flows, visits by Chinese officials to the region have increased dramatically. President Xi Jinping has visited the region 14 times since coming to power. it is clear that China has established extensive interactions with the Middle East region and has achieved remarkable successes. It should be accepted that China's success in the Middle East region was based on a policy that should be called "China's Middle East policy". It is necessary to understand this policy since, despite America's sensitivities to China's foreign interactions, especially with its allies in the Middle East, Beijing has managed to gain significant influence in the region. Now, the basic question here is that what are the principles and foundations of China's Middle East policy and how can the policy of China's relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran be explained within that framework?.

The hypothesis of this research is that China's Middle East policy is based on pragmatic principles and principles of balanced development of relations with all countries, far from provoking the sensitivities of the United States. Based on this policy, Beijing's relations with Tehran are also a function of this country's Middle Eastern policy, which does not have attributes and characteristics such as strategicness or unity. Theis paper examines this hypothesis with a descriptive-analytical method.

China in the Middle East follows a policy or macro strategy, the basics of which are:China's interactions with the Middle East region help the economic growth of this countryBecause China needs regional oil and there is serious competition between regional governments, it is better for China to have equal relations with all important regional governments.China does not seek confrontation with the United States in the Middle East and uses the security created by the United States in this region.Economy is the most important aspect of China's cooperation with regional countries. Economic statistics prove this claim.Although China has a desire to intervene in the political and security issues of the region, this desire is small.China's policy on Iran is consistent with China's policy on the Middle East:Economy is the most important defining factor in China's relations with Iran, which includes energy, bilateral trade, and the Belt and Road Initiative.China helped to modernize Iran's military industry and in some cases has also sold weapons to Iran. China has also done this in the case of Saudi Arabia.Although China has common interests with Iran and defends Tehran's positions, this does not mean that China seeks to challenge America.

The role of China's macro policies in the Middle East region has a serious effect on the interaction of this country with the Islamic Republic of Iran. This issue has largely caused China to expand its relations with Tehran despite the restrictions, but at the same time, it has not acted completely in line with Tehran's demands. This means that in interacting with Tehran, China always takes into account the considerations of other important actors and regional rivals of Tehran. Until the foreseeable future, when China's grand strategy in the international system and the Middle East region does not change seriously, we cannot expect a serious change in the relations between this country and the Islamic Republic of Iran. This means that according to the current situation in the international system, China has established a policy in the Middle East in which, although Tehran is considered as an agent to pressure the West, when it is necessary, but it will not be a strategic ally for Iran.

Iran's orientation towards the East has always been one of the most important elements of the Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policy vis-à-vis the West, which has been of great importance due to the prevailing political requirements in international relations, hence, with the emergence of China as a world power, The high economic strength of this country and Iran's identity and political contradictions with the west of the new Arsa in Iran's foreign policy and orientation towards the east in this country began, on the other hand, the nature of China's foreign policy and efforts to establish bilateral relations with different regions, including the Middle East, It has provided more scope for such a platform. The basic question that this research aims to answer is, what are the causes of Iran's orientation towards the East and Iran's position as one of the most important countries in the Middle East in China's foreign policy? In response to these questions, confrontation with the influence of the West and the maximum pressure and sanctions of the United States of America is one of the main reasons for Iran's orientation towards the East, which itself has led to the promotion of Iran's position in China's Middle East regional policy in the field of energy, and China's Middle East policy is also based on the approach Evolution is on a pragmatic path, and China seeks balanced development with all countries in the region, including the Islamic Republic of Iran, and avoids any conflict and non-constructive reaction from other countries in the region and world powers.

In this research, the theoretical issues raised in the threat balance theory of Stephen M. Walt is considered as a suitable framework for explaining the problem. Balance of threat theory by Stephen M. Walt proposed in his article "Alliance Formation and the Balance of World Power" published in the Journal of International Security in 1985. This theory was later elaborated in his book The Origin of Alliances (1987). This theory modifies the general balance of power theory in the neorealist school of international relations. This theory is placed in the general framework of defensive realism theory. In this theory, the balance is formed by the necessity of fear and is to replace the superior power it should be said that based on the theory of threat balance, the unity of states is determined by the actions and creation of threats by other states. Walt believes that states generally counterbalance a perceived threat by uniting. In another interpretation, it should be stated that merely increasing the challenger's power alone does not create a balance of power, but the nature of the power of the rising country requires balance, hence, this balance includes the power and intentions of those in power. He cites the example of European alliance patterns before and during the First and Second World Wars when countries of considerable combined power united against the recognized threat of German expansionism. In fact, according to Walt, governments balance the greatest threats to their security.

