reza najafzadeh

Conducting a special military operation in Ukraine has created a crisis in legal and geopolitical order. Political documents such as ``On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukrainians`` and ``on conducting a special military operation`` cannot be truly re-read except by re-interpreting the geopolitico-theological texts of the Heideggerian theoreticians of the Russian Katechonic identity. By re-visiting the theory of Katechon, this article aims to examine the so-called Katechontic identity of Russia in the geopolitics of crisis and the dimensions of the Russian mindset in intervention in legal rule making in the global state of war. In fact, the main question of this article is how the Katechonic identity of Russia is defined in apocalyptic geopolitics, and theories such as neo-Eurasianism and National Bolshevism, based on theological and philosophical foundations, have worked to prepare an anti-legal order beyond the international legal order? The Russo-Ukrainian War is the main case. This article is in the framework of radical political theology, critical theory in international law and critical geopolitics.

In this article, we tried to examine the history of the conceptual development of the revolution in the West by looking at the conceptual framework of Reinhart Koselleck from the history of concepts and explain its complicated historical moments by explaining the historical conditions. Revolution is one of the fundamental concepts in the framework of history, which, like other fundamental concepts, represents the movement of history. In this article, we tried to show the Janusian face of the revolution and explain how different historical moments were effective in the semantic formulation of the revolution. We believe that before the new era, the concept of revolution was often used in a non-political sense, referring to eras and revolutions, and in some cases, we can point to the half of the 16th century when this concept has a political meaning; In this reference, revolution can be read as a kind of return to the past or a reinterpretation of the past. Since the middle of the 18th century, the concept of revolution has been used with a linear and forward view. In this article, we have mentioned the historical course stored behind this concept and also, we have addressed the traces of different moments of transformation that have hidden themselves in the concept of revolution and can be summoned and called anew according to the conditions.

Undoubtedly, dealing with the phenomenon of capitalist crisis in the Persian Gulf can be interesting. Based on this, between 2010-2023, capitalism and its mechanisms such as marketing and adapting to the free market, attracting foreign investment, respecting private property, the presence of multinational companies, creating the class structure of capitalism, and the use of capitalist power technologies have shown themselves. And it reaches its peak, especially in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Therefore, the research question is, how have the capitalist mechanisms in the Persian Gulf, centered on Saudi Arabia and the UAE, been formed from 2010 to 2023 about the great global capitalist system? In response, the research findings show that Saudi Arabia and the UAE have aligned themselves with the global capitalist system by using the political economy mechanisms mentioned above. But the capitalism formed in these two countries, in its fundamental difference from the capitalism of the world system, has become crony capitalism, which has caused this research to recognize the Persian Gulf capitalism as a structural crisis. And finally, the method of this research to achieve the above findings is descriptive-analytical and the method of data collection is documentary-library

The development of domestic legal systems has been the result of the development of national governments, which itself is the result of the interaction of power and interests. In the international legal order, the situation is almost the same, with the difference that the relationship between power and interests in the international legal order is more unclear and ambiguous than domestic law, due to the fact that the political order governing the international community It has less unity and integrity than domestic political systems. This is why international organizations, treaties, international dispute resolution, security systems, including disarmament, etc. have emerged. In this article, the question is that, using the teachings of the radical critical approach about dialectical materialism in political speech, in the dialectical conflict between the legal matter and the political matter, the criticism of the conceptual position of international law in the current international order Is it ideological or not? The ideological nature of international law is, on the one hand, a result of the dominance of the Westphalian national governments, and on the other hand, a result of the final victory of the political in the dialectic between the legal and the political.

Political aesthetics seeks to bring the marginalized actors back to the realm of politics with the aim of "redistributing the tangible" and criticizing conventional politics, which in Jacques Rancière's view is called "policing." In this text, we try to express the approach and thought of different thinkers and thinkers about aesthetics, and then by expressing the components of political affairs and the challenges of political subjects in different eras with the help of Ransier's aesthetic approach to politics, eliminate the shortcomings of this. Approach and add new components to it to pay attention to the aesthetics of the subject and political matter. In the aesthetic analysis of political matter in this text, the political subject must acquire his subject-being from the inner self of the active and the passive, in order to realize the political matter, be connected with the meaning, be problem-oriented and concerned, to truthful events. Be loyal and this will cause a substantial movement in the political subject; and the political matter, in addition to formal developments, must also change in terms of content and be linked to morality and lovemaking and be measured by new criteria. It is in this realm that bioethics and lovemaking are possible in the aesthetic realm of politics in the light of new criteria for measuring the actions and meaningful resistance of the political subject.

