جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "ایران" در نشریات گروه "تاریخ"

The isolation of Iran’s archaeology education from the global advancements, particularly over the last few decades, has created a significant gap between our knowledge and international standards in this field. Despite possessing numerous ancient sites, a large number of eager students, and a history marked by pivotal developments in human societies, Iran has the potential to become a leading center for archaeology education, fieldwork, and scientific output on the world stage. However, as this article will demonstrate, Iran’s archaeology is currently experiencing deep stagnation in both scientific and practical domains, despite an increase in publications. This regression is particularly evident when compared to neighboring countries that have achieved socio-political stability and recognized the importance of archaeology. Moreover, the lack of effective education on the significance of archaeology for different segments of society, especially at pre-university levels, has led to our cultural heritage becoming vulnerable to be looted, destroyed, and exploited  for personal gain. In this article, we will review the history of archaeology education in Iran, exploring its developments and setbacks, and analyze the reasons for this stagnation. We will also propose potential solutions to overcome these challenges. Although we acknowledge that the current impetus for change may be beyond our control, or that there may be no immediate decision to address this issue, we believe we have fulfilled our national duty to safeguard our cultural heritage. We remain hopeful for an opportunity to restore Iran’s rightful place in the global scientific and cultural community.

Assessing the state of science in the Safavid era can open a window into the structural reasons for the rise and fall of this era. Accordingly, the main question of the research is: which institutional requirements led to the realization of the initial state of the establishment of science in the Safavid era? And, in turn, which characteristics have distorted the possibilities of continuing the scientific situation? The present study has focused on the hypothesis that the definitions of science in the Safavid era reflect a relatively standard situation, but it has also explored the reasons for the instability of this situation. The findings of the research, using a descriptive-analytical method based on the functional analysis of Robert Merton's theory, show that, field of the internal conditions of science, the four institutional requirements proposed for science, including: a) universalism (liberation of science from class, nationality, ethnicity, and language); b) communal or collective ownership (formation of scientific communities); c) neutrality (diversity of scientific disciplines and provision of rational foundations for religion); and d) organized doubt (skepticisms and criticisms existing between Akhbarians and Usuliians), have a relatively acceptable position in accordance with the historical data available in the Safavid era. But another part of the findings indicates the instability of scientific standards in the Safavid era. Because generally, with the end of Shah Tahmasp's rule and the monopoly of traditional sciences over rational sciences, the dominance of Akhbarism over other intellectual currents, the ridicule of philosophy and interdisciplinary approaches by some jurists, the reduction of the entirety of science to religious knowledge, the lack of love for the printing industry, the lack of transition from school to academy, the scarcity of libraries, superstition, the increasing tension between the interests of scholars and rulers, and the prejudice against any non-Shiite proposition in science, the standards of science did not continue and a return to scientific stagnation was observed in Iran during the Safavid era.

Islamic unity was one of the lofty ideals that created a movement in the Islamic world in the last quarter of the 19th century and the first quarter of the 20th century and shone a light of hope in the hearts of a number of Muslim thinkers and intellectuals. Meanwhile, the Muslims of the South Caucasus, who were under the rule of Tsarist Russia and in danger of cultural transformation, also turned to Islamic unity, because they saw salvation in it. One of the pioneers of this movement in the Caucasus was Ali Bey Hosseinzadeh. Hosseinzadeh, with the experiences he had gained during his stay in St. Petersburg and inspired by “Pan-Slavism,” sought to use Islamic unity to unite the Muslims of the world, or at least the Muslims of Russia. The present study aims to examine the works of Ali Bey Hosseinzadeh and shed light on his role in the expansion and growth of the idea of ​​Pan-Islamism among the Muslims of Russia, especially the South Caucasus. The research findings indicate that although the unity of Islam envisioned by Hosseinzadeh was not realized, his efforts were effective in continuing the social and political life of the Muslims of the Caucasus and in bringing them closer to their Muslim brothers in Iran and the Ottoman Empire. Keywords: Pan-Islamism, South Caucasus, Russia, Iran, Ottoman, Ali Bay Hosseinzadeh

