ایران

 Jews have historically been one of the scattered religious minorities in Iran. The history of the presence of Jews in Iran dates back to the Babylonian, Achaemenid and Median captivity. Throughout this long history, Jews have always been affected by the living conditions in Iran and, despite their small numbers, have been influential in the social, economic and religious life of the Iranian people. Meanwhile, one of the turning points in the history of Iranian Jews is the era of conquests and the rule of Muslim Arabs. With this in mind, this research attempts to examine the type of encounter between Iranian Jews and the conquering Muslims, as well as their socio-economic life during the era of conquests. According to the research findings, despite the existing mistrust between Muslim Arabs and Jews, there was no violent confrontation between the two groups, and Jews at this time in different regions chose a combination of compromise and isolation, depending on the conditions and location. The Jews, as the Ahl e Ketab, lived a comfortable life among Muslims during this period, and although they had some social and religious restrictions, they were provided with a much more favorable economic environment than in ancient times. In a way, they experienced a period of "commercial revolution" at this time.

 Reforms are one of the management solutions and increasing the ability of governments has been considered for a long time. But the nature, methods, manner and extent of its implementation were determined according to the needs of the society. The elites of Aq-Qoyunlu made reforms in three stages, one of these reforms was carried out during the period of Sultan Yaqub and with the efforts of Qazi Isa Savoji Sadr. Judge Isa's reforms are a continuation of the reform process of Hassan the king. On the one hand, the Mongol order was weakened by the fall of the Mongol governments and did not meet the needs of the Iranian society. On the other hand, Iranian society had made a big leap towards the revival of Iranian-Islamic traditions. Because he saw the cure for his pains in these traditions. By analyzing the ambiguity of the historical narratives of this period, this article tries to analyze the background, causes, nature and obstacles of Qazi Isa Savoji's reforms. Although the Qazi reforms can be seen as a link of intellectual continuity and historical necessity of reforms in Iran; But the harmony of the interests of some Iranian (religious scholars) and Turkish (soldiers) social groups in the continuation of the Mongol tradition provided the failure and destruction of the factors of these reforms. The findings show that the dominance of the chiefs of the provinces and the cooperation of the scholars and Fiefholders with them was an important obstacle in the success of the reforms. Historical data showed that the reformers, unlike the opposition, did not have popular support. They had started reforming based on the power of the government and the consent of the Sultan. But the power of the sultan was not enough in the clan-based political system. The sultan did not have superior power without the accompaniment of tribal leaders.

Taxation as the government's share of society's income has long been prevalent and accepted. Tax evasion is the intentional illegal behavior of not paying taxes. The examples of tax evasion are including, lack of reporting assets, concealing sources of income, and circumventing the tax system to avoid paying the approved tax. This descriptive-analytical study aimed to examine the common practices of tax evasion, based on the social and economic context of the Nasseri period, by examining various areas of tax evasion. The results showed that taxpayers evaded paying taxes by not cooperating and concealing information, complaining about the tax amount, and seeking sanctuary in holy places. In more serious situations, they resorted to violence or abandoned their properties to avoid paying taxes. Sometimes, rulers sabotaged the payment of excess taxes to the treasury, destroyed documents, or changed land applications. The Nasseri government dealt with these behaviors through dialogue, force, or acceptance.

Trade routes during the Seljuk period played a fundamental role in economic dynamism and the expansion of cultural exchanges. This research aims to elucidate the role of trade routes and caravanserais in shaping and strengthening economic and cultural interactions between Iran and Anatolia during the Seljuk era. The main research question addresses how trade routes and caravanserais contributed to the development and deepening of economic and cultural relations between these two regions. The research employs a descriptive–analytical methodology based on library and documentary studies, including historical and geographical texts as well as archaeological data. The findings indicate that Seljuk rulers, by ensuring the security of roads and constructing an extensive network of caravanserais, not only facilitated the flourishing of trade between Iran and Anatolia but also promoted cultural exchanges and social interactions between the two geographical spheres. Among the routes, the Tabriz–Konya–Constantinople corridor played a central role in linking East and West and in facilitating the flow of goods, ideas, and culture.

