nowzar shafiee

The rise of China as a major power is one of the most significant developments in global politics in the 21st century. As a result, this has sparked concerns from the United States and Southeast Asian countries. In response, Washington has implemented its grand strategy to enhance deterrence and maintain the balance of power in Asia through the "Pivot to Asia" and "Indo-Pacific" strategies. Chinese leadership, on the other hand, views these American strategies as intensifying the security dilemma in the region, which not only increases the likelihood of direct confrontation, but also poses a serious challenge to China's growth trajectory.Given the current situation and China's desire for economic development and strategic engagement with Washington, the question is “What strategy should Beijing adopt to avoid being harmed by pressure from the United States and its allies in Southeast Asia?” China's actions suggest that it has adopted what is known as a "hedging" strategy to secure its strategic interests while avoiding confrontation with the US. Indeed, it seeks to foster its development by leveraging its strategic engagement with the US. In other words, Beijing has endeavored to respond decisively but with strategic caution, to avoid conflict with the US, prevent anti-balancing coalitions (by Southeast Asian countries), and ensure the continuation of its power growth.The hedging strategy is a thoughtful approach that manifests as a cautious response to risks in a constructive, peaceful, and non-confrontational manner. It closely aligns with Beijing's peaceful diplomacy in the region, aimed at maximizing benefits and minimizing threats. In general, China's hedging strategy is based on two pillars: first, reassuring its surrounding environment (Southeast Asia) regarding the benign consequences of Beijing's growing power; and second, indirectly balancing the US through soft competition.

The article's hypothesis is examined through a descriptive-analytical method and involves two main variables: First, the independent variable, which includes the "Pivot to Asia" strategy—a form of rebalancing by the United States against China—and the "Indo-Pacific" strategy, which represents an aggressive policy by the United States towards China. Second, the dependent variable is China's hedging strategy.

The relationship between China and the United States, as two major powers, has ranged from cooperation to competition over the past two decades. Throughout this period, Chinese political leaders (from the second generation of leadership to the present) have sought to secure their interests and respond to threats by addressing structural and domestic factors. In essence, China's foreign policy has been based on economic growth aimed at peaceful development and strategic caution in the face of security risks. This approach has enabled Beijing to take steady steps towards continued economic growth and, in parallel, enhance and stabilize its power in the region as it entered the new millennium.In the meantime, China's increasing role in Asia and its high potential to become a hegemon prompted the United States to operationalize its strategy to enhance deterrence and contain Beijing through the "Pivot to Asia" and "Indo-Pacific" strategies. In response, Beijing adopted the hedging strategy as its Asian policy.

Beijing's hedging strategy is structured in two layers. The initial layer itself has two dimensions. The first pertains to the mutual dependency between Beijing and the United States, which China seeks to maintain and exploit to sustain its power growth. The second relates to China's growing security concerns regarding threats from the US, which may lead to a confrontation. These considerations have driven China to manage its relations carefully and avoid geopolitical competition with the US. The subsequent layer concerns Beijing's response to US actions in its surrounding environment, namely Southeast Asia. In this regard, Beijing has attempted to overcome challenges posed by the US by adopting a "reassurance approach" to weaken any coalitions against China.

One of the important topics that was raised in diplomatic and academic circles after the Cold War was the discussion of reforms in the UN Security Council. At that time, two general objections were brought to the Security Council: illegitimacy and inefficiency. One of the suggested ways to solve this problem was to increase the number of members and various plans were also presented in this regard. India has been one of the contending countries for permanent membership, and for this purpose, it proposed the "Group of Four" plan. Population, size, democracy, nuclear capability, and effective cooperation with the United Nations have been among the reasons for India's candidacy for a permanent seat in the Security Council. The question of this article is why New Delhi is seeking a permanent seat? The hypothesis of the article, which has been examined in a descriptive-analytical way, is that India is seeking international status by becoming a permanent member of the Security Council. A country that achieves international status is able to take advantage of this status to acquire and exercise power and influence and elevate its position to a position beyond the current rank. The findings of the article showed that the efforts that India has made so far are insufficient and a new strategy is needed to achieve the goal.