According to the main question of the research that was raised, the hypothesis that will be investigated in response to it, the confrontation with the influence of the West and the maximum pressures and sanctions of the United States of America is one of the main reasons for Iran's orientation towards the East, which itself leads to the improvement of Iran's position in China's Middle Eastern regional policy has been in the field of energy. The identity and ideological conflicts of the Islamic Republic of Iran with the West, as well as the economic pressures of the West on Iran on the one hand, as well as China as one of the world powers, especially in the field of economy, can be seen as the reasons for Iran's tendency towards the East, on the other hand, due to The pragmatic principles and foundations of the balanced development of China's Middle East policy with all countries, far from arousing the sensitivities of the United States, Iran as one of the important countries of the Middle East is of great importance. With Tehran, it is a function of this country's macro-Middle East policy, which does not have attributes and characteristics such as strategies or unity. The author tries to investigate the answer given to the main question of this research with a descriptive-analytical method. Based on this, this research gathers information based on internet scientific resources, a review of published upstream documents and reports, and finally data analysis.

In general, I use Stephen Walt's theory of Iran's tendency towards the East, which was based on the balance of threats, he believes that any kind of tendency and alliance needs regional cooperation or a sense of common threat, as a result of the strategy of countries to prevent From the increase in the power of its rival, it is balancing, in general, Iran's tendency towards the east based on Walt's theory, due to the immediate threat caused by sanctions, which has caused the existence or survival of Iran to be endangered, and on the other hand, Iran's interests are balanced with an alliance with China. The relations between Iran and China have a long way to a strategic direction.

This research aims to conduct a conceptual analysis of corruption, social justice, and political justice. It also seeks to categorize, identify indicators, and provide a general overview of corruption during the tenth government in Iran. Additionally, the study aims to evaluate the relationship between corruption and social and political justice within this government. The primary research question is how the relationship between corruption and social-political justice is manifested during the tenth government. This applied research utilizes qualitative data analysis and is characterized as descriptive-analytical. The hypothesis posits that the correlation between corruption and social-political justice in the tenth government is contingent on the absence of corruption alongside the establishment of social-political justice.Conversely, corruption and the attenuation of social-political justice will result in a lower perception of justice. The research suggests that social-political justice is established as corruption decreases in society. Conversely, with increased corruption, social-political justice andthe perception of justice decrease. Given the prevalence of corruption in various Iranian governments, the perception of corruption in the Islamic Republic of Iran is notably high. Future revelations of corruption may adversely impact social justice, reducing social trust, participation, and psychological security.

Social networks, for various reasons, greatly affect the internal dimension of national security.This research seeks to know the impact of one of these networks, that is, Amadyaoz, on national security, which analyzes the data obtained from field research (interviews) in the field of AmadyaozTelegramnetwork with a qualitative method.raising the question that social networks, here In a specific way,what effects has the Amadanews telegram channel had on the internal dimension of the national security of the Islamic Republic during its activity?The findings show that, in the national dimension, Amadyaoz by"directing and deviating public opinion"and"creating duality" and at the"individual level"in two dimensions by encouraging"civil disobedience"and individual departure against the system under the influence of this network's inductions.At the level of the government structure, mechanisms such as "destroying the internal and regional power of the system","creating erosion and costing the system"separation of the people, the system and the revolution" and "inducing corruption in all the elements of the system"are widely used to hit the It uses the existence of the Islamic Republic and inthis way, it challenges the national authority and by intensifying the differences and insecurity, it clearly has a negative and destructive effect on the national security in the internal dimension.