This article examines the distribution and thematic patterns of tombstone motifs from the middle Islamic period in Iran based on a library-based research approach. According to the available sources and the geographical characteristics of the studied provinces, the authors define the research regions as follows: the south (Fars Province), the southwest (Khuzestan Province), the west (Lorestan, Ilam, Kermanshah, and Hamadan provinces), and the central region (Isfahan and Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari provinces). The main focus of the study is the typological classification of human, animal, vegetal, object-related, and religious or ritual symbols, which are also presented in tabulated form. The findings are based on identifying similarities and differences among ethnic groups across the studied regions, interpreted through patterns of subsistence strategies and religious beliefs. The primary objective of this research is to understand the mental constructs and worldviews of communities living in different geographical contexts and to demonstrate that funerary motifs are influenced by local populations inhabiting these regions. Furthermore, the study emphasizes the importance of a holistic analytical perspective and cautions against attributing specific motifs exclusively to particular regions.

The end of World War II marked a new era in Iran’s contemporary history concerning its relations with the global capitalist hegemony. Following WWII, which established U.S. hegemony in the global capitalist system and international relations, Iran’s politics and economy were heavily influenced by the U.S., especially during the Cold War. Consequently, the Nixon Doctrine, stemming from U.S. domestic and international challenges over the Vietnam War, significantly impacted Iran. Assigning Iran the primary military role in the Persian Gulf under this doctrine affected Iranian societal structures, notably its military. This historical research, therefore, investigates: What was the impact of implementing the Nixon Twin-Pillar Doctrine in the Persian Gulf, with Iran as its first military pillar, on Iran’s armament capabilities from 1969 to 1971 Findings indicate that U.S.-Iran alignment and mutual willingness for Iran to assume the primary military role under the Nixon Doctrine in the Persian Gulf enhanced Iran’s armament capabilities from 1969 to 1971. This increase stemmed from Iran’s ability to purchase arms from nations with military industries, crucially enabled by President Nixon’s personal support. This allowed Iran, under the Shah, to acquire advanced weaponry from the U.S., Britain, Western European nations, and even the USSR, to fulfill its military role within the Nixon Doctrine.

As the collapse of the Zand dynasty was imminent and the political legitimacy crisis in Iran was exacerbated, the stage was set for competition among various tribal groups and power-seeking forces. The Qajar tribe-one of the Qizilbash clans-gradually but firmly established its position by drawing upon its military tradition, familial ties, and the power vacuum after the collapse of the Safavid dynasty. Aqa Mohammad Khan Qajar, the leader of this tribe and the founder of the Qajar dynasty, made one of his most significant political decisions by selecting Tehran as the capital of his new state. This choice had a lasting impact on Iran’s political and geographical destiny. This study intends to examine the reasons and motives behind that decision. Based on historical sources and a descriptive-analytical method, the research takes into account the central question: why, despite the existence of more ancient and more powerful cities, Tehran, above all, was chosen as the capital of the new dynasty The findings reveal that the selection resulted from interconnected geographical, military, political, and economic factors. Tehran’s fairly central location-distant from dangerous regions of the time-its proximity to Astarabad (the Qajar birthplace and recruiting ground), and its location on vital trade and communications lines between northern and central Iran were all of the greatest significance.

“Chalderan”, whose name in the history of Iran is associated with the renowned battle between the Safavids and the Ottomans in this region in 920 AH/1514 CE, was considered part of the province of Azerbaijan during the Safavid era and administratively subordinate to Coy. Before the Battle of Chalderan, this region was not at the center of historical developments; however, with the occurrence of the aforementioned battle, its name came into prominence. The present article seeks, through a historical–comparative approach, to analyze the frequency of this region’s name in the maps drawn by European cartographers. Contemplated the geographical image of Iran during the Safavid Era. Based on European maps, this name appeared for a specific period of time-namely, from the mid-10th/16th century to the mid- 11th/17th century-in European depictions of Iran, and after a while it disappeared from the maps. Therefore, the specific research question of the article is: due to which factors did the name “Chalderan” emerge during the aforementioned period and subsequently disappear The findings of the research indicate that the representation and omission of “Chalderan” in European cartography reflected the contingent geopolitical significance of historical events rather than the natural realities of the region in question. More specifically, the renown of the Battle of Chalderan was the primary factor behind the appearance of this toponym on maps, and with the gradual stabilization of Safavid-Ottoman relations and the decline of military tensions, the name was progressively forgotten in cartographic records. This process reveals the profound gap between local realities and external representations in European cartography.

