naser jamalzadeh

The present study seeks to analyze the phenomenon of partisanship in Islamic Governance in the thought of Ayatollah Khamenei in order to answer the question of what quality the model of a political party has from his point of view. In order to reach a comprehensive model, the authors focused on model studies and extracted and adopted a seven-faceted model that includes foundations, factors, goals, types, components, mechanisms and functions for the current research. This model has been completed and compiled by applying the theme analysis method. The findings of the research show that Ayatollah Khamenei firstly agrees with the principle of party formation and activity, and secondly, he assigns different types of parties, and among these types, he considers a party that can help the Islamic state to be essential. Also, he considers the purpose of the party to be primarily to serve the people and to reach power as a Follow-up result of other party goals and functions. Ayatollah Khamenei enumerates various functions for the party, which have a direct relationship with the principles and goals of the party, so cultural and spiritual functions are completely dominant over the functions of gaining power. In the end, it can be concluded that Ayatollah Khamenei prescribes a model of a democratic and Islam-oriented party for Islamic Governance that has no alternative in the activism scene of contemporary Iran.

Development is one of the most important topics of the governance system.One of the main tools that can be used in understanding the growth of a country and in measuring the policy making process is the qualitative examination of indicators aimed at national development.Cultural development, as one of the three main aspects of territorial development, has always been considered as a necessary and necessary prerequisite for the political and economic development of countries. Our goal of this research is to achieve a brief evaluation of the decisions taken in the contemporary cultural development with the process of exploring the recent political systems.Therefore, we have considered Iran's history for two consecutive periods and have chosen Pahlavi II and the Islamic Republic as our study.After five indicators: "strategy and procedure"; cooperation and awareness; Industry and art; Creation, Belief, Propaganda, and Media" were investigated in the test of two regimes;We found out that although there is a substantial difference between J.A. and the ruling Pahlavi regime in terms of political ideas, but except for the component: "Literature and Architecture", J.A. has a growing or at least equal approach to the measures taken in cultural development in other sectors. The second side has shown.Culture, as the breathing space of a society, is an artefact of a set of elements that shape the mental inductions and behavioral characteristics of the people of a land over many years. The cultural body of any country is the output of temporal-spatial developments governing the men and women of that ecosystem at the intersection of climatic hazards, material blessings, human relations and values and norms established in moral conflicts. From the middle of the Qajar period, Iran witnessed the emergence of cultural and behavioral changes in the inner layers of its identity, by being immersed in the relations of the modern sphere. From the very beginning, the encounter with new technologies and street attractions of Farang people stole the hearts of intellectuals and quickly convinced them that for the prosperity of Iran, they should give in to the cultural transformation of the country. Rather, they should enjoy the dream of more facilities, services and amenities, law and order, and better awareness. This event intensified from the political and economic side after the 1999 coup. From 1306, Reza Khan began to create a judicial system, country divisions and new administrative rules. "Establishing a university and sending students abroad, attracting European advisors in the administration of internal affairs, creating an army and trained military forces, expanding highways, equipping several central cities with the intention of multiplying urbanization and limiting rural and nomadic life" were among them.Such unilateral actions gradually changed the national culture and customary norms. With the requirement to wear a uniform from 1307 and the introduction of the mandatory hijab from 1314 following the limitation of religious propaganda and the economic weakening of religious institutions, the expression of spirituality decreased. After that, with the developmentist literature of Parsons, under the pretext of "expanding the scientific approach, fighting superstitions, meritocracy, specialization, centralization, expediency, elite selection and the creation of a systematic bureaucracy", the cultural development of Iran is synonymous with emptying the national identity and becoming more and more similar to The life of Europeans started. Therefore, denouncing religion and mocking the tradition was recognized as a sign of apostasy. With the spread of the translated works of the intellectuals and the partial implementation of the orders of the British, French and Russian graduates; Fascination with laicity, secularism and relativism became the religion of Islam and exposed the indigenous culture to suicide and eclecticism between traditional and modern aspects.The process of cultural development, passing through two decades of Pahlavi's first efforts under the influence of Turkey's dependent development model, begins with the establishment of Mohammad Reza. The cultural development of Pahlavi II started in the forties and its preparations were planned after the August 28 coup. On the other hand, with the occurrence of the Islamic Revolution, the basic policies of the country underwent transformation and the schema of cultural identity and view of progress changed. Mass media and cultural propaganda and international impositions intensified and made Iran enter another space. The investigation of the country's cultural policies in two consecutive periods was investigated in this article in order to find out what line the cultural development process of contemporary Iran has taken. On the other hand, considering the indicators of development in Western classical formats is not in our nature; Because it cannot provide a model that fits Iranian cultural and ecological signs. But it is necessary to take into consideration the commonalities by extracting the indicators of cultural development in the West and combining them efficiently with the Iranian development model, so that through their rational selection, a comparative approach can be obtained to measure the country's cultural situation; Therefore, in the present study, the efforts of the researchers are focused on exploring the cultural development process of the country during the periods of stability of Pahlavi II and the Islamic Republic. This statement should be organized in a way that can expose the cultural policies of the country to a critical description and a brief but scientific comparison through a precise tool.

