seyed jalal dehghani firoozabadi

 Introduction : 

In recent years, with the advent of the Fourth Industrial Revolution and the simplification of cyber systems, artificial intelligence is considered a vital and valuable element and mastering it is considered as a component of power. The importance of this issue is better understood when the strategic competitions of international actors - generally the great powers - direct their activities towards research and development in the field of artificial intelligence and are turning it into one of the most important Strategic advantages are in the international environment. Assuming the future of geopolitical-geostrategic competition with a focus on artificial intelligence and its applications, this article seeks to answer the question of how the "geopolitical network of the international system" is transformed by the dual nature of artificial intelligence. Has been? Findings show that artificial intelligence and algorithmic system with the reproduction of new geopolitical components and the use of its military, security, political, geo-economics and geocultural functions, have a significant impact on the promotion, evolution and power of international actors.

The present article is a variable research of the foundation and examines its hypothesis using a conceptual framework. The research seeks to analyze the meta-technological impact of artificial intelligence on geopolitics and analyze the future of strategic competition of global actors in the form of the impact of these two elements through the use of the conceptual framework of "data governance". The authors argue that using the conceptual framework of data governance (algorithms) it can be seen that classical geopolitical theoretical studies need theoretical transformation, because the variable of artificial intelligence has made fundamental changes in studies in this field, regardless of which Geopolitical research-foundation will be incomplete. Therefore, artificial intelligence is presented as an independent variable and geopolitics as a dependent variable. Based on this, the article tries to use the analytical-descriptive research method in order to explain its subject and the data collection method is based on library resources and in the form of documents.

This article deals with the relationship between artificial intelligence and the global geopolitical arena, focusing on the three components of power, sovereignty and security. The main claim of this article is that the development of artificial intelligence and its applications has led to a change in the aspects, dimensions and methods of exercising power and the mere centralization of the state and therefore its reorganization at the geopolitical level. In other words, geopolitics has undergone such a simple and extensive transformation that classical narratives alone can no longer be a solid and comprehensive narrator of geopolitical issues. Therefore, it is immaturity to continue to call the context in which artificial intelligence has undergone profound changes "geopolitical." The authors of this article believe that the essence of the concept of "geopolitics" has expired and is obsolete to explore and explore the metaphysical effects of artificial intelligence on the geopolitical field, and henceforth we need a new, innovative and up-to-date concept. A concept that defines new contexts, procedures, processes, and processes, while at the same time not abandoning classical and paleontological considerations. This is an appropriate term for "post-geopolitical" writers. Post-geopolitics is an appropriate term because, while paying attention to the function and characteristics of stable and classical textures, it also narrates the fluid, variable and inhuman state of the art that artificial intelligence has created. It points out that the "age-old" issues of the geospatial environment are no longer the hegemony of world life, and it is striking to note that extra-technological trends such as artificial intelligence have also emerged that challenge nation-state relations in general. It confronts them with a fundamental transformation.In the geopolitical significance of artificial intelligence, this account of Russian President Vladimir Putin can be considered a flip. "Artificial intelligence is the future, not just for Russia but for all of humanity... Whoever leads the way, will rule the world "A wealth of evidence shows that the rapid development of artificial intelligence has made it a powerful tool and goal in terms of political, economic, military, strategic and .... AI, which has been exponentially embedded in the digital revolution, is one of the most important determinants of the new international order in the years and decades to come. This super-technology confronts certain geopolitical axioms through fundamental changes through the creation of new visual-territorial relations, the dimensions of space-time, and the materialist matter. In the following, we will explain the new geopolitical reality in accordance with the sets of technological innovations, so that new knowledge and knowledge will be added to the geopolitical theoretical literature and the foundation will be considered in future researches in the field of geography. Researchers in this field.What is at stake in this article is that "geopolitics will no longer be purely territorial." One of the issues that reveals the geopolitical consequences of artificial intelligence is the future of fierce power struggles centered on "dataism" over security threats. In January 2015, a group of prominent thinkers, including Stephen Hawking and Ilan Musk, wrote an open letter calling for responsible monitoring and research on artificial intelligence from a "social benefit" perspective. Their particular concern, which is the geopolitical dimension of security, was the threat posed by lethal lethal weapons, or LAWS. These types of weapons are different from the remote-controlled drones currently used in warfare. The decision to drone is made by humans, but LAWS can select and target without the need for humans. According to computer science professor Stuart Russell, these weapons could include armed quadcopters capable of searching and targeting enemies in the city. What is often referred to as the Third Revolution in War, after gunpowder and nuclear weapons, will be the first generation of LAWS (which the Economist Intelligence Unit believes will be completed in the near future). It is legal, moral and political and not technological.

