rohollah shahabi

This current research aims to design a pragmatic model of the security threats of the Taliban against the Islamic Republic of Iran, emphasizing the environmental factors of Hirmand. The current research is developmental in terms of its purpose; In terms of approach, it is done qualitatively and based on metacomposition. Based on this, the statistical population of the research includes a collection of articles that were published from 1392 to 1402 on the subject of Hirmand water, its security, and environmental issues. The authors selected 42 articles from among 160 articles by searching among prominent domestic scientific databases. After analyzing their content, categories and concepts were extracted and their prioritization was done using Shannon's entropy method. Based on the research findings, 28 concepts were identified in 8 categories and classified in the form of two categories of political-legal and geopolitical-environmental threats. Political-legal threats include political blackmail, non-compliance with legal laws, increased security and political movements of centrifugal forces, and geopolitical-environmental threats including hydro-political tensions, development of dam projects in Afghanistan, deviation in the Hirmand water path, the threat of Before the micro dusts and the destruction of the economy and agriculture of Baluchistan region.

Women's political participation has different levels.One ofthe most important of them is the participation of elite women in political affairs.In order to understand this participation,one should pay attention to various factors, and also consider its different types in order to provide a more accurate analysis.This participation goes beyond merely participating in elections and voting rights or participating in political activities.Presence in the political elite(in this study,the Islamic Council)is very important for measuring women's political participation.In this research,this type of participation, considering the patriarchal model of the revolution,which is aimed at analyzing the situation of women after the Islamic revolution,has been measured and by using the comparative method,the three important components of this theory,namely"patriarchy","inequality"and"housekeeping"will be adapted to the situation of women's political participation. The findings of the research show that despite the expansion of women's presence in society, especially at the elite level (due to the increase in the level of education and employment), the presence of women at the political elite level and their participation at this level has not expanded much. Therefore, the components of the mentioned theory do not correspond to reality in the general situation of women, but it applies to the level of women's political participation.

The expansion of economic relations in the shadow of diplomatic relations is considered one of the most important approaches to the development of political systems. This issue is especially important for developing countries so that they can implement an important part of their development-oriented policies by insisting on expanding economic relations with international economic powers. The important issue is that the Islamic Republic of Iran has faced deep challenges in achieving its economic development goals, many times, due to the sanctions policies of the United States. This problem becomes more realistic when the economy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is basically uniaxial and based on oil exports. Today, investment is called as the engine of economic growth and since investment leads to the creation of employment, economic growth, social welfare and income for the country and has a significant impact on components such as bargaining, international prestige and dealing with threats. Therefore, Iran's acceptance of China's investment as a superpower in the economic market and its oil strategies, in addition to securing the interests of both countries, will include the realization of the vision of the oil industry and the breaking of American sanctions against Iran. ; Therefore, from the point of view of Iranian politicians, the policy of looking to the East and attracting foreign investment and specifically strengthening political and economic relations with China is a correct strategic policy, which in addition to breaking the sanctions, can lead to internationalization and extensive interaction with the world, especially the countries The Eastern Bloc fought against it with the aim of preventing the United States from building a consensus in the international system and accompanying other international powers.

The purpose of writing at present is to examine and critique the issue of the participation of the Supreme Leader in the election of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, emphasizing the critique of Ayatollah Montazeri's view, which is applied in the library method - documents are made to do so. According to jurisprudential arguments, the guardianship and rule over the Islamic society during the absence is comprehensive against the poor. On the one hand, the province is general and includes all aspects of government affairs. On the other hand, due to the breadth and diversity of the country's affairs, Vali-e-Faqih alone was able to budget in all pillars of Islamic society, which directly plays a role and personally manages all matters related to the government. For this reason, the constitution of the Islamic Republic stipulates that poverty must delegate some of its duties and responsibilities to children or other groups. One of the conditions of Velayat-e-Faqih, which is regulated in the constitution and later revised, is the condition of the velayat-e-Faqih. This condition was criticized by jurists, including Ayatollah Montazeri. Imam Khomeini is one of the jurists who has explicitly denied the condition of universality in the Supreme Leader. Imam has done: "If a person is knowledgeable in the mining sciences of the seminaries, but it is not possible to distinguish the expedient community or could not distinguish righteous and useful people from unrighteous people, in general in the social and political field and decision-making power would have existed. "This person does not have ijtihad in social and governmental issues and cannot take over the affairs of society."