This manuscript is devoted to the critique of Spivak’s “Can the Subaltern Speak?” Spivak as part of the study of history from below deconstructs historiography. Her central theme is the critique of the subaltern-maker sign system. She uses Althusserian concepts such as the theory of ideology and apparatus alongside concepts such as the differential identity, trying to link the grammatological psychoanalysis to the political economy. This is the strength of her work, but there are also serious criticisms of her project. For example, Spivak blocks the path of claimed change and emancipation by declaring the subaltern's inability to speak and her need to be represented. Following Derrida's call to speak of the subaltern through the vague force within us, he opens the way for a kind of ecstatic intuition that works to release the power of imagination and aesthetic taste. Spivak wanted to make the subaltern studies a general theory by linking the international political economy with the hermeneutics of sacred, legal, and educational texts, and literary criticism, but she rarely moved beyond the realm of literary criticism. The validity of her critiques of Foucault and Deleuze can be questioned by referring to their original works.

Neoliberalism is a set of economic policies having undergone extensive changes in the domestic economic system of countries and the international economic system, and its most important components are: firm belief in a free and unlimited global free market and private property. The new economic policy in Iraq is being implemented in the political context imposed by the US occupation. This economic policy in Iraq is linked to the capitalist policy of the United States; Thus, all the characteristics of neoliberalism are evident in one model, that is military attack and occupation, the demarcation of the power-dependent political system, and the imposition and application of an economic model against us. These policies started with a shock and are continuing with a structural adjustment; In other words, these policies do not arise from social needs and necessities, rather they are the product of a sudden political change that happened through the occupation and not during the objective growth of society and internal forces or at the level of its production. This study does not claim that Iraq is a government with a neoliberal economy, but seeks to describe, analyze and criticize the detrimental consequences of the policies neoliberal economic model on the Iraqi government and society. The US-led global capitalist system integrated the US into an open market economy and global capitalism by creating a shock to Iraq. This action was not only in the direction of reform for Iraqi government, but since it was the outcome of a suddenly shocking act through the occupation of Iraq, It was shocking through the occupation of Iraq and it did not meet the needs of the economic, political and social development of Iraqi society, so it caused numerous political, economic and social challenges including unemployment, poverty, corruption and corruption, the growth of terrorism, the rise of domestic and foreign debts and, the disappearance of the domestic private sector, the disappearance of trade unions, the rise of class divisions, national dissatisfaction and relative prosperity, the outflow of the country's wealth through the creation of a false and opaque private sector, the stabilization of the rentier economy, the rise of costs in the public sector especially the employees.