The Ideological Plurality of the Hurufis and the Reaction of the Shiites to the Hurufism Beliefs Abstract With the spread of the Hurufism movement, the idea spread in the Islamic world that most of the followers of Fazlallah Hurufi were Shiites. Mentioning the names of Shiite imams in the works of Fazlallah Hurufi and Imadaddin Nasimi and believing in Mahdism and the appearance of a savior were considered to be clear signs of the Hurufism being Shiites. Although there were other sects among the Hurufism followers, such as Sunnis. However, a number of Shiites had also joined this group. With the revelation of Fazlallah Hurufi's exaggerated and atheistic beliefs, many Shiites in the cities repented and separated from the Hurufism. In regard to Hurufis as shiites, Shiite scholars called them devils and rejected their Shiiteness. The study of the ideological pluralism of the Hurufism and the attribution of Shiism to the Hurufism and the Shiites reaction to this attribution is the subject of this article, which is explained analytically and with reference to historical sources and contemporary research. In conclusion this research shows that the followers of the Hurufism were from different sects and schools, and the Shiites, understanding the atheistic thoughts of Fazlallah Hurufi, separated themselves from the followers of Fazl and opposed them.

Iran and Iraq, due to their shared historical, geographical, and cultural background, have always been engaged in cultural and literary interactions, the reflections of which can be clearly observed in the contemporary literature of both countries. The central issue of this research is to examine how the political, social, and cultural developments of the past century in Iran and Iraq brought the literary paths of the two nations closer together and led to the emergence of similar themes and forms. The hypothesis is that historical and cultural commonalities, along with similar political and social conditions in the twentieth century, provided the groundwork for the rise of convergent literary movements and shared themes such as the pursuit of freedom, the quest for justice, patriotism, and the struggle against poverty and illiteracy. This study, using a descriptive-analytical approach and based on comparative literary studies, first explains the roots of cultural ties between Iran and Iraq from antiquity to the present, and then examines the political and social circumstances of the two countries in the twentieth century and their impact on literary movements, especially poetry. The findings indicate that parallel transformations in both countries, coupled with the influence of Western literature and a tendency toward modernism, paved the way for the emergence of Sheʿr-e No (New Poetry) in Iran and al-shiʿr al-hurr (Free Verse) in Iraq, significantly bringing the literary trajectories of the two nations closer together.Text (New Poetry) in Iran and al-shiʿr al-hurr (Free Verse) in Iraq, significantly bringing the literary trajectories

This study examines the complex and volatile relationship between Muqtada al-Sadr, the leader of Iraq’s Sadrist movement, and the Islamic Republic of Iran during the period 2003–2024. The significance and necessity of this research stem from the decisive role these relations have played in Iraq’s domestic and foreign policy, as well as their impact on the regional balance of power. In the aftermath of the Ba‘ath regime’s collapse, when Iraq faced a power vacuum and the presence of numerous internal and external actors, the interactions between al-Sadr and Iran emerged as one of the most critical factors shaping the country’s political, security, and social developments. The study aims to analyze the historical trajectory of these relations and explain the factors of convergence and divergence between the two actors. These dynamics have been redefined through issues such as resistance against foreign occupation, identity and ideological differences, the rise of ISIS, Iraqi elections, the assassination of General Qasem Soleimani, and regional developments. The research adopts a qualitative, descriptive-analytical approach. The sources include library research, media documents, and analytical works in Arabic, English, and Persian. The findings show that the Sadr–Iran relationship has gone through four main phases: tactical cooperation, distancing, open confrontation, and strategic silence. The study concludes that by emphasizing a nationalist identity and drawing boundaries with Iran’s regional policies, al-Sadr has managed to build an independent popular and discursive base. However, his complete elimination from Iraq’s political scene has proven impossible for Iran and its allies. This research characterizes the