This study examines the construction of Sufi monastery (khānaqāh) associated with the Cheshtiyyeh, Kazerouniyyeh, Sohravardiyyeh, and Kobraviyyeh orders in Iran and the Indian subcontinent from the 13th to the 15th centuries. khānaqāhs were central to Sufi life, serving as residences, gathering places, and centers of spiritual practice. This research investigates the patronage behind their construction, analyzing the roles of Sufis themselves, sultans, courtiers, and merchants. Employing a descriptive-analytical approach based on library research, the study reveals that monastery construction across these orders lacked a unified policy or standardized practice. Royal and courtly patronage was driven by diverse motives, ranging from seeking the support of these influential orders to attempting to control their social impact. Merchants' involvement reflected similar pragmatism, mirroring the evolving nature and social standing of Sufism in Iran and the Indian subcontinent during this period.

After the death of Shah Abbas Safavi, England took advantage of the turbulent situation in the Persian Gulf and appeared in this region under the pretext of establishing security and succeeded in bringing them under control by signing agreements with the Arab sheikhs of the Persian Gulf, including the Sheikh of Bahrain. and turn this area into a base to achieve its goals. Throughout history, Bahrain has been important due to its strategic and economic position, and it has been occupied by Iran since the Achaemenid period. However, England officially separated the said region from Iran with the consent of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and the support of the United Nations in 1971. However, according to the documents of the British Foreign Office, which have been declassified, it has been determined that the separation of Bahrain from Iran, which had a legal appearance, was nothing more than a conspiracy.The main question of this research is why the Shah suddenly gave up on Iran's sovereignty over Bahrain? By studying this historical-political event, we can understand the facts behind it. The result of this research is to better recognize the methods of colonialism in today's world so that we can act more vigilantly. Considering the nature of the subject, this article aims to analyze the separation process of Bahrain from Iran in a descriptive-analytical way, relying on documents and also using first-hand and research sources that are mainly library and documents.

During the reign of Fath Ali Shah Qajar, Iran became a focal point for European countries, resulting in frequent visits by representatives and official ambassadors from these nations as well as neighboring states to the Qajar court. These extensive relations led to the implementation of specific protocols and ceremonies for welcoming, accommodating, and receiving ambassadors at Fath Ali Shah’s court. Some of these practices were derived from Iranian court traditions, while others were adapted to meet the demands of the time. This descriptive-analytical study aims to examine the ceremonies and protocols associated with receiving foreign ambassadors at the court of Fath Ali Shah Qajar, addressing the question of what protocols were observed and how these were influenced by external factors. The findings indicate that during the reign of Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar, there were no specific protocols or ceremonies for welcoming ambassadors. However, the courtiers of Fath Ali Shah, recognizing the necessity of managing foreign relations and the king’s penchant for elaborate court ceremonies, adapted and expanded upon existing Iranian court reception protocols to create lengthy and complex ceremonies for welcoming and receiving foreign ambassadors. These ceremonies were designed to both fulfill diplomatic obligations and showcase the grandeur and magnificence of the Iranian monarchy to foreign representatives. Nevertheless, the intervention of colonial powers led to alterations in traditional reception practices.

The establishment of modern-style schools in Qajar Iran, particularly during the second half of the dynasty, yielded significant outcomes and transformations for Iranian society. The School of Political Science was one such institution, founded in the years leading up to the Constitutional Revolution. This article, employing a descriptive-analytical method, seeks to answer the following primary question: What roles did the School of Political Science play in Iranian society from its establishment in 1278 SH until its merger with the Higher School of Law and the Higher School of Commerce in 1306 SH? While this school was initially founded to meet the needs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, it subsequently contributed to other significant aspects of Iranian society. The findings of this study indicate that the school's most important roles and achievements for Iranian society were: training skilled individuals knowledgeable in modern sciences, reorganizing the chaotic and traditional structure of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, establishing and expanding higher education and specialized studies in the country, and influencing Iran's political structure by contributing to the formation and subsequent victory of the Constitutional Revolution.