After the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, many politicians and thinkers turned their attention to the importance of education, and led to numerous efforts to transform the educational process. However, most research has focused on the theoretical aspects of education and neglected its practical dimensions. Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani, a revolutionary figure who focused on youth education before and after the revolution, could discuss theoretical issues in education and implement his educational model practically. He applied this model in places like Imam Sadiq University and the Marvi Islamic Seminary (Hawza). Therefore, examining his statements can help provide a new and practical model in education. This study analyzes Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani’s written works and ethical speeches to extract relevant educational insights and redesign a coherent model based on his views. He viewed education as a complex and delicate process requiring the guidance of a capable and compassionate mentor. He would overemphasize the crucial role of the mentor and teacher in the educational journey. In his view, a mentor should go beyond teaching knowledge and act as a moral and behavioral role model for the students. With patience, the mentor should internalize human virtues and Islamic values in individuals. From this perspective, the mentor’s role as a guide and behavioral model is a significant part of the educational process according to Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani. This comprehensive and practical approach to education can lead to an effective and applicable model in Islamic education.Research

This study analyzes Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani’s educational views and extracts his educational model using qualitative thematic analysis. This method is suitable for analyzing qualitative data such as texts, speeches, and documents. The study involves several stages: coding, conceptualization, categorization, and report writing. During the coding stage, we identify key themes and concepts in the text.In the conceptualization stage, codes are grouped into distinct categories based on their similarities and differences. In the categorization stage, we identify relationships between categories. The research findings are presented in a coherent and organized way in the report writing stage. Using qualitative thematic analysis helps us deeply and accurately understand Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani’s views on education and extract his educational model.Various sources, including his published books and recordings of ethical sessions held at Imam Sadiq University, were loaded into the MaxQDA software. In the first stage, text segments containing themes related to education were extracted and coded. Then, the codes were grouped into distinct categories (concepts) based on their common aspects. Finally, related concepts were grouped under broader categories (general classifications). The software was used for data analysis.

Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani defined education as the construction, purification, and actualization of potential talents, which cannot be achieved without asceticism and adherence to gradualism. He believed that education should be centered on “revealed-Islamic” teachings and that it should simultaneously utilize emotional and rational aspects, with a greater emphasis on practical teachings over theoretical ones. In this educational approach, the individual is prioritized, and he must strive to educate himself before attempting to educate others. In the educational process, Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani proposed principles such as being achievable, prioritizing the elimination of vices over acquiring virtues, realism, voluntariness, the inverse relationship between age and educability, and so on. He considered gradualism the most important principle, facilitating the realization of the other principles.Explaining Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani’s educational model, the “channels of education” were also discussed. These channels include the educator, requirements, necessities, facilities, educational methods, and potential obstacles in the way of education. The “destination of education” category comprises three concepts: objectives, audiences, and the outcomes of education, all of which were mentioned in Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani’s statements. Factors involved in education include controllable factors like the living environment and uncontrollable factors such as temporal exigencies and heredity. He believed that intention shapes the human spirit and forms the essence of a person. This essence can also shape intentions; that is, the spiritual aspects of a person remain due to heredity, education, or environmental influence. This comprehensive and holistic view of education emphasizes the individual’s role in self-improvement and the necessity of gradualism in the educational process. This view considers education dynamic and complex, requiring coordination between rational, emotional, and practical aspects.

The designed model from Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani’s perspective defines education as a gradual, achievable, voluntary, and realistic process with a Divine origin and fixed content. This process, centered on “revealed-Islamic” teachings, and considering temporal exigencies, systematically imparts knowledge within the family and society. The starting point of this process is the educator, whose actions, utilizing progressive and obstacle-removing methods and relying on educational principles, expand exponentially and synergistically. In aiming for the perfection of the individual and society, this process actualizes potential talents by focusing on the human emotional and rational aspects. The ultimate result is an efficient, logical, and humble society before the truth.

Social change and transformation have long been studied by political philosophers and thinkers of social sciences, and a range of classical to modern theories have been presented in the field of "revolution theories". Although Iran`s Islamic Revolution was a unique revolution that had a serious impact on the theorizing of the revolutions, despite the efforts made, the analysis of the Islamic revolution and other divine-human (innate) revolutions still requires theorizing, and also there is a void of native theories based on Islamic principles in this field. Meanwhile, Imam Khomeini`s thought as a theoretician and leader of the Islamic Revolution has a potential for the innate (divine-human) revolution theory. Imam Khomeini (may Allah be pleased with him) explained the revolution and the inner upheaval of man based on the theory of innate and generalize individual's precepts on society, He explained the natural (divine-human) revolutions based on the “Makhmurah” and “Blate” nature and the spiritual and inner transformation of man. This article attempts to extract and analyze the fundamentals and components of the innate theory of revolution from the perspective of Imam Khomeini (RA) based on the foundation's data theorizing method.

The main purpose of the current research is to compare the political development during the stability period of Pahlavi II with the period of political stability of the Islamic Republic. Political development is one of the most important concepts of the political literature of the last century in Iran. The author is looking for an answer to the question that the components of political development in the period of stability of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and the period of stability of the Islamic Republic have commonalities and differences with each other. The method used in this article is an adaptation to the descriptive-analytical approach. The political development during the stability period of Pahlum II and the stability period of the Islamic Republic was analyzed and compared based on the four components of the institutionalization of the monopoly of political power, the institutionalization of the acquisition of political power, the institutionalization of the exercise of political power, and the institutionalization of the integration of political power.

Characterized by its Shiite background and the interdependence of religion and politics in governance, the Safavid government bear some significant similarities to the Islamic Republic of Iran and played an important role in shaping Iran's political and social history. The aim of the present research is to examine the causes of the decline and fall of the Safavid government and to investigate the strategies that could have served as a solution to this decline for the Safavids To this end, after a historical investigation, Resaale-ye Teb-ol Mamaalek (the Treatise on State Medicine) written by Qutb al-Din Nayrizi has been chosen as the textual reference to analyze and achieve the research goal. This selection is of great importance due to Qutb al-Din Nayrizi's religious status and his contemporaneity with the reign of Shah Sultan Hussein Safavid (during whose period the fall of the Safavids occurred), and it can significantly reflect the political and social conditions of that era and elucidate Nayrizi's prescriptions for strengthening the political and social foundations of Safavid Iran and overcoming the state of weakness.