In spite of existing several urban development plans in recent decades in global south and developing countries like Iran by applying usually instrumental rationality, the problem of informal settlements is getting worse and worse. Therefore, rather than analyzing the process and implementation of urban development plans, the hidden aspect of urban theory, power, and the effect of that in the process of urban planning must be considered that usually is neglected by urban planners. Gray spaces are affected by power and capital relations and also formal-informal dualism put these spaces in a permanent temporariness that always make them wait to be modified. Since power-based relations are strongly in favor of the upper class, its living spaces are affected by these relations and experience different social, economic, environmental and physical problems. Like the other parts of the city, gray spaces, which are also referred to by stigmas such as informal settlements and urban decay, have urban development plans. However, the spaces are being formed inconsistent with the rules and standards presented in urban plans through insurgent planning. The present study aims to present how gray spaces are formed through insurgent planning not the formal procedures of spatial planning. Using a social constructivism approach and a Foucauldian discourse analysis, the current study identifies two discourses. First, the common discourse which has tried to create invited spaces through power-knowledge. Second, the alternative discourse that has tried to create invented spaces through insurgent planning. To investigate power relations and insurgent planning in Abkooh Neighborhood, documentary studies and field observations are carried out. Moreover, some In-depth Interviews are performed with urban authorities, urban planners, and Abkooh residents. In the point of view of Foucault power-knowledge the production of space is not just the results of laws and formal process of urban planning. In fact, several different factors such as disciplinary discourse, disciplinary institutions, permanent state of exception and biopower have been affecting the production of space. Moreover, In the common discourse, settlements in gray spaces are affected by power and capital relations and they are treated as a problem while it is considered a solution for providing affordable housing in alternative discourse. The results indicate that in spite of different urban development plans for Abkooh Neighborhood, the production of space has been affected by insurgent planning. In other words, In Abkooh Neighborhood in Mashhad, spaces are being produced by insurgent planning not formal procedures of urban planning and that is why academics and urban planning practitioners must consider this issue. Due to the lack of affordable housing in Abkooh, the residents have built some housing with minimum standards, So, urban authorities are expected to provide at least community facilities in order to improve the quality of life in these areas. urban planners in addition to traditional urban planning approaches that they have learned in university, must consider power-knowledge issue in the process of urban planning to be more efficient in the informal process of urban planning.

In developing countries, after decades passed from preparing urban development plans, informal settlements and urban decay are unresolved, but their scope and severity increase day by day. Therefore, instead of tracing the root of this problem in preparing and implementing plans, it should be viewed from another perspective and the hidden aspect of planning theory, i.e., the realm of power and its application to living space, mainly ignored by urban planners. The primary purpose of this study is to investigate the genealogy of urban development plans in the Abkooh neighborhood to reflect the application of bio-power in the process of spatial planning. Using the social constructivism approach and accepting the transition of the capitalist system from imperialism to the empire, the current study analyses two categories of power-knowledge: disciplinary power and bio-power and their relationship with spatial planning. Then, after describing the gray spaces, applying disciplinary power and bio-power in these spaces is discussed. Finally, Foucault's genealogical approach is performed to critically analyze the bio-power in urban development projects related to the Abkooh neighborhood. From Foucault's power-knowledge perspective, power relations seek to accumulate capital and commodify urban spaces through urban development plans and rely on disciplinary power and bio-power and using the formal spatial planning system. The research findings prove that historically, the formation of urban development plans is connected to the network of power relations. Therefore, spatial planners, besides attending planning approaches routinely learned in the academic environment, should also address power-knowledge issues.

The aesthetics of politics is the non-acceptance of the boundary between disciplines, which leads to the aesthetic process of retraining in the realm of politics. The purpose of this article is to discuss the ethical design of ethics - arising from this type of attitude - to seek moral rotation and its impact on politics, and seeks to change the position and forms of classification and differentiation, change the norms of the environment and change the current situation. Gives. Moral aesthetics, by relying on "breaking rules and values", "revolution in time", "logic of difference or difference" and the people - subject and other - promises a liberating moral regime that this liberation ر Part of the event is always in front of us. In this article, we have tried to rethink the relationship between politics and ethics by taking advantage of Ransier's aesthetic approach to politics, which causes the redistribution of the tangible, and by creating various forms of innovation, the bodies from Allocated space separates them, and with the help of critical freedom, the development of the subject's relationship with the justice of the activist is marginalized. With the entry of marginal actors as subjects in the field of politics, we will witness the demilitarization of the "police" order and the ruling moral representation regime, and at the same time the re-revolution in this field.

The coronavirus epidemic, has forced most states to declare a "state of exception". Although it is not possible to speak of a common understanding of this situation; But the declaration of a state of exception has been interpreted by thinkers such as Michel Foucault, Karl-Schmitt, and Giorgio Agamben in favor of increasing the established ruling power. While theoretically explaining the exceptional situation, the political and legal effects of declaring such a situation in France and its comparison with Iran are discussed. The main question of this article is how the political-biological consequences of declaring a state of exception in France and Iran have led to an increase in government powers, restrictions on the freedom of citizens, and ultimately the alignment of civil society against state rule. The state of exception declared in France under the "public interest" has led to the establishment of a police-military order in society, which has suspended the daily life of its citizens and cast a shadow over the continuation of the state of exception by perpetuating fear among the population. The exceptional situation created after the corona epidemic in Iran, although not as definite as in France, has produced dramatic political changes that are considered to be disruptive to the former social order. In fact, in both countries, the corona has become the driving force behind by declaring a state of exception, it has changed power relations in favor of government sovereignty.