The South Persia Rifles was a military organization established by the British government in Iran in 1916, during World War I. This research examines the formation of this military force known as the South Persia Rifles in Iran, its colonial objectives as pursued by the British government, and its functions until its dissolution. The physical presence of these British forces from the very first days of their formation faced widespread opposition from the Iranian people and government, particularly as the failure of the Iranian government to recognize this illegal British action was seen as interference in Iran's internal affairs. The fact that it was not approved by the Iranian Majlis (parliament) indicated that the South Persia Rifles was an illegitimate organization in Iran, and no matter how hard the British tried, they could not impose its recognition and legalization on the Iranian government. Eventually, the activities of the South Persia Rifles in Iran ended after five years in 1921, and it was dismantled. The present research is descriptive-analytical, and the tools for collecting data and information are derived from library sources and documents on Iran's foreign relations with Britain. The research findings show that with the formation of this British military organization in Iran, the British government, under the command of General Sir Percy Sykes, took the first strategic step towards colonizing Iran. However, it faced strong opposition from the Iranian government and fierce resistance from the Iranian people, especially the clergy, tribesmen, and villagers of southern Iran. If it had not been for this national and religious opposition of the Iranian people and the relative cooperation of the political authority of the time, perhaps Iran would have had a fate similar to that of India and other British colonies.

As one of the customary gifts of the Safavid era, robes were consistently bestowed upon subordinates by superiors. In fact, the practices of robe-bestowal and robe-wearing in the Safavid era, serving as a ritual that often delineated the status of high-ranking statesmen relative to others, held significant importance in the foreign relations of Safavid shahs. This research, employing a library-based methodology, will examine and analyze the political functions of robe-bestowal and robe-wearing in Safavid foreign relations through a descriptive-analytical approach. The findings of this study indicate that robes were bestowed directly and indirectly by the shahs upon foreign ambassadors, enemies, and officials involved in foreign relations. Direct bestowal upon ambassadors revealed the shah and court's perspective on the negotiating countries, while, when confronting enemies, it served to demonstrate power and deter war. Indirectly, during wartime and confrontations with foreign enemies, the shah's robe-bestowal to subordinates varied based on their performance. Thus, victory over enemies and the imposition of defeat were accompanied by honorary robes from the shah. Conversely, individuals who suffered defeat in confrontations with enemies were subject to robes of humiliation and insult from the shah; occasionally, however, conciliatory robes were sent based on individuals' pasts. The issue of demonstrating and preserving the power of Safavid shahs in comparison to their counterparts played a significant role in the bestowal of robes to individuals involved in this matter.

The cultural and social characteristics of Iranians, as viewed by Orientalists and foreigners referred to in this article as the "other" have been a focus of studies in social and cultural history. These travelogues are significant because, in addition to providing insights into past events, they are used to better understand the characteristics, features, customs, and traditions of nations that have often been lost in the ups and downs of history. Ribadeneira Sánchez's travelogue, titled "A Journey to the Heart of Persia," is one such source from the Naser al-Din Shah Qajar era. A study of this travelogue reveals numerous elements of the religious characteristics, customs, traditions, cultural behaviors, and social actors of Iran during the Naser al-Din Shah Qajar era. This article aims to answer the question: What were the cultural and social characteristics of Iranians during the Qajar era, according to Adolfo Ribadeneira Sánchez? It examines and analyzes the social and cultural axes of the aforementioned travelogue and the extent of the author's understanding of Iranian society. The research method of this article is descriptive-analytical based on the text of the travelogue. According to the findings of this research, from Adolfo's perspective, Iran is one of the most powerful representatives of history, as Iranians have always lived freely in tribal societies. In this country, while efforts have been made to preserve the traditions of previous generations and minorities, unique principles of governance have also been established