The Islamic Revolution, as a discourse, has always been subject to various discourse conflicts that are carried out by competing and hostile discourses. In this research, one of the most important issues in this field, that is, national security, is considered in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, and the effects of social networks on it have been investigated. In this research, Amad News Telegram channel has been investigated and analyzed using qualitative method and data obtained from field research (interview). The main question of this research is that what effects did this channel have on the internal dimension of national security of the Islamic Revolution during its activity?The findings show that, in the national dimension, Amadyaoz by "directing and deviating public opinion" and "creating duality" and at the "individual level" in two dimensions by encouraging "civil disobedience"&"individual departure against the system under the influence of this network's inductions". At the level of the government structure, mechanisms such as"destroying the internal and regional power of the system","creating erosion and costing the system","separation of the people, the system and the revolution"&"inducing corruption in all the elements of the system" are widely used to confront the discourse.The Islamic Revolution is used and in this way, it has faced a challenge to the national security and by intensifying the differences and insecurity, it has clearly had a negative and destructive effect on the national security in the internal dimension, and in general, it calls into question the whole discourse of the Islamic Revolution.

The Islamic Republic system has faced numerous crises and incidents since the inception of the leadership of the Supreme Leader. Thanks to his management, foresight, and the support of the people, these crises have been either contained or prevented from occurring. Various studies and research have been conducted on the crises that have arisen in the Islamic Republic, published in reputable domestic journals. Most of these studies have focused on interpretative, narrative, historical, and analytical approaches. Some of these research works have also delved into the role of the Supreme Leader in managing and containing the crises during his leadership, using thematic analysis to identify the managerial components employed by him. However, the present article seeks to evaluate previous studies and research on the management of the Supreme Leader during crises, and the policies and leadership management components emphasized by this research to contain the crises. The research method employed in this article is a qualitative meta-analysis with a meta-combination approach. By examining around 42 published research papers in reputable domestic journals on crises, the findings indicate that researchers have identified 54 influential components of the Supreme Leader's management of crises through the thematic analysis of his statements and positions. Among these components, the "rule-oriented approach," "foresight and enlightenment," and "people-centeredness" have been introduced as the most influential policies of the Supreme Leader in crisis containment, being the most prevalent and prioritized.

From the 19th century until now, facing the West and its civilizational manifestations is the main problem of non-Western intellectuals and elites, especially in the Islamic world. The type and nature of the answer has been one of the determining factors of various discourses in the Islamic world. In this research, focusing on the opinions of Shaygan and Inayat, the question of what role and position the West has had in the Iranian intellectual discourse has been evaluated. The hypothesis of the research is that the West is one of the main problematics that has received critical and multifaceted attention from Shaygan and Enayat, and the approach of both of them has distinct and special aspects despite having many commonalities. The findings indicate that Enayat and Shaygan, in facing the phenomenon of the West, instead of fighting and conflict, emphasize continuous criticism, deep and two-way understanding, and the need to recognize themselves and achieve a desirable level of progress. In the way of looking at the West, according to their common concerns and interests, some aspects of similarity are: the importance of a more realistic understanding of the phenomenon of the West and its legacy; Projecting critical views and awareness of the historical developments and evolution of oneself and others and the need to recognize and preserve one's traditional values and identity; And the points of distinction are: uniformity and stability of thought and moderation of concern in facing the phenomenon of the West in front of the complex thought rotations of the advocates and the transition from antagonism to coexistence and interactionism. The approach of the analytical-comparative article and the method of data collection was documentary and library.

Soft power is reproduced on the basis of components in the target country. Many interactions regarding the scope and extent of the soft power of the United States are being published and ongoing in the virtual space on various platforms. To understand the subject accurately; We have divided the components of soft power in America into two general categories: socialist and elitist: socialist components whose main goal is based on social change and we see its product in the lifestyle processes of people in society. The second category are the components that the American government through organizations and ministries play an essential role in the process of control, supervision and implementation...This research seeks to examine the question of how the United States has played a role and deepened its influence through its soft power components in the 11th and 12th governments (during the presidency of Hassan Rouhani), so the hypothesis that includes these cases is that; Due to the favorable use of soft power components by affecting the level of awareness, changing lifestyles and increasing political demands in the 11th and 12th governments, America has strengthened the foundations of political instability and influence in the political and cultural fields.