The belief that geopolitics will no longer be based solely on classical approaches, and that meta-technologies such as artificial intelligence have brought about profound transformations in the field, as a whole, by thinkers of the so-called "Post-geopolitics" has been confirmed. In this study, we explored the fact that big data microphysics provides the acquisition of self-learning machines, understanding of complex situations, thinking, reasoning and providing answers and the acquisition of science and knowledge without the help and intervention of humans., How it has affected geopolitical knowledge and made it one of the most important, serious and newest topics in the field of geopolitics. Accordingly, in this study, we attempted to show the theoretical nature of the impact of artificial intelligence, which has a dual and genius function on the geopolitical space, as a context in which algorithmic competitions of global actors such as domestic, regional and international They behave within it and present the interactions between the actors as well as the position of the balance of power in this field and how it is geostrategically regulated. In this regard, it is clear that artificial intelligence is now a tool of power and with the development of its applications, especially in the military field, it will increasingly affect the geopolitical arena. However, the monopolistic focus on the hard power of artificial intelligence and big data microphysics would be a strategic mistake, because the indirect effects of the cultural, commercial, and political power of artificial intelligence on global actors should not be overlooked. This soft power, which is especially beneficial to the algorithmic and big data empires of the US-China Foundation, poses great problems for the independence and sovereignty of different countries.

In recent decades, "Iranology" has been proposed as an independent science in academic circles in Iran and around the world. Moreover, after the Islamic revolution, an institution with this title was established in 1997 to advance the goals related to Iranology. All the while, the synergy of "Iranology" with other sciences is one of the most important concerns regarding this field of study. In the meantime, "Foreign policy", as a branch of the relatively nascent science of International relations, is considered an important aspects of the science of "Politics", whose synergy with Iranology can lead to fruitful results. Based on this, the main question will be raised, how Iranology (as knowledge or the foundation of Iranology) and Foreign policy can mutually improve the levels of official diplomacy and public diplomacy of the country. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical, and to collect data and information, library and internet sources have been used. Based on the findings of this research, Iranian studies and Foreign policy can improve the levels of official diplomacy and public diplomacy of the country through three concepts, which are: The concept of "Iranology in Foreign policy", with its efforts to solve cognitive difficulties; The concept of "Iranology for Foreign policy" through actions that include facilitating, deepening, and developing various types of diplomacy; and the concept of "Foreign policy for Iranology" through measures such as introducing and supporting the "Iranology Foundation" in the international arena.

Islamic Awakening is the continuity of “Prophecy/Imamate" and their emergence as a civilization. The research method is "qualitative" based on "descriptive-analytical" data. Objective is applicative and developmental. Data collection was done with library/field methods. SWOT was used for desired strategy. Data analysis was performed via mean-rank method using Friedman test with SPSS and the validity of the research was measured by Cronbach's alpha. The research findings are the result of interviews/questionnaire by 57 Islamic awakening experts: "Karbala paradigm/Ashura culture", "Localization of the Islamic model for the Resistance, the Islamic World and The Oppressed", "Development of technical and infrastructural capacity for Islamic Internet”, “Staffing of local leaders", "Creating unity for Palestinian", "Developing social interactions of the Resistance Front with Muslims/Oppressed", "Correcting the eclectic, extremist and sectarian approaches of Shiites/Sunnis", "Strengthening Muslim world against Infidelity”, "Organizing Scientific Movements in the Islamic World", "Confronting the Cultural NATO/International Zionism in Engineering of Muslim Beliefs", "Exposing, Intelligence Influence of the US, UK and the Zionist Regime over Islamic countries” ; are among the desired strategies within the framework of "Resistance Theory "; and They rely on interaction with" Muslims and The Oppressed”. Keywords: Islamic Revolution, Islamic Awakening, The Oppressed, Theory of Resistance, Strategy.