International Council of Museums (ICOM) is a non-governmental organization that is involved in relation to museums and their professional agents, aiming to promote the advantages and cultural-social benefits of museums, defining professional and ethical standards in this field, creating a suitable platform for the exploitation of relevant knowledge, and introducing cultural heritage, and holding the International Museum Day. As a subsidiary of UNESCO, this council continues to operate for 77 years with 45,493 professional members in more than 129 countries, 34 international committees, 120 national committees, and 8 regional unions. According to the available documents, in 1949, in order to improve and develop the museums of the country, establish interaction with International museums, and train the experts, the National Commission of UNESCO in Iran established the National Committee of Iranian Museums and this committee was accepted as a member of ICOM in 1971. ICOM's activity continued in Iran until 1978 after the occurrence of the Islamic Revolution due to non-payment of membership fees, it remained stagnant for 20 years and since reorganized from 1998. Considering the official definition of museums as a non-profit and universal institution for the protection, interpretation, and presentation of tangible and intangible heritage and the importance of ICOM in promoting this, the present research, by examining the available documents while briefly reviewing the background of the ICOM, rereads Iran's performance in ICOM and evaluates its strengths and weaknesses during the years 1949-1978.

The 9-month period of Prime Minister Haj Ali Razmara (June 26th of 1950 to March 4th of 1951) is very important in terms of the relative stability of the cabinet, how to deal with the oil problem in the south, and how the period of the prime minister ended. However, the closeness of time to Dr. Mosaddegh's prime ministership and the struggle of Iran's National Front to assert the country's oil rights has caused Razmara and his period of responsibility to be paid less attention, and a research gap has been created about the foreign policy of Razmara's government. In the present research, the question is whether the foreign policy model followed by Razmara in the oil issue was based on a new realist understanding of international politics with regard to the role of England. A question that the necessary data to answer was obtained through library studies and used with a historical-comparative method. In this research, the foreign policy of the Razmara government is examined in three axes: a scientific view of foreign policy, balanced reaction and the desire to survive or avoid risks in the international scene, and Razmara's structural and realistic understanding of the international system is presented as the result. An understanding that abandons the effort to obtain maximum benefits in the hope of increasing the probability of survival and creating stability. Razmara's realistic understanding of the international system, as it increases the possibility of survival for the political unit, brings with it the aspects of conservatism in order to continue the hegemony of the great powers.

The cultural and political relations between Iran and India can be analyzed in different periods with different indicators. The extent of this relation in terms of time and content requires checking the depth of this relation and its effects by determining its indicators. The first and second translation movements in the Sassanid era and then in the Abbasid caliphate period are two cultural events from which the cultural and political approach of the Sassanid kings and the Abbasid caliphs can be analyzed in relation to the land of India. Also, as the only famous work of Persian literature that somehow represents both mentioned periods, the book Kalilah and Dimnah can be an objective indicator of understanding the level of these relations. In the present research, firstly, the strategic goals of the Sassanids, especially Khosrow Anushirvan and Khosrow Parviz, and then the Abbasid caliphs, especially Mansur, Harun, and Ma'mun, of expanding relations with the land of India, and on the other hand, the achievements of Indians from the expansion of these relations have been explained. Then, as a symbolic aspect of these relations, the book Kalilah and Dimnah has been introduced, and it has been stated how this work in its historical course simultaneously carries the cultural and political view of the rulers of Iran towards India in two time periods before the conquest of Iran by Muslim Arabs and after it.

Safavid relations with their neighbors during the reign of Shah Safi experienced a period of military conflicts and border disturbances, although the Uzbek invasions of Khorasan did not achieve anything for them, the Ottoman government separated Baghdad from Iran and Kandahar also came under the control of Gurkanians. The occurrence of these events was a sign of the weakness and inefficiency of Shah Safi in the administration of the country, which made the neighbors try to implement their goals in the disputed areas after the death of Shah Abbas I. The secession of Kandahar created another chapter in the relations between Iran and India over this state and strained the relations between the Safavids and Gurkanians once again, although it did not lead to a serious crisis in the relations between the parties. In this study, the relations between the Safavids and the Gurkanians during the era of Shah Safi and Shah Jahan, the causes and contexts, especially the conflict over Kandahar and its implications, are examined and analyzed in a descriptive-analytical way. The findings show that Kandahar, as in the past, was the main factor in the formation of bilateral relations, and Shah Jahan's actions to seize this state made the relations between the two governments fragile. However, it did not lead to the complete severance of relations or India's military action against Iran.