This study conducts a comparative analysis of land reforms in Iran and South Korea as part of the United States' Cold War strategy to contain communism, seeking to understand the US role in their implementation and their subsequent outcomes. Relying on U.S. State Department documents and library resources, the research employs a descriptive-analytical methodology. It is premised on the hypothesis that South Korea's relative success stemmed from the organic connection between a political will oriented towards distributive justice, supporting institutional capacity, and linkage to an industrialization project. Conversely, Iran's relative failure is attributed to ruling class conflicts of interest, a hastily designed reform lacking technical support, and a disconnect from the national development program. The findings reveal that land reform in South Korea (1945-1953) distributed approximately 90% of the leased land and integrated with industrialization, led to political stability and economic growth. In contrast, Iran's land reform (1960s), implemented within the framework of the White Revolution, precipitated widespread rural migration, urban marginalization, and political instability. This resulted from its rushed execution, resistance from landlords and clerics, and lack of coordination with national development. By analyzing both internal and external factors, this research highlights the role of local conditions and geopolitical policies in determining the outcomes of these projects. It demonstrates that land reform functioned not merely as an economic project but as a strategic instrument in the Cold War, significantly shaped by US geopolitical objectives and the varying domestic contexts of the two nations.It demonstrates that land reform functioned not merely as an economic project but as a strategic instrument in the Cold War, significantly shaped by US geopolitical objectives and the varying domestic contexts of the two nations.

Documents and press of the late Qajar era show that Iranians had an optimistic approach towards the Americans. These views were one of the main factors in inviting American advisors during the period. The presence of Schuster and then Millspaugh in Iran with the aim of administrative and economic reforms was the first experience of relations that influenced the subsequent developments in Iran with the United States. Schuster entered Iran at a time when the Russians were practically the most influential foreign force in Iran and the Second Majlis, which hosted Schuster, did not have much power. While Millspaugh's presence in Iran coincided with the political decline of the Russians, his actions were influenced by his policies, especially during the reign of Reza Shah. Millspaugh's second period of presence also took place in the shadow of the occupation of Iran by the Allies, however, given the experience he had gained from the Reza Shah era, he did not pay much attention to the Majlis and the atmosphere of Iranian society, as a result, Millspaugh's second period was less successful and he was eventually forced to leave Iran.

The simultaneity of the drafting of Iran’s Second Five-Year Development Plan (1995–1999) with the 1992 Rio Conference raises two critical questions: Did the Rio Conference influence the formulation of the Second Plan And, more broadly, what is the relationship between sustainable development and the planning and implementation measures within this plan The research findings indicate that, despite the inclusion of the term sustainable development in the plan’s amendments and legal framework, environmental protection was largely neglected. This was because the government’s focus was directed toward controlling inflation and reducing non-essential expenditures, which were deemed necessary to manage inflation, control liquidity, and promote economic growth, thereby supporting development. The marginalization of environmental concerns in the Second Plan resulted in the concept of sustainable development remaining largely rhetorical, with no effective practical measures implemented to advance it. From this perspective, the Second Development Plan embodied a fundamental paradox: while claiming to pursue sustainable development, its environmental imperatives were disregarded. This contradiction perpetuated the degradation of natural resources, intensified environmental pollution, and accelerated soil and forest erosion, highlighting that achieving sustainable development in Iran requires a reconsideration of policy-making and the establishment of more effective institutional mechanisms.

"This article aims to examine the form and content of contracts with foreign companies located in the Angurestan mansion, a property endowed by Haj Mohammad Ebrahim Malek al-Tojjar Esfahani in the city of Isfahan, and to compare them with the domestic leases of this merchant. It employs a descriptive-analytical approach and utilizes the content analysis method. The findings from the analysis of lease agreements concluded between this merchant and foreign companies, including Hods, Ziegler, and Lynch, indicate that the leased properties encompassed a wide range of uses, and the amounts and terms of the leases reflected the exigencies of the time. The most significant formal difference is the linguistic diversity in these documents, where English and Russian languages are used alongside Persian. This linguistic diversity reflects the expansion of Iran's commercial relations with Western countries during the Qajar period and the impact of these relations on the manner of drafting commercial contracts. Furthermore, the research shows that the writing of the formula of contract ('sighat-e-aqd') in these documents was less formal, with only one lease agreement among the examined samples containing this formula. These findings provide valuable information regarding linguistic and legal developments during the Qajar era. The results of this research demonstrate that the lease agreements concluded with European countries reflect the expansion of Iran's commercial relations with Western countries during the Qajar period and the impact of these relations on the manner of drafting commercial contracts."