Due to the text-oriented nature of the current research, the authors will use the thematic analysis, which is more applicable to written sources. Accordingly, the materials related to the topic were extracted, categorized and coded. Relying on the stated methodological steps, in order to discover the existing topics of the text of  Resaale-ye Teb-ol Mamaalek (the Treatise on State Medicine), the extraction and coding process of the topics in each section has been done by the researchers. Therefore, using MaxQDA software, categories related to the factors of decline and the strategies to prevent it were marked with the symbols Fa and So, and the coding process was carried out.

In the end, the extracted themes were categorized under two main headings: causes of decline and strategies for overcoming the crisis. Through this process, the influential factors in each of these two headings were identified from Qutb al-Din Nayrizi's perspective, and the position of various factors in his thought was recognized. According to the author of this treatise, if the scholars, as one of the important social groups, are weak-willed, worldly, hypocritical, followers of the Sultan, and inactive, the groundwork for societal decline is laid. Nayrizi also mentions "environmental factors," including widespread famine and foreign territorial expansionism, and "divine trials and traditions" as causes of societal decline. 

According to the findings, it can be concluded that this religious thinker classified the factors of degeneration into the following five categories: factors related to the  public, factors related to scholars, factors related to governance, environmental factors, and also divine traditions; he also classified the solutions to deal with it under four categories: solutions related to the  public, solutions related to the scholars, solutions related to governance, and finally, transcendental solutions or divine aid.

The present study seeks a comparative study of the nature and function of political parties in the political thought of Ayatollah Shahid Beheshti and Ayatollah Mohammad Reza Mahdavi Kani. Paying attention to the commonalities and differences between these ideas and different views and descriptions of the quality of the political party, will lead to a better understanding of these ideas in the face of the party issue, and the result of that comparative analysis will increase party knowledge in the existing party system. Therefore, the main question of the present article is what is the nature and function of political parties in the Islamic Republic of Iran from the perspective of Ayatollah Beheshti and Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani and their similarities and differences. To get the answer; Three components of the thinker and provider of the theory, the audience, and the context or historical context have been considered; The descriptive-comparative method has been used to analyze and classify the collected data based on the library method. Therefore, the present article; After explaining the main characteristics, in two sections, the nature and function of Western political parties, went to the views of these two thinkers, and their views were read and compared in these two sections. The findings of this study show that despite the commonalities of the two thinkers in the substantive and functional part of the parties, there are also distinct aspects that are specific to the thought of the thinker who is noteworthy in determining his party position

After the bitter experience of Iran's defeat in the Russian wars and the acquaintance of the educated class with the civilizational advances of the West, a class of Iranian intellectuals gradually emerged who worked to eliminate backwardness and progressiveness until the establishment of the constitution and the fall of the Qajar dynasty.In introducing the most prominent figures of the first generation of this movement, we can mention Seyyed Jamaluddin Asadabadi and Mirza Malkam Khan Nazim al-Dawlah as two religious and western intellectuals.In the current research, we have investigated the opinions of these two thinkers with a comparative method to answer the question of what are the similarities and differences in the approach of these two personalities in facing Western modernity; With the aim of gaining a better understanding of the basis of today's differences between the intellectual current and the Western world.This research is based on his written and library works in Spriggan's crisis-oriented theoretical framework.In expressing the results of the research, it can also be said: both want political-religious reforms and see the crisis in the backwardness of the understanding of the contemporary world; However, with a selective, critical and transnational perspective, Asadabadi is trying to pursue the goal of Islamic unity and prosperity by awakening the Islamic Ummah. But Malkam Khan is looking for a pure imitation of the principles of Western modernity in order to make the despotic Iranian nation progressive.