Islamic awakening as in "continuation of Prophecy and Imamate"and Islam’s grand entrance into the gates of true Islamic civilization; are necessary requirements for the phenomenon of Mahdism.The main problem statement of this research is"Analysis of the desired trends of the Islamic Republic in the Islamic Awakening".The research method is"qualitative"and data gathered for the research are of"descriptive-analytical"nature and the objectives are applicative and developmental.Extracting desirability from the foundations of the Islamic Revolution and analyzing trends are qualitative in nature.Data were collected by library and field research methods and evaluated based on "trend analysis" techniques.Validity and reliability of the findings were performed by through SPSS. Based on the research findings gathered via interviews and a questionnaire by 45 experts in the field of Islamic Awakening;"The most desirable trends of the Islamic Awakening is that of the Islamic Revolution and the Resistance Front.“The Arbaeen Global Movement”is an emerging complement to the ultimate objectives of the Islamic Awakening.The potential opportunities of cyberspace for direct access across nations is also noteworthy. Extremism and Takfirism act as deviant alternatives to the Islamic Revolution,and the occupying regime in Jerusalem is the main enemy of the Islamic Awakening. Direct and unmediated interaction with the "Muslim public and the Oppressed" based on the "Model Islamic State" and the "Theory of Resistance" is the key to reviving the Islamic Awakening.The removal of people from the political scene has caused the Islamic awakening to distance itself from proper growth and development.

Regional integration is considered one of the most important international phenomena in the world, which has always had special theoretical literature in international relations and regional studies. Theories such as federalism, functionalism, neo-functionalism, communication theory, etc. are among the most important theories that specifically seek to explain how regional integration occurs in a specific region. "Practice turn" or "practice theory" is considered one of the latest theoretical achievements in international relations, which many researchers have tried to apply in regional integration studies. According to the main principles of this theoretical approach, international phenomena are analyzed in terms of international "actions". The specific and pluralistic ontology, epistemology, and methodology of this theoretical approach have made many researchers of European studies use it to analyze and investigate the integration in Europe. For this purpose, in the present article, we intend to describe this theoretical approach and apply it to European integration studies and its development. Therefore, the main question of this article is, how has practice theory influenced the development of integration studies in Europe? The findings of this paper show that studies based on practice theory have challenged the more traditional understanding and previous theoretical literature on the dynamics of European integration. In fact, practice theory has forced the new generation of European studies researchers to reconsider the main assumptions of the European Union and go beyond the ontology and methods related to the existing theories in international relations.

This paper explores the potential impact of artificial intelligence (AI) on international relations, with a particular focus on international politics theories. Assuming a future in which international relations studies center on AI and its applications, this paper employs an analytical-descriptive approach to address the question: How does the Computer-Related Self-Concept bring about fundamental changes in international relations theory? The results indicate that computing and algorithmic systems, through the reproduction of innovative indicators in international relations theories and the application of AI’s military, security, political, economic, and legal functions, significantly influence the evolution of international relations.

Today, the debate over whether religion and religious actors can be influential in various political levels seems to be over and unnecessary. Rather, the discussions of experts are now focused on the question of how religion should be treated and interpreted. Is religion in international relations an object that can be examined and explained by various IR theories, or can religion itself act as a subject and provide an independent perspective and worldview in the form of a scientific theory for understanding and interpreting the world? In response to this question, there are two views among experts that will be discussed in this article. Some believe that it is possible to address religion in the form of existing IR theories, and others argue for the need to process independent theories by emphasizing the inadequacy of existing theories when referring to religion. While accepting the second view, this paper proposes that in the current state of IR discipline and given the inherent failure of existing theories of this knowledge to understand and interpret the behavior of religious actors caused by fundamental meta-theoretical differences, it is completely possible to develop a religious theory that can provide researchers with an independent perspective and worldview. This hypothesis, if proven, would underpin the formation of the religious theory of International Relations.