Higher police education, as a fundamental foundation in the professionalization of law enforcement forces, plays an important role in improving the knowledge, skills, and efficiency of commanders. Given the increasing complexity of police missions and rapid social changes, a review of the Iranian police education system has become increasingly necessary. This study aimed to examine the historical and comparative trend of higher police education in the world and in Iran and analyze it within the framework of the professionalization of law enforcement command. The present study, using a descriptive-analytical method and based on a qualitative historical and comparative analysis, collected its data by examining historical documents, official educational approvals, approved curricula, and related scientific sources. The results of the analyses show that police education has evolved globally through three stages of technicalization, academicization, and community-orientedness, and in Iran this path has also been followed with a time delay but in a similar process; From the experimental and military training of the Qajar and Pahlavi eras to the formation of the Amin University of Police Sciences and the move towards scientific and interdisciplinary training. Despite these advances, challenges such as the gap between theoretical training and operational skills, the shortage of interdisciplinary instructors, and the weak link between the university and the field of mission are still noticeable. Based on the findings, the professionalization of police command requires a review of curricula, strengthening community-based training, increasing international scientific interactions, and creating an effective connection between academic education and field experiences. The implementation of these measures can pave the way for improving the quality of police training, better responding to the security needs of society, and achieving a local and efficient model for training commanders and police forces in Iran.

Despite the long history of relations between Iran and Germany, the most important period in the history of economic relations between Iran and Germany, which led to strong and stable commercial and economic relations between the two countries, was the Reza Shah era. For several reasons, Reza Shah tried to establish economic relations between Iran and Germany. Factors such as Hitler's charismatic personality and German industrial society made Reza Shah interested in Germany. Germans entered Iran's economic arena for two reasons. First, due to the issue of homogeneity between Iranians and Germans, which flourished among German thinkers and poets from the 18th century onwards, and secondly, the glorious history and culture of ancient Iran, which for Germans was a decisive component in communicating with other countries. In this research, using the descriptive-analytical method, an attempt has been made to study the factors influencing the development of trade relations between the two countries, while dealing with the historical aspects of the relations between Iran and Germany. The main goal of the current research is to identify and explain the influential factors in the growth of trade relations between Iran and Germany between 1285 and 1332. Between the years 1320 and the 1935 Iranian coup d'etat o although Germany was displeased by the great powers due to the defeat in the Second World War, and Iran's official policies were defined by keeping a distance from Germany, but over time, especially in the late 30s, Business relations between Iran and Germany were re-established.

This article examines the multifaceted factors that contributed to the establishment of the United States diplomatic mission in Iran during the Qajar Iran period. The primary focus is on the complex interaction between the activities of American religious missionaries and prevailing geopolitical pressures. Initially, missionary activities aimed at supporting religious minorities and promoting Christianity; however, they gradually acquired broader social, cultural, and political dimensions. Figures such as Joseph P. Cochran contributed to improvements in healthcare and education through the establishment of hospitals and schools, although these efforts also provoked opposition from religious leaders.Concurrently, the Iranian government sought to counter the influence of United Kingdom and Russia by developing relations with the United States, leading to the signing of the Treaty of Friendship and Navigation. The study further demonstrates that internal conflicts between Protestant and Catholic missionaries intensified the complexities of foreign influence. Ultimately, these factors—missionary activities, geopolitical maneuvering, and internal religious tensions—contributed to the formation of complex and often contentious relations between Iran and the United States, laying the groundwork for many contemporary challenges.

According to archaeological findings, the onset of agriculture, permanent settlement in villages, increased labor, dietary changes, and population growth led to a significant rise in diseases and physical traumas among Neolithic humans. Neolithic lifeways carried substantial physiological consequences, marked by the appearance and spread of skeletal lesions that had been rare or absent in earlier foraging societies. These health issues can be broadly categorized as skeletal traumas resulting from shifts in physical activities, oral and dental diseases, anemia caused by dietary changes, infectious and epidemic diseases triggered by population growth (e.g., skeletal tuberculosis), and zoonotic diseases resulting from close cohabitation with domesticated animals. The cultivation and consumption of cereals, which are low in iron, frequently led to iron-deficiency anemia among Neolithic populations. This, in turn, contributed to other skeletal conditions such as porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia. The high carbohydrate content of cereals also contributed to a noticeable increase in dental caries. Another frequent condition of Neolithic populations was osteoarthritis, arising from repetitive and strenuous agricultural labor, particularly tasks such as grinding grain, hoeing, and carrying heavy loads.Infectious and epidemic diseases became more prevalent due to factors such as increased population density, permanent settlements, close interpersonal contact, and poor hygiene practice factors conducive to the spread of diseases like skeletal tuberculosis. The onset of sedentism and increased proximity to animals also led to the emergence of deadly and epidemic zoonotic diseases such as plague and brucellosis. Although the evidence for these diseases in Iran remains limited and unevenly studied, signs of such conditions have been identified in several Neolithic sites, including Sheikh-i Abad (Sahneh County) and Ganj Dareh (Harsin County) in Kermanshah Province, as well as Hajji Firuz Tepe in Azerbaijan.