The origins of some of the current legal and political structures of the Islamic Republic of Iran go back to the Constitutional Revolution. Some of the important themes that make up the legal and political structure of the country are rooted in the constitution and the thought of the elites of that period. Therefore, the issue of the present study is the explanation of the law as one of the most important constitutional concepts in the thought and opinions of the political elites of that period. Explaining this issue can lead to a proper understanding of the provisions of many existing laws, it is important in this regard. It is also necessary in that it can contribute to the pathology of much of the research literature of the period. The main question of the research is what mental image of the law do the elites of the constitutional period have? And the sub-question of the research is that from what origin and source did they receive this concept? It also aims to contribute to the richness of research in the field of important constitutional topics. A combined descriptive-analytical and comparative method has been used to achieve this research goal. The general finding of the research is that despite the common chapter of the efforts of scholars and intellectuals to solve the problem of backwardness in Iran, their different mental image of constructing the concept of law has caused a unique activism. Intellectual constitutionalists, applying human-centered principles, demanded that the sharia should not interfere in politics. On the other hand, the comprehensionists, understanding the norms of Iranian society, sought to enforce Western laws through the direct action of the people in formulating laws and reducing conflict with Islamic teachings. In contrast to separatists, separatist intellectuals blamed Islamic teachings for the country's lack of progress and saw human rights as drivers of development. On the other hand, legitimate scholars considered the origin of legislation to be the original Islamic rules and considered any formulation of human laws as heresy. The approach of constitutionalist scholars was to influence the component of recognizing the requirements of the time in drafting laws and confirming the indirect role of the people in drafting the law.

In the area of contemporary Iranian politics, "influence" is one of the main concepts that at any point in history of Iran, has created a kind of risk and threat to the interests of Iranian society and country in practice. One of the first steps in confronting this project (external infiltration project) is to gain a favorable understanding of the various aspects of this issue and to analyze. With respect to this matter, the present study uses the "content analysis" method to examine the coordinates of the British influence project during the Iranian constitutional movement (between 1906 and 1913) based on the analysis of letters issued by the previous British Foreign Secretary. (Edward) has dealt with Iran at that time. The findings of this paper show that in order to maximize its interests, the UK has designed seven policies based on a set of influence principles and implemented them through its internal and external agency. According to the results of this study, the main audience, observer, competitor, and supporter, are four categories of the audience that in the process of designing these policies, the influencers have been considered the nature and strategy of the historical obstacle of the infiltration process.

Principle of Velayat-e- Faqih, Given its special importance in advancing Islamic goals And its support for the Islamization of society was a scene of sensitivity and conflict between Shiite scholars. This issue has made the jurists, in their various Jurisprudence works talk about this topic. Including comments about Velayat-e Faqih And by the opponents and supporters of the argument, there is a debate, is the Various dimensions of view of Allamah Mohammad Hosein Nayini (RA)One of the great jurists of the Constitutional Revolution. The present paper seeks to use the skinner's hermeneutic research method and with the requirements of its method, to research his opinions Which is sparse in his Jurisprudential bookks , and also based on historical backgrounds of that period. This article is about to answers the question of how far the domains of the Velayat -e- Faqih are in his view and what is his point of view is the level of the province's actions. Although the present research is not very hypothetical, But according to a priori studies and knowledge of Shiite scholars, the claim of this research is based on the accepted form of government in the absolute of the Velayat-e- faqih with Ayatollah Naiani

Revolutionism is one of the most important and studiable issues in the field of political thought in the Islamic Republic of Iran and it is necessary to speak about it from the perspective of indigenous and Islamic values. Therefore, in this article, we examine this issue in the political thought of the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei. We have addressed and answered the question: What are the components of revolutionism discourse in the political thought of Ayatollah Khamenei? Given that in His statements, a range of topics can be seen - from the definition of this concept to its effects on the history of the Islamic Republic - the most appropriate methodological framework for analyzing the data of this study is Norman Fairclough's discourse analysis perspective. Therefore, the subject of revolutionism was pursued in three levels of description, interpretation and explanation; at the description level, value-orientedness, idealism, libertarianism, sensitivity to the enemy, and religious-political piety were articulated as discourse signs, and the conceptual signifier of value-orientation was introduced as the central signifier. At the level of revolutionary interpretation, the effective factors in the formation and evolution of revolutionary discourse were discussed, and issues such as the early Islamic revolution, the role of missionaries, word-building and institutionalization were identified. Finally, in explaining the revolutionary discourse, the alienation of the revolutionary discourse, the realized social functions of this discourse and how to improve it were discussed.