The international system is one of the widely used concepts of international relations,which has evolved under the influence of the assumptions of different theories of international relations.The different tendencies of the paradigm of realism,each based on their meta-theoretical and theoretical foundations,reflect a different approach towards the international system.Accordingly,the current research seeks to answer the question of which of the three generations of realism paradigm has a more comprehensive and accurate explanation about the international system? The present research is based on the hypothesis that the theory of neoclassical realism, as the third generation of the paradigm of realism,has a more comprehensive and accurate explanatory power compared to the first and second generations. Using the descriptive-analytical method,this research compares the nature and components of the international system in the form of four fundamental concepts of the realism paradigm, including anarchy,government, power and balance of power,from the perspective of three generations of the realism paradigm,including classical realism,structural realism,and neoclassical realism.According to the obtained results,neoclassical realists by redefining the role and position of anarchy ruling the international system and dissecting the state as the main actor of the international system, as well as building the concept and function of power and negating the naturalistic approach of classical realists and modifying the structuralist approach of neorealism regarding the balance of power category,show that neoclassical realism While maintaining the fundamental principles of the realism paradigm,realism has a higher explanatory power than the previous two generations.

According to the teachings of political science and international relations, governments are the only actors who simultaneously dominate the four elements of population, territory, government and sovereignty. In order to pursue their goals outside the national borders, these actors apply management which is called foreign policy, and one of the important components of this field is the decisions that are made with the aim of improving the position, strengthening the power and gaining benefits. Decision-making in foreign policy is influenced by human, material, normative factors and numerous patterns, and the Islamic Republic of Iran as a government actor is not exempt from this rule. But in addition to general patterns; special territorial, cultural, historical, demographic characteristics, etc.; It can distinguish the foreign policy and decision-making methods of the actors from each other and establish a special approach for each of them. The current research, using the Islamic theory of foreign policy, seeks to explain the causal relationships between the variables that have led to the formation of the "expediency-oriented" approach in the decision-making of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. therefore; The article seeks to analyze the dimensions of this question, "What is the nature of expediency approach and the rules governing its implementation in foreign policy decision-making?".In search of answers; This hypothesis has occurred that expediency in the field of foreign policy decision-making is aimed at the three-faceted concept of "maintaining the system" and follows its realization through the means of eliminating conflicts and resolving conflicts between various goals in order to avoid harm and maximize benefits for the general society in the field of foreign policy.

Practice theory (PT) is one of the latest theories of International Relations (IR). This theory is the outcome of the practice turn in social theory in the first decade of the 21st century. There are controversies among scholars on the nature and identity of this theory. Some consider it as a new and developed version of constructivism or neo-constructivism. Others, on the contrary, regard it as a separate theory from constructivism. Likewise, this article, argues that PT is different from constructivism in such a way that it considers international practices as the unit of analysis and independent variable to empirically and practically explain “ir”. In fact, “ir” are defined and analyzed according to regular practices of international activists on a daily basis. The aim of this study is to articulate, explain, and critique PT in the Iranian IR community. To obtain this goal, first, the practice turn in IR is explained. Then different approaches and typologies of PT are clarified. The third section examines the principles, hypotheses, and theoretical commitments of PT. The fourth part deals with how ir are analyzed via PT referring to some case studies. Next, PT is critically evaluated. Finally, the findings of the study are presented.Keywords: Action, Practice, Practice Turn, Praxiography, Habitus, Relationalism, Practice Communities, Practice Theory.