The Constitutionalist era in Iran brought about a period of significant transformation, where Iranians were exposed to a multitude of new terms and phenomena, resulting in heightened awareness. This newfound awareness laid the groundwork for a shifting of power dynamics and eventually led to structural changes within the country. However, it is important to note that religious, political, and elite figures, shaped by their distinct backgrounds and interests, did not equally reflect these changes. Consequently, varying interpretations of key concepts such as freedom, equality, and law emerged, which were then reflected in the press and media of the time. This research aims to examine the representation of the concept of freedom in the press during a specific historical era, utilizing van Leeuwen's model as a framework. The focus is on analyzing newspapers such as Qanun, Habl al-Matin, Sur-e Esrafil, and Mosavat. The research method employed is content analysis, drawing upon van Leeuwen's theory of representation. The theoretical framework is based on his model, which comprises four key categories: authorization, moral evaluation, rationalization, and mythopoesis. These categories contribute to the discursive construction of legitimization, demonstrating how each element plays a role in legitimizing concepts within representations. Consequently, this research investigates the legitimization of events presented in the press utilizing van Leeuwen's model. Data has been collected from documents and the aforementioned newspapers during the two-year period of the Constitutional Movement, spanning from spring 1285 Sh to summer 1287 Sh.

Border and foreign crises such as the crisis of the risk of re-starting the war after the departure of Imam Khomeini and the hope of the enemies for the end of the revolution, the first and second Persian Gulf wars, the withdrawal of the United States from Afghanistan, and the rule of the Taliban in the country of Afghanistan, and the military movements of Azerbaijan in the border strip of Iran, if it was not prevented by the tact of the leadership and commander-in-chief to strengthening defense preparations and declaring neutrality and non-military intervention in some cases, irreparable damage could be inflicted on the country by arrogance. This article seeks to answer that: How did the Supreme Leader prevent border crises and war during his leadership period (1989-2022)? The research method is a descriptive and thematic analysis and qualitative research. In the process of the article, after examining the concepts and characteristics of crisis and crisis management, the studied crises were reread, then the content analysis of nine speeches, positions, and statements of the Supreme Leader and Commander-in-Chief in this regard was discussed. The findings indicate that, among the 78 extracted concepts and themes, 38 basic themes, 34 organizing themes, and 6 overarching themes were identified, and based on the data analysis, it can be said that the Commander-in-Chief, relying on his management components such as: enemy recognition, awareness raising, people-centricity, anti-arrogance, spiritualism executive and military elements, were able to prevent border crises and war during his leadership period.

Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties have been a source of insecurity in western Iran, undergoing significant changes in their movement over time. Following the 1979 Islamic Revolution, they exploited the vacuum in central power and the nascent revolution, creating instability and insecurity in Iran’s territories against the central government and people residing in Kurdish regions. Later, as the central government established itself and brought peace and order to the country, these parties sought refuge in Iraq under Saddam Hussein’s regime, which was then at war with Iran. After Saddam’s fall, they fled to northern Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan, citing a shared Kurdish identity as the reason. Understanding the roots of their presence in northern Iraq and their impact on Iraqi Kurdistan requires examination of the current power structure in Iraq and sociological analysis of its ethnic and religious dynamics, especially during the democratization process in the post-Saddam era.The overthrow of Saddam Hussein had a profound impact on Iraq’s political structure, resulting in consociational  democracy as the replacement. Consociational   democracy, as an alternative for majoritarian democracy, relies on the cooperation and agreement of the power elite and parties involved in heterogeneous societies. Given Iraq’s unique cultural, social, and historical factors, it was not feasible for majoritarian democracy to ensure public participation and protect minority rights. Even consociational democracy has its own consequences and effects. In Iraq, consociational democracy led to changes in the power dynamics and positions of the Iraqi Kurds. These changes had implications beyond Iraq, affecting the Kurds of other countrieincluding Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties—given their shared identity and common historical and cultural background. The main question of the research is, what is the impact of consociational  democracy and the institutionalization of power in Iraqi Kurdistan on Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties?