In order to answer the central question of the study, which is "the extent of the province of jurisprudents in the thoughts and political actions of the researcher of Karki, what are they included?", All the members of the general province, especially the jurisprudent, were categorized and coded. Providing this coherent model of all kinds of Provinces will enable other researchers to use the same model to evaluate the thoughts and political actions of other jurisprudents. By finding this coded intervention in the most important works related to the researcher, the researchers found that in the thought and practice of the Kirkhi scholar of all kinds in the province, as well as of the provincial governorate, the status of religious authority was more solid than other domains An innocent succession in all the powers and duties of the judiciary, emphasizing on the need for the jurisprudent to judge, and the political status of the prayers of the Friday and receiving the tribute, which indicates his belief in the maximum extent of the province of the jurisprudents in the field of action Political. The research method is content analysis.

The alienation of power with spirituality in the liberal-democratic discourse has made politics into the realm of struggle in its domination, with the claim of orbital ethics. In the religion of Islam, spirituality is the flow and movement on the path (God's love for theology and melting in His divinity). The system of religious democracy comes from Islam and the Islamic revolution. If Islamic spirituality, as one of the sources of power, comes from the purely individual and internal affairs of the community, so that the person, the society and the state would become spiritual, and spiritual power is produced. In this sense, the individual, the society, and even the state, with all its structure and its agents, can become godly, that if such a success comes, then not only will corruption be not only power but also bring about the excellence and prosperity of the power of the people first and foremost to the people of the community. In this study, it will be focused on the conceptual framework of spiritual power and the multi-dimensional hermeneutic approach to understanding and interpreting Imam Khomeini's thought and life, which would be the best analogy of the embodiment of spirituality in the individual and social domain. The spiritual power of the Islamic Revolution, given its nature, resources, types, and applications, has such a capacity that it can shield the discourse of soft power in the present historical twist and changes itself into the dominant discourse; Especially in the present era, spirituality will be seen not only in the East, even in the most secretive parts of the Western community.The spiritual power of the Islamic Revolution, given its nature, resources, types, and applications, has such a capacity that it can shield the discourse of soft power in the present historical twist and changes itself into the dominant discourse; Especially in the present era, spirituality will be seen not only in the East, even in the most secretive parts of the Western community.

One of the most important reasons for the study of revolutions is to find out what causes the transformation or persistence of the revolution. The survival of the Islamic Revolution is a subject that the leader of the Islamic Revolution, especially in recent years, has emphasized on it to be provided by various groups. In the statements of the Supreme Leader, It has been pointed out that the revolution and its survival must be considered and be provided as a goal and an indicator. In this article, we have tried to answer the main question and it’s "what are the components of the Islamic Revolution’s Durability in the Thoughts of Ayatollah Khamenei”. This research has been done by means of thematic analysis method using MAXQDA software. The results of this research are gathered in the form of table results including basic themes and organizers themes. In this study, four major organizer themes, Islam, Leadership, People and Efficiency, were received based on the views expressed by the Supreme Leader and his Thoughts. These four main elements, which are the pillars of the Islamic Revolution, include more detailed elements, which are presented in the form of basic themes. The components gathered in this study are elements that have been raised by the Supreme Leader over the years, and the need for attention, preservation and continuation of these components is essential for maintaining the Islamic Revolution and its growth.