Policy developments over time and the dialectic of time and power in modern Iran have a long fluctuating history. There has not been much research on the foundations of political time in Iran. The birth of a new government in Iran within the Tanzimat system coincides with the birth of a new subjectivity that has been determined in the game with the institutions. Contemporary Iranian timescapes is actually the result of tension between the Antiqui and the Moderni, the Old and the New, on the eve of the transition from medieval Iran to Iranian modernity. This temporal-spatial transition is the sphere of dialectical link between Iranian designers of Tajaddod (modernity) and the conservative body of the royal court. This article tries to apply the theoretical tools of comparative historical analysis to state that “time matters” and “time could not be neglected” in Iranian government studies. Genealogical philosophy of time would be the main approach of research. It is well recognized how useful the Foucauldian genealogy and discourse analysis could be for historical sociology and institutionalism. The creative hermeneutic toolbox will also be used in this hybrid approach. Then combined theoretical concepts from the theoreticians of `timescape`, `political time`, `short-term society`, and socio-historical concepts such as `rhizome`, `territorialization` and `bio-politics` would be used in a hermeneutical way. The main contribution is the application of timescape theory and its integration with genealogy and creative hermeneutics on Iran.

The decentered subjectivity which is studied by Paul Virilio is the result of modernity and humans' alienation from himself and the surrounding. The consequential detachment from the background human history by manifesting the unfolded and shattered human history, along with the humanistic spirit is studied. His revelation is studied here, through a discourse analysis in terms of two seemingly diverse, but essentially commingled and integrated discourse theories and subjectivity approaches including the dromological and panoptical discourses, based upon his theory of dromology and Foucault's theory of the panopticism, to investigate the relationship between identity formation and discourses, both of which are considered as the parts and parcels of modernism. Virilio argues the importance of technology in the life and destiny of human being as a cyborg and has challenged the power discourse through the combination of the two mentioned discourses, especially in international and war fields. The transition of panoptical discourse to dromological discourse is manifested in this study to emphasize on different elements at hand with speed acceleration to exert a supreme panoptical power over others.

In this manuscript, we try to examine the connection between the interpretation of the sacred text, the ideology of language, and the apparatuses of domination in Abu Zayd`s “Circles of Fear: Reading the Discourse about Women” with a focus on the issue of women. “Circles of Fear” is based on the text-based historical hermeneutics and Abu Zayd has a post-secular humanistic approach. In “Circles of Fear” he has used critical approaches such as subaltern theory and critique of ideological apparatuses within the framework of historical structuralism, and in addition to his Qur'anic views, he has also developed a kind of critical political sociology. In Abu Zayd’s critical theory, the abstractedness of the situation arises from the intertwined relations of Shari'a, political economy, and ruling power. In his analysis, we can see a net of power that overshadows the exploitative financial and economic relations and the interpretation of Sharia and with its repressive mechanisms, prevents critical awareness in the social space. This refusal of awareness in the Egyptian space is more severe and worse for women. This article reviews Abu Zaid’s views critically in five parts: Abu Zaid and critical theory of society; reconstruction of reawakening discourse and the history of Etzali belief; women in crisis discourse, the ideology of language and the production of domination; the defeat and historical decline and critique of anti-woman practices and discourses on the eve of the transition to the information age; and the critique of the commodification of women.

In spite of existing several urban development plans in developing countries and the major use of instrumental rationality in the preparation of these plans, it can be seen that the problems of these cities, including informal settlements, dilapidated fabric and urban economy, have not been solved and got worse and worse. Therefore, instead of analyzing the process and implementation of urban development plans, the hidden aspect of urban theory, power, and the effect of that in the process of urban planning must be considered that usually is neglected by urban planners.