Security requirements on the horizon of the Vision 1404 documentAbstract: Security has long been one of the basic needs of the people and an important task of governments. . The Vision 1404 document is so important that it is considered a competitive document and a long-term goal. Security in its various dimensions on the horizon of the vision document is one of the key issues, the realization of which requires the requirements that are explained in this study. The method in this research is case study and contextual and In order to achieve the desired goals, in addition to using documentary study and discourse analysis, qualitative research techniques such as grounded theory and in-depth interview with security elites have been used. By carrying out this process, security in Vision 1404 has 6 political dimensions (8 components), socio-cultural (9 component), economic (7 component), scientific-technological ( 4 component), military-defense (8 component) and environmental ( 3 component). In this research, security is from the inside out and will lead Iran to a secure, independent and powerful society.Keywords:Dimensions, Components, Security, National Security, Vision 1404

The purpose of this study is to investigate the normalization of relations with the Zionist regime and its security consequences for the Islamic Republic of Iran. The main question of the research is what are the effective factors in establishing and continuing the process of normalization of relations between the Zionist regime and the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf, and what consequences will the development of this process have on Iran's national security? The research hypothesis based on "theories of unity" in the paradigm of realism is that "international intervention", "intra-regional competition" and "internal developments" were three factors influencing the beginning of the process of normalization of relations with the Zionist regime; The evolution of this situation from "normalization" to "strategic alliance" can pave the way for creating insecurity at the political, economic and military levels of our country. Findings show that "structural weaknesses and artificial strength of the countries involved in this process", "increasing regional power in Iran" and "adoption of a balancing strategy by the United States" are the most important factors influencing this process that the Zionist regime and some countries The Persian Gulf, in the form of a "peripheral doctrine", seeks to reduce its vulnerability to these challenges by forging strategic alliances

TIran's geopolitical position is incompatible with isolationism and an extrovert and active foreign policy to advise policy makers. On the impact of the recent nuclear agreement is an important position, was called according to analysts, academics and politicians agreement century. A recent agreement is the result of policies of various governments that can disputed Islamic Republic of Iran miniature road map for policies consistent with the geopolitical status of the issues as well. Our research with a descriptive/ analytic and library survey to examine the three states of Islamic Republic of Iran approaches in nuclear talks. In this study, according to the object under study, the research method used, Descriptive and analytic method in which the use of library resources and foreign and local media for arguments research, there are founding compelling justification. The relationship between politics and geographical space and dynamic bilateral relationship.has needs Any policy protests geographical its own space and every space its own policy. Having regard to geographical and geopolitical realities can be a critical factor in the state 's policy actions Islamic Republic of Iran on the nuclear issue began in 1382 and ended with the recent agreement. Have been implemented approaches three:1-collusion 2-contrast 3- Engagement With the exception of the third approach, interactive management with a view to national interests, other models of nuclear crisis management have not been able to play an effective role in maintaining and securing national interests.

The wide-ranging nature of environmental issues, as well as the epistemological consensus on the urgency of threats to environmental degradation have led countries in recent decades to establish multiple regimes to address environmental issues under multilateral agreements. However, in practice, with a few exceptions, these regimes have not been very effective in terms of adaptability and compliance. The purpose of this article is to answer this question: “why despite the growing awareness of the international community about the threats posed by environmental degradation, the cooperation of governments in practice has been challenged? The authors argue that the different positions of countries in the international system have led to the formation of systems of different cognitive correlations and collective identities among them resulting in differences in the degree of institutionalization of environmental values and reduced effective cooperation of governments in effective regimes to address these threats. The research method is based on counterfactual conditionals.

To do research, authors based on constructivist analysis framework, use “counterfactual argument” as a methodological tool for explaining international environmental regimes. Counterfactuals make claims about events that did not actually occur. It is argued in this paper that such propositions play a necessary and fundamental, if often implicit and underdeveloped, role in the efforts of scientists to assess their hypotheses about the causes of the phenomena they study. The argument is that if environmental values and norms were sufficiently institutionalized in countries, the effectiveness of environmental cooperation and regimes would increase.