examining the functions of the “Majlis” as one of the components of the political system of the Islamic Republic of Iran-in the intellectual system of Imam Khomeini has special role, "What is the position of the supervisory function among the various functions of the Islamic Consultative Assembly?" To answer this question, the content analysis method and library reference to the collection of Imam Khomeini's Speeches (in “Sahifeh-ye Noor” as the official reference of his statements have been used. Therefore, after extracting the concepts related to the subject, the functions of the Islamic Consultative Assembly have been classified and defined in two pivots of regulation and supervision. By this, the importance of each of these functions is determined and the status of parliamentary oversight is Qualified in different ways. Finally, the results of the research show that, against to the common beliefs that see the legislating as the main function of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, and also the function of this institution in different periods reflects a focus on this task, the founder of the Islamic Revolution of Iran has emphasized on the parliamentary oversight of the affairs and see this status as the main function of the Islamic Consultative Assembly

Social gaps and splits have long been the cause of social dilemmas and crises in various societies, and threatened the convergence and social cohesion of those societies. Therefore, the desirable management of these gaps has been consistently targeted by government officials through the adoption of efficient strategies. Meanwhile, the management based on concluding social treaties is one of the most important strategies for managing social gaps, as the administration of the prophet of Islam (PBUH) is a graph of the implementation of this strategy. The present paper will attempt to answer this question that what is the contract-oriented position in managing the internal gaps of prophetic society and how does this kind of management affect the creation of social convergence in the same Islamic society of the Prophet (PBUH)? In this regard, while presenting a conceptual model, it first addresses the social divisions of the prophetic society and then focuses on the interactive strategy benchmarking of the Prophet (PBUH) in managing social divisions. It should be noted that the authors of this paper will use the documentary-library method to collect information and use the descriptive-analytical method to answer the above question.

Order and security and their dimensions in Islamic verses and tra- dition are individual and social necessities being in the center of the true religion of Islam’s attention. Order and security are inter- dependent. Security comes as a result of order, and with security, order continues. God has created human beings and knows every- thing about their inner and outer needs, therefore, he is aware of the order and security man needs to reach peace and tranquility. Thus, we should search for the characteristics of the secure society, in the discourse of God and his Prophets and Imams. This article is going to explain the ideal order and security of man in the Quran and Is- lamic tradition and the life style of innocent Imams employing descriptive-analytical method.

The process of the Islamic Revolution victory has been explained and interpreted based on different sociological approaches and views, and its causes and reasons of emergence have been discussed from various points of views. The approach employed in the present study is to explore the Islamic Revolution based on Castells’ network theory of power. According to this model, power is made up of networks linked together by means of switchers forming an intertwining network of power. In the opposite frontier, social activists form an anti-power network that helps the collapse of the government if it infiltrates the power network and cut the power links. In the present article, we will explain how the anti-power networks during the Islamic Revolution were linked together through mosques, religious bodies, and universities headed by Imam Khomeini as a switcher and how they managed to weaken the power network of Pahlavi regime including army, capitalist who support the regime, Massive state bureaucracy and support of foreign powers and eventually overthrow it. In this article, considering the historical documents, this hypotheses is being proved that the links between anti-power networks including clergy’s network and Islamic seminary, traditional middle class and bazaar, new middle class and enlightened activists and labor network, beside crisis such as economic problems which causes the separation of capitalist network and Pahlavi regime, political crisis caused by the lack of dealing with expectations of new middle class and enlightened and Shah’s thought of lack of support of foreign powers, gradually weakened the regime and provided the needs of the collapse of regime as Mohammad Reza Pahlavi (as the switcher of power networks) left the country.

Facing a torrent of separation after Islamic Revolution, even in early years of founding Iranian political factions have been separated. In several cases conflicts in political processes results in dissolution of the process or come in to conflict or political warfare. Given that, the article seeks to take first step to stabilize Iranian political parties and factions by building a survey on the roots of the parting, Since the trend of political developments is in a manner that demonstrates the maintenance of this trend in political developments. All discourse figures on three level of context, representation and social practice as Norman Fairclough argues, in this regard research findings will be classified on three levels of description, interpretation and explanation. The reason of factions in political processes according to conceptions of discourse analysis theory such as completion in semantics facing other semantics, Defining discourse through its oppositions, the impact of social changes on discourse and the Articulation mechanism and the reasons of factions in processes in each chapter will be discussed.