The main purpose of this study is to explain the role of power-knowledge in the process of spatial planning by emphasis on disciplinary power and bio-power.

The approach of this study is social constructionism and the research method is Foucault discourse analysis by accepting this hypothesis that capitalism is shifting from imperialism to empire. In addition, two aspect of Power-knowledge such as disciplinary power and bio-power are analyzed and then the role of power in the process of spatial planning from the point of view of critical urban theory is defined.

From a power-knowledge perspective, Foucault's production of space is not merely derived from the laws and regulations and formal process of spatial planning, and several factors, including disciplinary knowledge and discourse, disciplinary institutions, permanent exceptions, and bio-power, are effective in spatial planning.

It is necessary thaturban planners in addition to traditional urban planning approaches that they have learned in university, consider power-knowledge issue in the process of urban planning to be more efficient in the informal process of urban planning.

In this study, neoliberalism has been studied as a phenomenon resulting from the rupture in the Keynesian liberal power-knowledge system. Then, with the genealogical method of the neoliberal knowledge system, Thatcherism represents a prototype of the necessary connection between the neoliberal power-knowledge system. For this purpose, the dialectical theoretical framework of the power-knowledge system has been adopted. After intensive examination of the foundations of the neoliberal knowledge system, the political philosophy of neoliberalism has been addressed by dealing with ordo-liberalism and the idea of the social market on the one hand, and the Chicago school as new economic Imperialism on the other. Finally, the necessary connection of this neoliberal system of knowledge/episteme with the system of power finds itself in Thatcherism. The fundamental question in this research is to discover the foundations that led to the rise of neoliberalism and can be found in Thatcherism and Reaganomics as the political machine of this dominant institution. Thus, following the roots of neoliberalism as restructured capitalism in the dialectical theoretical realm of the power-knowledge system and its political manifestation in practice, the present paper follows this articulation under Thatcherism. For this purpose, following the principles of Foucault’s theory of knowledge-power; Foucault’s method of genealogy has been used to understand the lineage of the neoliberal system of knowledge, and a kind of radical hermeneutics is used to understand the outlines of neoliberalism in the formulation of its power-knowledge system called Thatcherism.

This article is dedicated to the evaluation of Spinoza’s TTP. TTP is one of the most valuable treatises of the Enlightenment and represents the controversy of the old and the new in seventeenth-century Europe. The treatise includes the historical hermeneutics of Scripture and represents Spinoza’s republican political philosophy. The theological chapters of TTP, as well as its political chapters, contain topics that can be useful to the Iranian society involved in religious politics and political religion. Spinozist studies in Iran have not been significant compared to Anglo-Saxon, Jewish, and French traditions. These studies in the form of authorship and translation have become more serious from 2010 onward. The translation of TTP by Ali Ferdowsi in Iran is a good endeavor in itself, but there are also criticisms. For several reasons, Ferdowsi’s translation cannot be considered the end of the road: abstruse and unfamiliar language, unequal equivalents, misplacement of some sentences and words, and especially exclusive reliance on Silverthorne-Israel translation and lack of direct reference to Latin and other versions of this treatise can be enumerated as the pitfalls.

Examination of the circumstances of Islamic communities shows that some of them suffer from “acute crises” such as religious extremism and religion-based terrorism. Even stable Islamic communities either have the potential for the emergence of extremism or face a decline of spirituality and issues caused by their own native experience of capitalism. The question is what is the root and solution of this crisis. Such crises in the Islamic civilization are caused by becoming distant from rational traditions, which is described by some as decline of civilization or decline of rationality. Therefore, the solution is to return to rational traditions.
In general, there are three rationalities in Islamic tradition referred to as the three rationalities: a) eternal wisdom, b) Ijtihad rationality, and c) strategic reason. Eternal wisdom is a metaphysical concept and a type of existential rationality; however, ijtihad rationality is an intermediary methodological rationality acting as a comprehension tool. Strategic rationality, on the other hand, is an instrumental rationality in practical situations for resolving issues in the face of actual forces.
This paper attempted to study and explain some of the theoretic possibilities for creating a peaceful general area in the new Islamic civilization based on the constructive and defendant role of the three rationalities and their developmental, constructive, and underlying functions. This paper was formulated based on a combination of historical, critical, and discursive methods. Critical interpretation methods was used to analyze historical texts and events while the model of crisis resolution was based on a form of perspective-based future study