 Literature Review:

Using analytical and descriptive methods, Pourahmadi et al. (2016) examined the obstacles facing the democratization process in Iraq. The results revealed multiple factors including ongoing insecurity and political instability, low levels of economic and social development indicators, weak civil political culture, and other factors that exacerbate these crises. Nasri and Rezaei (2018) adopted an analytical–descriptive approach to examine the limitations and possibilities of the Iraqi Kurdistan region in achieving independence. The results concluded that currently, due to structural constraints, geopolitical nature, and resistance from neighboring countries, complete independence for the Iraqi Kurdistan region is not feasible. Relying on the content analysis method, Mohammadi (2008) studied ethnic divisions and their role in ethnic divergence within the country. The results indicated that in regions with higher social divides, there is greater ethnic divergence, while areas with intersecting divides experience lesser divergence.

The present research used a qualitative method and a descriptive–analytical model to investigate the impact of consociational democracy and institutionalization of power in Iraqi Kurdistan on Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties.The research employed Lijphart’s perspective on consociational democracy as a theoretical framework and applied it to the Iraqi context. The main objective of the study was to offer a thorough analysis of how consociationalism and power institutionalization in Iraq have impacted Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties.Lijphart identified four key criteria for consociational democracy: grand coalitions, proportionality, mutual veto rights, and segmental autonomy or federalism. These criteria were incorporated into the government structure of Iraq after 2005. This study analyzed the impact of this democratic process on Iraqi society, including the Kurdish population, and assessed the effects of changes in Iraqi Kurdish society on Iranian Kurdish movements, particularly anti-Revolution movements. To ensure the study’s reliability, the researchers relied on 20 experts, including university professors and specialists in the issues related to Iraq, Iraqi Kurdistan, and the Kurdish anti-Revolution front. Additionally, the results of in-depth questionnaires were used to formulate and compare the findings.

In conclusion, the consociational democracy and institutionalization of power in Iraqi Kurdistan have led to a shift in the autonomy strategy and the adoption of federalism among Iranian Kurdish anti-Revolution parties. As a result, their independence and centrifugal tendencies have increased. The discourse of autonomy among these parties has evolved into a discourse of federalism, influenced by Iraqi Kurdish politics. This shift does not diminish the significance or meaning of the process, but rather opens up a more nuanced discussion of separatism, including the right to self-determination and a Kurdish independence referendum within a federal framework. Federalism is a more appealing and populist concept for the anti-Revolution parties. These armed groups have continued to provide military and urban warfare training to the Peshmerga forces in the Kurdistan region and occasionally engage in guerrilla attacks on Iran’s borders. Since the fall of Saddam’s regime, Iraqi Kurdistan has become a base of support for Kurdish anti-Revolution forces, enabling them to create pursue instability in western Iran and pursue their separatist agenda through both soft and hard tactics.Due to the strong sense of Kurdish identity, the Kurdish society and the Kurdish anti-Revolution are inevitably influenced by Iraqi Kurdistan. This issue should be addressed in order to control the peace and security of the borders. In this line, it is suggested that the costs of hosting the Kurdish anti-Revolution in the Iraqi Kurdistan region be increased for both the regional government and the central government of Iraq. This can be achieved by relying on soft power, diplomatic efforts, and negations with the Kurdish and Iraqi authorities, or if necessary, by resorting to military power.

The transmission of social values and norms takes place during a process called "socialization". Although socialization has a different process in its different stages, it is permanent. The most important function of socialization is the rule of values over the social actions of the members of the society. The values of any society are maintained and promoted through the process of socialization. Institutions in charge of socialization include a range of family, school, university, media, etc., each of which performs its own special task in the matter of socialization.n this article, focusing on the role and function of socialization in the university, an attempt has been made to answer the main question that: "The process of socializing the values of the Islamic Revolution in the students of the Islamic Azad University, Tehran Science and Research Unit, in the last four decades in Iran. How can it be explained based on the structure-agent theory?" The answer was given with the descriptive-analytical method, thematic analysis and the Foundation's data method.Based on the proposed model obtained from the foundation's data method based on the Strauss-Carbon approach, in the Science and Research Unit of Islamic Azad University, while examining the causal conditions, positive and negative intervening and contextual factors, positive and negative strategies were presented and the consequences were expressed.