This article is researched in providing a reasoned and convincing answer to the question that the most important sanctions strategies of the United States against the Islamic Republic of Iran (with an emphasis on the Joe Biden era) are based on what discourses? The hypothesis of the authors or the central sign of the current article emphasizes the fact that the macro discourse of the United States in this period includes stopping policies, containment by delaying the domestic development of peaceful nuclear knowledge of Iran, destabilizing internal security and public order, disrupting the regionalist policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The article's findings by using the threat balance framework, analytical descriptive method, and using written and virtual sources, show the increasing cost of the Islamic Republic of Iran to defend the priorities of its national interests in the security-defense structure of the Middle East and forcing Iran to align its behavior. It is American policies that are formulated in the form of a strategic model. Finally, the authors will try to provide appropriate solutions for the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The hostile policies of the United States towards the Islamic Republic of Iran can be seen as having several bills and extensions. From policies of destroying the international currency to approaches based on threats and sanctions. In the meantime, in parallel with the effectiveness of the Democrats or Republicans, the confrontation policies with Iran have also undergone sometimes deep fluctuations. In other words, if the policies of extremist Republicans like Trump were based on maximizing the challenges with the Islamic Republic, the examination of such policies and strategies by Democrats like Joe Biden has been done by insisting on other strategies. For this reason, the current article is a research in providing a reasoned and convincing answer to the question that the most important sanctions strategies of the United States against the Islamic Republic of Iran (with an emphasis on the Joe Biden era) are based on what discourses? The hypothesis of the authors or the central sign of the current article emphasizes the fact that the macro discourse of the United States in this period includes stopping policies, containment by delaying the domestic development of peaceful nuclear knowledge of Iran, destabilizing internal security and public order, disrupting the regionalist policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The article findings by using the threat balance framework, analytical descriptive method and using written and virtual sources, show the increasing cost of the Islamic Republic of Iran to defend the priorities of its national interests in the security-defense structure of the Middle East and forcing Iran to align its behavior. It is with American policies that are formulated in the form of a strategic model. Finally, the authors will try to provide appropriate solutions from the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Among the movements that are trying nowadays to have an impressive effect in the Middle East developments, can refer to the Islamic Resistance Front . This movement has been effective in the context of Middle East and international system's political, social developments in the last few decades, meanwhile was able to be widely discussed with the inspiration and modeling of the Islamic Revolution discourse. Accordingly, the discourse of the Islamic Resistance Front has been able to develop a more serious confrontation in a growing power with the domination system through the support of Islamic Revolution of Iran, so that it can be said that this confrontation with the domination system in countries such as Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Palestine and Yemen has been led to a change in the challenges and the defeat of arrogant hegemony in the region. Considering the trend of global and regional developments after Islamic Revolution's victory and the spread of resistance act against the forces of anti-domineering, as well as the lack of available researches in this article has been tried to use Laclau and mouffe theory in an analytical-descriptive method and discourse analysis technique to response the question of how to explain the discourse of resistance and its consequences in the Middle East. The findings of this research indicate that the signs classified in the discourse of resistance can be classified into two categories. The first part is negative (negation) factors and the second one is affirmative (positivity) factors. The anti-dominance exists in the center of resistance discourse's negativity dimension, namely, negating domination and anti-dominance are the most important sign of negativity. But the most important affirmative forms of the resistance discourse, which are at the center of it, are some concepts like seeking justice, seeking rights, pacifism, dignity, authority, spiritualism and pragmatism.

Nowadays, irreplaceable role of media policy-making, especially radio and television in drawing the various dimensions of security is not hidden to anyone. This issue requires much more attention in Khoozestan province and Ahvaz city due to the prevalence of negative social phenomena including unemployment, crime, mass conflicts, drug trafficking, marginalization, robbery and murder. The purpose of this study was to investigate the role of social behavior modeling and social participation in Khoozestan broadcasting center on social sense of security by emphasizing on the mediating role of social tolerance and social trust.

This study was conducted using a quantitive survey method. Based on the report published by Iranian Statistic Center in 2016, the population was all households in Ahvaz city which was about 276032. The multi-stage clustering sampling was used to determine the sample size using sample power software and the minimum sample size was selected equal to 220 households.

The exogenous variables of social behavior modeling only indirectly affected the endogenous variables of social security through social trust. The mediating role of social tolerance and social trust and the moderating role of social behavior modeling were confirmed.

The results indicated that social modelling behavior, social participation had significant effect on social trust. Social trust, social modelling behavior, social tolerance, social interaction and social particiapation had a positive significant effect on sense of security.

The government was one of the most important institutions in the contemporary history of Iran, which was considered in the discourse of modernity, and its transformation soon occupied the minds of Iranian modernists. The first attempts to change it were formulated by Malcolm Khan during the reign of Nasser al-Din Shah with the discourse of "orderly independent state" and did not succeed and remained as planned, but the idea remained that one could not modernize without a strong government. This idea also entered the constitutional discourse, and although the constitution sought to limit the state, it had in its heart the idea of ​​a powerful state, and with its inability to create it, and the turmoil that arose after the constitution, Reza Shah's absolute government over It worked, which was the reverse process of creating an absolute state. Considering the discourse method, this article seeks to address the question of why the process of state transformation in this period was reversed and the absolute state emerged after the pre-constitutional period, and the most important result is that One is the imperfection of the new state-building process in the Nasserite era, and the other is the inability of constitutionalism in state-building, despite its tools, including the constitution, to be the reasons for this reverse process.