AbstractIran-Taliban relations can be divided into three periods. The first period includes from the early 1370s to the end of this decade. Relations between Iran and the Taliban were competitive during this period. The second period includes the early 1380s to 1400s. In this period, despite the initial divergence, Iran and the Taliban moved towards cooperation. The third period includes from 1400 onwards. In this period, the cooperation between Iran and the Taliban in the previous period has given way to competition. The question of this article is, what are the reasons that made the relations between Iran and the Taliban more competitive in this period? The hypothesis of the article, which has been investigated in a descriptive-analytical way, is that the disappearance of the common threat and the formation of incompatible interests have made the relations between Iran and the Taliban more competitive. The findings of the article showed that the cooperation between Iran and the Taliban in the past period was due to the existence of a common enemy called America, as well as the compatibility preferences that were created in the decision-making apparatus of Iran and the Taliban. Now, with the disappearance of the common threat and the return of incompatible preferences that existed in the first period of Iran-Taliban relations, the relations between the two sides have become competitive.

Based on "Innovative Comprehensive Partnership”, the People's Republic of China and Israel have developed bilateral relations over the last decade. In order to examine various aspects of this issue, the present article answers the question that what are the most important opportunities and challenges affecting the China-Israel Innovation Comprehensive Partnership?

The present research is a fundamental research and the type of research is also qualitative. The data collection tool is the field and library method. In this regard, theoretical and conceptual foundations are written by studying records, statistics, data and previous researches, and then using a researcher-made questionnaire tool (distribution of 50 questionnaires among experts) based on the five-point Likert scale, the degree of influence of opportunities and challenges is evaluated on Innovation Comprehensive Partnership. Finally, the most important factors could be identified.

The findings showed that there is a significant relationship between the opportunities and challenges of China and Israel and the Innovation Comprehensive Partnership.

The results of the research showed that the Innovation Comprehensive Partnership based on the opportunities of China (acquiring advanced military technology, strategic hedging to regulate interactions with West Asia, development needs and overcoming America's limitations in the field of technology in the world) and Israel (possibility of cooperation overflow, maintaining a minimum level of relations with China and influence on China's position towards Iran and Palestine).At the same time, the partnership is affected by the challenges of the two actors at the extra-regional level (American pressures), regional (China's interactions with the countries of the West Asian region) and national level (Israel's domestic sensitivity).

Today, the US-China trade war is one of the major challenges in international relations. Academic circles have analyzed this war from different perspective. This article also seeks to answer this question that what kind of fundamental economic response from China will the US trade war against China eventually lead to? The hypothesis of the article, which is examined in a descriptive-analytical way, is that China's involvement in the US trade war will be a function of China's perception of US goals. If the US trade war against China in Beijing is seen as the result of an inherent rivalry between the United States and China for hegemony, China may move toward economic decoupling from the United States. Inherent rivalry refers to the competition that occurs due to the nature of power between two great powers to gain a hegemonic position. But if in Beijing the US trade war against China is seen as the result of an institutional conflict in the political and economic system of China and the United States, China's response is likely to be in the form of economic reforms and a move toward "greater economic ties" with the United States. The article's findings show that China is regarding both considerations as part of a larger strategy, and from this perspective it doesn't matter to Beijing whether Biden is in power or Trump.

This article seeks to answer the question of how the 25-year Iran-China agreement can be evaluated in the light of China's foreign policy developments. The hypothesis of the article, which was examined by descriptive-analytical method, was that with the end of the Cold War, China's foreign policy orientations changed from "non-alignment" to "partnership agreement" and the 25-year Iran-China agreement can be evaluated in this Approach. Addressing this issue is important in terms of examining the 25-year Iran-China agreement from a Chinese foreign policy perspective. This study will show how the Chinese implement their strategies in the form of a coordinated and planned policy.Experimental findings show that since 1993, the number of Chinese partners in the form of a partnership agreement has been on the rise, with Beijing now partnering with more than 78 countries. This means that participatory diplomacy has become an important tool in China's foreign policy in recent years. Of course, the pattern of China's strategic partnership varies from country to country, depending on its position in China's foreign policy. Theoretical findings of the research also show that the orientation of countries' foreign policy is not fixed and changes in different time conditions under the influence of the requirements of national interests.