The present study was conducted with the aim of investigating the impact of the third model of Muslim women on political culture. Countless historical evidences show that the issue of Iranian women's political participation has its roots in the religious culture of Shiism, without having anything to do with the women's movement in Europe and the West. The ideology governing the European women's movement was based on feminism and secularism, but these principles did not have a foundation among the women who participated in the constitutional movement as well as the Islamic revolution. Political culture reveals the structures and meaning of the political arena in the same way that culture in general clarifies the correlation of the integration of the life of political culture. The method of this research was discourse analysis with reference to Ayatollah Khamenei's statements based on the opinions of Lakla and Moff. Considering the components of the political culture in Iran, such as the culture of authoritarianism/citizenship, women's political participation has decreased in history. had.

The Abraham Accords, also known as the joint statement of Washington, Tel Aviv, Emirates, and Bahrain, was an initiative by Donald Trump, the former US president, which was made on August 13, 2020. Etiologically speaking, the Abraham Accords resulted from the Iran-Israel conflicts, which led to the rapprochement between Israel and the Persian Gulf countries. As for its security ramifications, the Abraham Accords will be most effective on the regional security of Western Asia. In this research, we identify the grounds of the formation of the Abrahams Accords, diagnose the factors that contributed to its formation, the phenomenon of Trumpism, and the future of the Abrahams Accords and its impact on the regional security of Western Asia. The main question of this research is: What reasons and causes led to the formation of the Abraham Accords and how would it affect the regional security of Western Asia? The present research is an applied study with respect to its objective. Data collection was carried out through observation, reading, and indexing. Moreover, in its nature, the research is descriptive and analytic, using the theoretical model of the balance of threat. The findings show that the Abraham Accords resulted from Trump’s deal of the century and normalization of relations between some Arabic countries, such as United Arabs Emirates and Bahrain, and Tel Aviv. As for its security implications, the Accords leads to a redefinition of the regional order and a new blocking of power in Hebrew-Arabic countries and the coalition against the Islamic Republic of Iran.

 The aim of the current research is to investigate the theory of good governance and citizens' public trust in government organizations and public services with the moderating role of unethical behaviors. The present research method is practical in terms of its purpose; In terms of its nature, it is causal and in terms of the method of data collection, it is in the category of descriptive research, and in terms of the method of data analysis, it is a type of correlational research based on structural equation modeling. The statistical population of the current research is all citizens over 20 years of age in Mashhad. The data collection tool was a questionnaire that included 48 items and 4 demographic questions, and SPSS and Smart-Pls software were used for data analysis. Regarding the main question of the research, the results of the hypotheses show that good governance affects the social trust of citizens (the first hypothesis), good governance affects unethical behaviors (the second hypothesis), unethical behaviors affect the public trust of citizens (the third hypothesis), and finally governance Good has a positive and significant effect on the social trust of citizens through the moderating variable of unethical behaviors (the fourth hypothesis

The Abraham Accords was concluded the aim of normalizing relations between the Arab states and Israel at the initiative of Donald Trump in order to curb Iran's strategies. Iran's geographical proximity to Arab countries and Israel in West Asia and Iran's military power are considered to be the factors behind the signing of the Ibrahim Pact. The necessity of strengthening and consolidating the Ibrahim Pact provided the ground for the foreign ministers of Egypt, the UAE, Bahrain and the Maghreb to meet in the Negev in the south of occupied Palestine. This meeting has been arranged for the purpose of consolidating this agreement, resolving differences between the members, and also reaching an understanding to reach a joint statement on how Iran's regional behavior will be and prevent Iran's influence. In this research, an attempt is made to evaluate the theoretical approach in the threat balance model, the contexts, goals and strategic effects of the Negev meeting on the Ibrahim Treaty. Therefore, the main question is: What impact has the Negev meeting had on the Ibrahim Pact from a strategic point of view? The results of the research show that the Negev meeting, from a strategic point of view, seeks to consolidate and consolidate the Abraham Pact and redefine the new order of the Arab and Israeli governments in confronting Iran in the turbulent region of West Asia. This research has used the analytical descriptive research method and has chosen the theoretical model of threat balance as its theoretical framework.