While today states may show an increasing readiness to accept that global environmental protection is a common concern of humankind, they do not yet constitute a community that, in the spirit of international solidarity and justice, acts in concert for achieving this end. States are still far from taking joint protective and remedial environmental action that suffices to achieve the aim of preserving and administering our common natural heritage for the benefit of the present and future generations.The basic ideas of international solidarity and justice should constitute the theoretical starting point for constructing an international legal framework of environmental and developmental cooperation between the North and South. However, both perceptions, because of their abstractness and vagueness, only give some rough direction to the way in which both sides should shape their future inter-relationship in substantive and procedural terms. Therefore, they should be understood as sources for developing more meaningful instruments that might bridge the North-South divide in practice.Despite the spread of international institutions and regimes –which are mostly created after "The United Nations Conference on the Human Environment" in Stockholm (1972) - they have failed to minimize the threats posed by destructive environmental practices. In other words, despite the global consensus on the dangers of environmental degradation, state cooperation has not been successful in practice except in a few cases, such as the Convention for the Protection of the Ozone Layer regime, the Antarctic Convention, and the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD). That is, many international agreements have either been incompletely ratified, or except a few cases, countries' compliance rates are weak in practice. Two groups of international relations scholars have responded to this question. The first group is those who, in the context of mainstream theories or rationalists, believe that anarchy and its consequences, such as free-riding, is a major factor in reducing the incentives for governments to cooperate on environmental issues. Critical approaches, by contrast, argue that the international system is not anarchic, but rather is hierarchical in nature. In this system, capitalist countries are at the top and developing countries are at the bottom. Contrary to the above approaches, this article argues that the problem of inefficiency of environmental cooperation is due to the lack of institutionalization of environmental values. The authors believe that countries have a different definition and understanding of the status of environmental threats due to their different position in the international system. This perception has led to differences in the institutionalization of environmental values and the reduction of effectiveness of international environmental regimes, like “sustainable development”, “common but differentiated responsibilities”, “equitable participation”, and etc. Findings show that by changing the perceptions and understanding about the nature and environment, as well as by implementing reforms in the mechanisms and processes of decision-making system, it is possible to help improve the efficiency of environmental regimes.

The North and South country's issues due to their position in the international system, do not have enough consensus on environmental principles and norms. During international negotiations, although they have had a minimal consensus on the enactment of these norms, it varies from commitment to these norms according to the internal conditions of countries. However, we should not consider the ineffectiveness of the international environmental regimes as unlikely. The successful environmental regimes, such as the ozone layer or the ruling regime on the Rhine River, show any progress in the effectiveness of environmental regimes is due to the approach of states' definition of the situation. According to that, if South and North countries converge their perceptions of the natural system, they can gradually take effective practical steps to form effective governance in the field of environmental issues.

The purpose of this article is to examine the religious ideas governing the foreign policy of the Zionist regime through discourse analysis of the statements, speeches and programs of its prime ministers over the past two decades. The main question of the research is how Jewish religious beliefs are reproduced in the words of the Israeli prime ministers in the field of foreign policy?
Research

The research method is Fairclough critical discourse analysis, which we analyze based on three levels of description, interpretation and explanation of selected texts and show what narrative of these textual factors reflects the social relations and in particular the foreign policy of this regime.

The findings show that the foreign policy discourse of the Israeli Prime Ministers (from various political parties and spectrums) is strongly influenced by the Jewish religious political culture, which is based on the general policies of foreign behavior, especially its conflict with Muslims, Arabs and It reflects the Palestinians.

The results of assessments of the textual factors and discourse positions of the three prime ministers of the Zionist regime show that these leaders base their foreign policy mainly on conflicting religious identities, discourse conflicts, Jewish holy precepts, the existence of fundamental conflicts and conflicts with Muslims. In this way, they legitimize their 70-year-old violence, expansionism, and continuing aggression against the Palestinians.

Although International crisis are one of the main study subjects of the Discipline of International Relations , but it seems that Explanation of these crisis in the Discipline seriously is a challenging matter. The Root of this challenge is mainly related to the Relationship between Theories of International Relations and International Crisis. The Fundamental question which is significant in this field is that according to the parsimony and meta theoretical basics of IR Theories which just verified specific kind of knowledge, Are these theories capable to explain international crisis which there are different and various variables in different levels that affect their creation and their Escalations? This Article Attempts to answer this key question and The main hypothesis applied for answering This question includes: Given to the complicated situation of international crisis and interference of very different variables and players in various level including individual, governmental, regional, structural and system level, using just one and unique theory for explanation of them , providing incapable and weak understanding of the main cause of their creation , Escalation and management of these crisis. For this reason, The International crisis can be better explained using the Eclecticism approach.