Quentin Skinner accompanied by a group of writers and professors of so called Cambridge School have had an undeniable role in critical rereading of history of European thought and reprinting some of the classical texts of modern political thought. Skinner in his enormous hermeneutical researches, linking the contextualist approach to the intentionalist view, shows that the established values of today life style and our thinking about that values reflecting a set of selections that we have made through the different historical times and possibilities. The contentious history of modern concept of liberty is such a case. Skinner puts the theory of civic liberty against the liberalism believing that the ideological triumph of liberalism in nineteen degraded the republican cause of liberty. The republican tradition is one of the Skinner`s fields of archeological rediscovery, and surveying the trajectory of Roman political thought and analyzing historical roots of neo-Roman theory of Liberty is a part of the project of rediscovering the English republican tradition. Then in a reductionary historicism, Skinner`s archeological hermeneutic is an English one, and his research program focused on the modern British history of liberty. His conservative archeology couldn’t go beyond a mere historiography of thought and it`s difficult to find in his project a critical position and also a philosophical examination in the field of politics. Skinner is a conservative Foucauldian.

Given the Multi-cultural nature of the development of philosophical systems, it can be claimed that Baruch Benedict de Spinoza formulated his view of the problem of the possibility or impossibility of concurrence of philosophy and religion in line with the tradition of Latin and Jewish Averroists. A major part of his Theologico-Political Treatise is devoted to responding to this problem. Spinoza’s philosophical thoughts were influenced by several philosophical and political traditions. Inspired by the naturalist philosophers of the Renaissance period, he advocated the radical republican tradition and played a significant role in developing the radical Enlightenment heritage. In unity with such trends and while being influenced by the Protestant religious reforms tradition and having a Jewish educational background, Spinoza was continually occupied with the important problem of the possibility or impossibility of reconciling theology and philosophy or religion and rationality. This radical philosopher of the Enlightenment Period encountered holy texts in the light of the Islamic and Jewish legacies of rational thoughts. In order to provide an answer to this problem, he openly dealt with the rationalist and textualist trends of Judaism. Given the huge contribution of Islamic rational thoughts to the rise of the Middle Age Jewish philosophy, his thoughts also dragged him to the domain of Islamic rational philosophy. In comparison to Muslim and Jewish textualists and rationalists of the Middle Ages, he chose the middle way and defended the reasons for his choice in the theological parts of his Theologico- Political Treatise: he argued that neither is philosophy at the service of religion, nor is religion at the service of philosophy. Based on this Spinozist idea, two hypotheses can be postulated: 1) the impossibility of the unity of philosophy and religion in Theologico-Political Treatise does not necessarily indicate providing some secular principles for the public domain; 2) following the historical hermeneutic approach to holy texts, this treatise provides a fideist theory which frees the vast field of living in the modern world from meaningless sterility and coldness.

Re-reading original texts of Classic Thinkers is one of the necessities of transforming Iranian discourses of humanities. There are controversies in the approach over what distinguishes a `great book` from `lesser works` of a thinker. In a Straussian perspective, Great Books are held to be written by authors/philosophers of such sovereign critical self-knowledge and intellectual power that they can in no way be reduced to the general thought of their time. Academic as well as ex-academic circles of thought ought to go far beyond the commentaries and commentators to reach more contemplative confrontation with critical theory heritage achieving a critical reading of the very classic texts. Having this insights in mind, here the author tries to re-read Gramsci`s political realism based on Quaderni del Carcere, specially The Modern Prince. The relation between Gramsci`s The Modern Prince with two conflicting heritages of radical modernity has been reviewed: Machiavelli as Republican one, and Marx as Revolutionary one. Sorel and power of the myth and the violence as respected by Gramsci is other side of this seemingly contradictory radical heritage, as here called as Revolutionary Political Realism.