Today, the center of gravity of international politics and security has shifted from the Atlantic to the Pacific and Indian Oceans. The term Indo-Pacific is a term used to describe this evolution. Each of the major international powers is seeking to play a role in this area. This article seeks to answer the question of "what role does Europe play in the great Indo-Pacific game?" The hypothesis of the article, which has been studied by descriptive-analytical method, is that the European Union has already gained effective influence in the Indian and Pacific Oceans at the level of "national units" and "Union", but in order to play a more effective role, it can Institutionalization in this area. The interest of the countries in the region in the normative attitude of the European Union and their concern about the negative consequences of the Sino-US competition in the region has provided a good opportunity for Europe to play a role in the Indo-Pacific area. In addition, US efforts to establish a regional order embodied in the Indo-Pacific Strategy and China's efforts to establish a regional order embodied in the Belt-Road Initiative are mutually reinforcing, allowing Europe to do the same. By adopting an "inter-institutional" strategy, to regulate the regional order of the Indian Ocean and the Pacific. Such a conclusion, within the framework of the role balance theory, practically reinforces the role of Europe, along with the United States and China, in the process of regional and global order developments.

India in recent years has become into a major regional power and a key player in the global system and with considerable speed toward becoming a great world power is going to. Undoubtedly, the Indian foreign policy positions and what changes occur in a region at least in South Asia and even the whole Asia will adopt and follow, Can significantly affect the development trajectory and its consequences. Therefore, future stability and security in South Asia largely depend on the beliefs of India. India’s in their strategic plans have been their top priority in Sosuth Asia and Afghanistan because of the look of Indian’s is the range of South Asia, has a particular importance in foreign policy of this country. Thus, Indian’s always in the history of Afghanistan have a special look. This research investigated the importance and strategic position of Afghanistan in India's foreign policy, pays to India's role in rebuilding Afghanistan and also this country's approach towards the new government of Afghanistan after September 11, 2001. These researches also considered the differences in approach to Iran and India, towards the new government of Afghanistan and pay the two countrie's common interests and background for further cooperation in Afghanistan. The research question is: What’s India approach toward Afghanistan after September 11, 2001? This research also has two subsidiary questions are as follows: What’s the Afghanistan position in foreign policy of Indias? And, what are the common field’s cooperation between Iran and India in Afghanistan? The main objective of this study is explaining Indian approach towards Afghanistan after September 11, 2001. Research methods in this study are descriptive - analytical. Due to the nature and type of subject studied, the data collection was done mainly to libraries and the Internet and research findings and analysis is a qualitative manner. Afghanistan is a very important geopolitical position in the Indian foreign policy; because the India strategic partnership with Afghanistan, expand "strategic depth" of India to Central Asian and not only prevent the encirclement of India by China and Pakistan, But makes arrived blockade and inhibition of multiple pressures on Pakistan. Thus, India in different periods without considering the type of Kabul regimes, Always had good relations with these regimes and had cooperation approach towards them. In This research relations between India and Afghanistan is divided into two periods: before and after September 11, 2001. India in Afghanistan after September 11 has been privileged position; this reason, the sensitivity of some countries including its long-standing rival, Pakistan has been rose. India has helped to rebuild Afghanistan after September 11 amount to 1/2 billion dollars and this amount has become India's largest donor countries to Afghanistan in the region. Of course, in helping to rebuild Afghanistan, India has cooperated with some regional powers like Iran that this cooperation has occurred in three major fields: 1) survival of the current government of Afghanistan, 2) Afghanistan economic development; 3) transit cooperation. India's strategy towards Afghanistan after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, was based on the following three: Participation in economic development, supporting the Afghan central government and attempts to prevent the Taliban back to power again. Overall we can say that India's approach towards the new government of Afghanistan after the September 11, 2001, has been a cooperative and positive approach. Indian influence in Afghanistan has re-acquired after 11 September. India's prestige is growing in Afghanistan and this ties whit Kabul in various fields is expanding rapidly. But certainly, the most important regional rivals India –Pakistan- will not sit unemployed and will perform actions against Indian influence in Afghanistan that one of these actions is to support and strengthen the Taliban, especially if these groups are re-entered the government of Afghanistan, Pakistan’s role and influence will increasing in Afghanistan.