However, what is considered in these explanations are the beginning of Chinese developmentalism, in fact, the end of a long-term process in the evolution of the Chinese mentality. In other words, the emergence of a developmentalist attitude in China should not be separated from the historical context and the process of its development, and it should be attributed only to the 1970s and some institutional reforms or Deng Xiaoping personal traits. Inspired by Thomas Kuhn's scientific revolutions and the introduction of the concept of " attitude paradigm", and by process exploration, this article examines the characteristics and developments of the Chinese collective attitude and mentality, especially Chinese leaders, over the past two centuries and shows that developmentalist leaders' approach of China in the late 1970s actually originated from a change in the attitude paradigm that has its roots in the developments of the nineteenth century. This shift in the mental and attitude paradigm, first manifested among intellectuals and then among Chinese nationalist leaders in the first half of the twentieth century, created a kind of developmental mentality among the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party, although in Mao and Under the influence of the prevailing ideological atmosphere, there was no way to succeed, but in the late 1970s, following the emergence of domestic and external opportunities and the displacement of elites, it became possible to succeed.

The theory of the Buzan’s regional security complex is one of the most important theories of regional system analysis. But the theory has some shortcomings in the analysis of regional systems such as the Middle East. This article seeks to illustrate and reform those shortcomings with a fundamental theoretical and explanatory approach. This can also provide common variables for scrutinizing the regions all over the world.  In this way, it is argued that it is need and necessary adding one more variable called "problematic" to the regional security complex theory. Also It is argued that, due to the specific characteristics of each region, it is necessary to consider the other particular variables of each region. Since this study focuses on the regional system of the Middle East as a case, it is also necessary to examine two other variables, the "individual" and the "structure of the international system".

Most of the theories used in analyzing foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran are based on “Appetite " or "Reason" anthropology. While the logic of Iran's foreign policy in certain issues, such as the nuclear conflict with the West, cannot be analyzed solely on the basis of Appetite and Reason drives such as security and power. In this regard, “A cultural theory of international relations” can provide a framework for analysis of the Ideational aspects of Iran’s foreign policy as it seeks the basis of the international politics in the spirit drive. The question is that, what is the basis of some courageous behaviors of Iran’s foreign policy, in particular it’s nuclear dispute with the West, which has affected the impulses of gaining power and security? By applying of the philosophical anthropology of “A cultural theory of international relations”, we can state this hypothesis that Iran’s foreign policy particularly its nuclear diplomacy is spirit-based. On this basis, the logic and basis for nuclear diplomacy can be analyzed on the basis of two instruments of, aimed at Self-esteem.

The question of causality, whether or not it is possible to explain causality in international politics, is one of the most important transnational issues in the field of international relations that has attracted the attention of many scholars and theoretical schools in this field. In this study we attempt to draw a general schema of the controversy and debate of international relations theorists on the cause of causation and to show what spectrum of attitudes and approaches have generally formed in the field of international relations theorizing. To this end, we first present a general framework of transnational themes of international relations, then incorporate various theories into this framework and outline their attitudes towards the issue of causality. This macro framework comprises three types of positivism, post positivism, and anti-positivism. Positivism encompasses mainstream attitudes based on realist ontology and fundamentalist epistemology, post positivism incorporates moderate approaches, and anti positivism refers to radical and postmodern attitudes that are in stark contrast to positivism.

The identification of the nature and effective elements on the United States’ Middle East diplomacy towards Iran is one of the strategic researches in the field of foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The article investigates the role of Congress in US foreign policy during eight-year Barack Obama Administration.
It was inspired by the neoconservative political thoughts in the United States as well as coincided with neo-cons efforts to influence the US’s Congress. Moreover, since 2009 the US Congress towards Iran gradually takes an aggressive and interventionist diplomacy. Meanwhile, the United States Congress introduced approximately 100 sanctions bills against Iran during the 111th-114th Congresses (from Jan. 2009-Jan. 2017).
Due to the increasing influence of the Congress senior law-makers over neo-conservatism, the foreign policy of the US Congress towards Islamic Republic of Iran has been gradually moved to pre-emptive, aggressive and interventionist diplomacy during the 8-year Barack Obama's presidency .
This research aims to examine mechanisms of the US parliamentary diplomacy as well as causes and consequences of changing the US Congress approach into the pre-emptive diplomacy by using an analytical-descriptive method for data collection based on library information and documentation.