After the occurrence of the Islamic Revolution in 1979, the long-term vital interests of America faced with a serious challenge in the Middle East. At the same time, the Iranophobia project was on the agenda of western countries and America in military, political, economic and especially advertising and media aspects that which ultimately led to the phobia of the Islamic Republic of Iran among the neighboring countries of the Persian Gulf border. One of the most important and influential effects of this phobia was establishing the Persian Gulf cooperation council that consisted of the six countries of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arabic Emirates, and Oman. The main research question is: what is the relationship between the development of arms purchases of the Persian Gulf cooperation council members and the Iranophobia project? The hypothesis of this paper is that the induction of Iranophobia is due to obtaining greater economic benefits for Western countries and America through arms purchases to the Persian Gulf countries. The present article attempts to use and the descriptive - analytical method and the neorealistic approach as the conceptual framework to evaluate the effect of Iranophobia on the ascending trend of arms purchases among the Persian Gulf cooperation council members.

Justice has been reflected upon by various religious and nonreligious thinkers since ancient times. In Islam, discussions of justice among theologians started in different sects with a discussion of divine justice and gradually expanded to reach discussions of social and political justice. While examining the various aspects of sociopolitical justice in Islam, this article makes an attempt to follow this concept in three jurisprudential, philosophical and sociological approaches among contemporary Muslim thinkers. In this respect, the views of three thinkers, who paid attention to this concept in their works, is of significance. To this end, the views of Allâmé Mirzâ Hoseyn Nâini will be discussed from the Islamic jurisprudential point of view, those of Ayatollah Mortezâ Motahari from the philosophical point of view and those of Dr. Ali Shariati from the sociological point of view. This study will also make an attempt to establish landmarks in the discussion of justice, with which the reader can make a comparative study. For this purpose, the philosophical, social and sociological foundations of justice will be emphasized and various aspects of justice (political, social, economic and philosophical justice) will be identified and introduced accordingly.

At the first Islamic age, mosque was the main institution with social and political functions which are now conducted by other several institutions because of structural parting in modern era. However in the years of Islamic revolution of Iran, this potentiality flourished by clerical leadership. The writers want to recognize this social and political capacity Of mosque in these years by applying the Functionalist Approach of Talcott Parsons and Robert King Merton based on historical facts, which verify dysfunction of iranian mosques in dominant cultural system plus their hidden function in communicating between revolutionaries that reinforced total nonbalance in dominant social system.

This article is an interdisciplinary study of culture and politics that combines insights from political science and the concept of image in the discipline of culture and communication. Relying on various documents and secondary sources pertaining to the period of constitutional revolution in Iran, this article is an attempt to reconstruct the mental image that the Shiite scholars (Ulama) had of western political systems as well as their own government and society. Western domination and its cultural hegemony seemed to threaten Muslim societies including Iran due to western countries' superiority in science and technology. Perceptions of such an imminent danger created a particular image of the west in the minds of majority of Iranian political elite and Shiite scholars prompting them to join in one way or another the reform movement known as the constitutional movement towards saving Islamic culture and Iran from foreign invasion.

After the victory of Islamic Revolution, imposing sanctions has characterized American behavior towards on the Islamic Republic of Iran. The increasing sensitivity towards the nuclear program has intensified sanctions and the US Congress has been become one of the most famous sources of intensified sanctions. However, sanction is just one of three major types of American behavior towards Iran. The military action and removal of sections are other types for which some have argued. Supporters of the latter two types have tried to achieve their goals (either through direct or indirect) lobbying. However, current situation is in favor of those supporting the sanctions. The article examines why and how to promote the idea of those supporting the sanctions in the US Congress in the light of Jenifer Nicoll Victor's theory of legislative context, which deals with the method of lobbying.