The topic of disease and the proliferation of epidemics in various cities and regions of Iran during the Qajar period is a significant issue that, alongside numerous other social aspects—both minor and major—has been documented in several travelogues authored by travelers and European officials of that era. The references in question vary based on the geographical prevalence of endemic diseases in Iran. For instance, there is a notably persistent occurrence of cholera in the southern regions and along certain coastal areas of the Persian Gulf. Additionally, various common diseases and health issues are prevalent in the peripheral regions surrounding the Mazandaran Sea. These references reflect local experiences in managing these diseases and the corresponding treatment approaches. The information derived from this category of travelogues holds significant importance for reconstructing the historical geography of medicine in contemporary Iran. Furthermore, the fragmented statistics found in various published travelogues serve as important records for assessing the potential mortality rates associated with prevalent epidemic diseases in Iran. These documents can be utilized concurrently and possess considerable value in elucidating the medical, social, and demographic conditions of Iran during the Qajar period. This article employs the library method to analyze significant travelogues authored by Europeans during the Qajar era. It focuses on the collection and classification of data concerning the prevalence of various diseases in Iran, while also evaluating and investigating the nature and presentation of this data. The results of this research illustrate various themes, including health, disease classifications, epidemic occurrences, traditional medicinal practices, and treatment methodologies. Additionally, it examines the influence of foreign physicians in Iran and the Qajar court, as well as the responses of traditional Iranian practitioners, particularly those affiliated with the Qajar court, to the presence of European medical professionals. Furthermore, the study highlights the impact of modern medicinal products introduced through European travelogues during the Qajar era.

Water is a symbol of creation, purity, and prosperity in many cultures, including Iran. Due to its critical importance, water has been revered and considered one of the four essential elements for life. Throughout history, Iran has faced water shortages and droughts, leading its people to develop mechanisms to preserve and distribute water for human use. One of the primary water sources in Iran is the qanat system, which was first invented and constructed by Iranians. Qazvin, a city historically struggling with water scarcity, began using qanats during the Ghaznavid period. This article examines the architecture and structure of qanats, with a focus on the qanats of Qazvin, utilizing a descriptive-historical approach.

Shiism, one of the two main currents of Islam, has faced various threats and obstacles since the beginning of its life in Iran, and the final period of the Abbasid Caliphate is considered a turning point in this regard. The political and social behavior of the Imami Shiites needs to be re-read along with their religious principles. The Imami Shiites tried to preserve and perpetuate their group identity by taking advantage of the position of Naqibs, the Readers of Manqbat, and influential ministers and using the strategic principle of Taqiyyah, and in this incompatible context with their religious approach, they tried to advance the Shiite political and social base. The results of the research indicate that various factors such as the weakness of the Abbasid caliphate, religious conflicts and the spread of Shiite thought, the decline of deviant Shiite thoughts, the close relationship between Shiism and Sufism, Shiism's adherence to the strategic principle of Taqiyyah, changes in the theoretical foundations of Shiism, and the use of Shiites by The culture of endowment and taking advantage of the institution of ministry is a part of the situation of Shiites in the late Abbasid era. This descriptive and analytical research aims to show the religious and intellectual status of Shia Imamieh in the final era of the Abbasid Caliphate.

The extensive and complex bureaucratic system established by the Safavid dynasty represents one of the most significant achievements of this government. Given that the Safavids reformed the bureaucratic system of Iran and laid the foundation for a new form, this institution continued to be utilized in subsequent governments following the Safavid era. This article employs a descriptive-analytical methodology to address the question of how the administrative and bureaucratic system of the Safavids persisted and transformed during the reigns of Aqa Mohammad Khan and Fath Ali Shah Qajar. The findings of this study indicate that the bureaucratic system of the Safavids experienced both continuity and transformation during the Qajar period. While its use was limited during Aqa Mohammad Khan's rule, the bureaucratic institution of the Safavids was extensively adapted and implemented during Fath Ali Shah's reign. In this period, considering Iran's interactions with Western civilization, reforms and transformations emerged within the bureaucratic system; however, due to the patrimonial characteristics of Iran's bureaucratic system, these reforms did not lead to significant changes. Consequently, the bureaucratic and administrative system of Iran continued to be managed and operated based on the functions derived from the Safavid bureaucratic model until the onset of the Constitutional Revolution.