Introduction Foreign Policy is a comprehensive plan developed by states to interact with external environment. The type and the nature of the interactions between foreign policy and the external environment is a key issue to understand both of them. In this article, it is argued that regional system is one of the most important features of the external environment, which doesn’t have one-dimensional relations with foreign policy; it means, on one hand, foreign policy impacts on the nature and quality of interactions within the regional system, on the other hand, the regional system and its components act as an independent variable in defining and drawing the goals and priorities of foreign policy. In other words, Foreign policy and regional system define each other, mutually.
Methodology This article, utilizing Institutional as well as explanatory methods, seeks to demonstrate that how the foreign policy of the main actors of a region as an institution, define another institution called regional system, and the constructed regional system how impacts on the defining, planning and execution of foreign policies of the main actors.
Findings Finding of the article would be discusses under these umbrella topics:- Defining Regional system and its components;
- The type of the relations between regional systems and macro structure of the International System; The relations between Regional system and Foreign Policy.
Conclusion Due to the relative independence of the regional system, after the dissolution on the USSR and the end of the cold war, from the macro structure of International system, it is possible to examine its relations with other issues such as Foreign policy. In the current article, it is demonstrated that after the Cold War, because of the lack of capabilities, most of the states are trying to define their foreign policies according to their corresponding regional system. This situation has enabled the main actors of each regional system to play a crucial role in defining the regional system. On the other hand, it is argued that after construction, the regional systems are not fully obedient of the main actors and act as an independent factor imposing some requirements to the states’ foreign policies.

Due to its cultural and civilizational relations and geopolitical importance in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Central Asia has always been under attention of Iran’s economic diplomacy goals, since the collapse of the Soviet Union. During the 25 year independency of Central Asian countries, the dominant dimension of Iran’s foreign policy behavior toward this region has been influenced by geopolitical discourse and therefore has been pragmatist and interest oriented. The eleventh administration of the Islamic Republic of Iran, in the framework of moderation discourse and its economic oriented foreign policy, has paid especial attention to expanding its economic relations with Central Asian Republics. The present article attempts to find out the achievements of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s economic diplomacy in Central Asia and also the reason of prioritization of economic diplomacy in the eleventh administration. The following hypothesis guides this study: Although during last two decades, pragmatist politics, derived from Iran’s geopolitical discourse in Central Asia, has lead to the expansion of economic relations in the region, the cooperative and development oriented nature of the moderation discourse as well as the necessities of Iran’s twenty – year vision plan and its resilient economy has prioritized the economic diplomacy in Iran’s foreign policy towards Central Asia. While scrutinizing Iran’s economic diplomacy in Central Asia, the authors attempt to assess the significance of economic diplomacy in the eleventh administration. Using explanatory – analyzing research method, the authors try to tell why the research findings provide an answer to the research question.

Strengthening I.R. Iran's parliamentary diplomacy requires redefining and reforming some policymaking structures and processes in Islamic Consultative Assembly.
In the meanwhile, incompatibility between official and parliamentary diplomacy, commission on national security and foreign policy's limited role in diplomatic activities, lack of documentary and registered experiences on parliamentary diplomacy, newly-elected MP's unfamiliarity with parliamentary diplomacy, academic weakness on parliamentary diplomacy, underdevelopment of party system and parliamentary fractions, lack of a position titled by vice-speaker on international affairs in Islamic Consultative Assembly's organizational structure, lack of evaluative mechanism on performance of Islamic Consultative Assembly in parliamentary unions, and lack of a consistent charter on parliamentary friendship groups are among challenges for strengthening I.R. Iran's parliamentary diplomacy.
In this framework, the paper seeks at first to examine obstacles for strengthening I.R. Iran's parliamentary diplomacy, and then to propose some practical solutions in this regard.