New controversial interpretations of Spinoza`s Opera Quae Supersunt Omnia flourished in post second World War years. During the nineteen century and beginning years of the Twentieth Spinoza`s metaphysics, ethics and politics were dominated by a Hobbesian-Hegelian interpretation. Gradually a critical philosophico-political thought toward Hegel were created in the twentieth-century French philosophy. A group of French anti-Hegelian philosophers introduced an alternative interpretation of Spinozian works, generating a new tradition in Spinozist readings. Spinozist philosophy faced new dimensions. This discursive change contradicted with dominant traditions of French political philosophy. In this article, the author tries to analyze some faces of transformation of Spinozian reading and periods of Spinozian interpretation in twentieth-century French philosophy.

Spinoza was the most prominent philosopher of the age of Radical Enlightenment in a way that it has been considered equivalent to Spinozism. Spinoza’s political philosophy can be analyzed along the great tradition of Florentine Republicanism and in the framework of Modern political realism. The main point of this republicanism or political realism is a comprehension of Civitas or Respublica relied on an assessment of relations of power. In other words، the main focus of Spinozan political realism is the concept of power or Potentia، and this political philosophy، with the centrality of the concepts of power and conflicting structure of social forces، relies on a special metaphysical system، the central idea or concept of which is Conatus. It is with such an idea that a thinker like Deleuze calls Ethics a treatise about power. We suppose as a proposition that each political philosophy depends on a kind of metaphysical apparatus and a conception of the main ideas of metaphysics and/or theology. On the other hand، there is a direct relation between metaphysics and/or theology and political philosophy approaches. The main questions here are as such: What are the characteristics of Conatus as one of the main elements of Spinozan metaphysical system? What kind of political philosophy can be formulated in Spinozan system with Conatus in base? The main clime here is that Spinoza’s special perception of metaphysical (and physical) concept of Conatus creates a kind of political realism different from mainstream real politics detached from ethics. We will see that Conatus is not a natural drive or an element related to the psycho-physical constitution of human beings or creatures; rather، it is related to the divine and emotional realm of human life and establishes ethical elements، such as joy، love، and friendship، in the public realm or Respublica.

Book of Eternal Wisdom (Ketāb al-Hekma al-ḵāleda) is a text composed of different texts. Ketāb al-Hekma al-ḵāleda as an Arabic translation of the Persian work Jāvidān ḵerad comprised various Hikmats from different cultures and so many social horizons. Plural voices of Book of Eternal Wisdom، with the ethics-based Reason in core، in truth، formulated a kind of multiple practical philosophy. Ibn Miskawayh designated an image of a universal and eternal wisdom، and draw a humanistic schema beyond the cultural borders، collecting Iranian، Roman، Indian، pre-Islam Arabic and Islamic Arab heritage. Book of Eternal Wisdom as a polyphonic text is a realm of discovering the Other، promoting political tolerance and learning from the Other. Presence of the Other is an evident matter throughout the book; the Arab other، the Greek other، the Muslim other، and the non-Muslim other. Approval of the Other based upon a humanistic ethics، empties the realistic reason of politics from violence and then drives a concrete border between rationality of practical wisdom of the eternal and the rationality that we find in Realpolitik tradition. Ibn Miskawayh`s practical wisdom has so many potentialities for reconstructing the contemporary political thought on the Old tradition. It is possible to “express” or “re-write” these potentialities upon the contemporary situations.

In Iranians thought and practice، Messianism has a particular place. In a sense، belief in emergence of a Savior to free people from political and social problems may be considered as one of the characteristics of the Iranians'' political culture. It is as if that، in spite of discontinuities، some kind of continuity has been involved in the history of Iranians'' political thought. Iranians'' angel of the Earth has in every age faced a risky situation; and، at the same time she has developed various hopes. The present article describes and analyzes the elements of Messianism in Mazdian/Iranian mythological system. Relying on four categories of “risky situation”، “principle of hope”، “principle of justice”، and “democratic promise”، the author tries to infer gains and possibilities of Iranian Messianism. This theoretical attempt relies upon requirements of the post-secular horizon. To discuss the issues mentioned in the present article، two questions may be introduced: what are the Messianic elements in the Mazdian political theology? In the context of the Iranian political theology، how may the democratic promise be developed along with the principles of hope and justice?