Being one of the important written sources of Turkish literature, cönks are manuscript books that contain many different folk literature materials in verse and prose. Due to the folk literature products they contain, cönks are one of the source works of oral history that show the cultural values, political structure, the world of human thought, philosophy, customs and traditions, and folk beliefs of the period in which they were written. Nevertheless, since cönks also present the linguistic material of the era in which they lived, they are capable of answering questions that may arise in the mind in terms of language history. The absence of any research on the cönks found in Iranian Turkish minstrel neighborhoods where the tradition of minstrelsy continues to exist vividly is one of the important deficiencies identified in its field. In this regard, this study has been written in order to reveal to what extent the cönks in the Hamadan field, located in the west of Iran, contribute to the tradition of minstrelsy and what benefits they offer to the social and historical life of the Turks in the region. For this reason, the study will present the cönks identified in Hamadan, after emphasizing the importance of the cönks in the region and the minstrel tradition, with a presentation of the cönk tradition in the Hamadan region with a holistic understanding. The data related to the cönks used in the research consist of the products that were identified during the field researches conducted in Hamadan in 2015, 2017-2018 and the cönks in the hands of Hamadan minstrels and their close relatives were photographed and digitized. As a result, it has been found that the cönks are products that, in written form, maintain the minstrel tradition that sustains oral existence, benefit the preservation of the region's folk literature materials, and come to the front by transmitting their linguistic and cultural elements to future generations.

This article examines the general history of education in Iran and highlights the achievements of Azerbaijani Turks within this educational system.

This study employs a comparative–historical analysis to examine the fiscal and social obligations of peasants in Iran and serfs in Russia, in order to show how divergent institutional configurations shaped political mobilization capacity and the trajectory of social transformation. The central question is why legal and institutional differences in peasant obligations in two largely agrarian societies yielded distinct political outcomes. The evidence draws on primary sources alongside classic and recent scholarship, covering Russia from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries and Iran from the Ilkhanid through the Qajar periods. The findings indicate that in Russia, a codified serf regime legally bound peasants to land and lord, and consolidated a triad of obligations—compulsory labor (barshchina), cash/kind rent (obrok), and state taxation—underpinned by the village commune (mir) and the principle of collective responsibility. In Iran, despite the juridical freedom of peasants under Islamic law, a multilayered network of sharecropping rents, diwānī taxes, tiyūl and waqf dues, corvée labor, and chronic indebtedness—enforced through customary mechanisms such as the mirāb and communal qanat cleaning—produced effective dependency. Accordingly, legal–institutional concentration in Russia facilitated uniform extraction and nationwide uprisings, whereas customary dispersion in Iran raised coordination costs, limited national mobilization, and deferred structural change to late, top-down land reform.

Max Weber, the eminent German sociologist, employed the concept of “patrimonialism” to describe a form of governance in which the ruler perceives the territory and power as his personal property. The term originates from the Latin word pater, meaning father, and refers to hereditary family ownership. Weber argues that patrimonialism emerges from the patriarchal system and is structured around private and familial relationships. In this system, political authority is based on traditionalism, and the ruler utilizes various tools to maintain power and ensure the loyalty of subordinates. This study examines the role of gifts and tributes in the Ghaznavid government (387–432 AH / 997–1041 CE), using Weber’s patrimonial theory as a framework. It seeks to answer the question: What role did gifts play in sustaining the sultan’s authority and securing the loyalty of subordinates in this system The central hypothesis is that gifts functioned as a key instrument in the patrimonial structure of the Ghaznavids—used both by subordinates to demonstrate loyalty to the ruler, and by the sultan to reinforce patronage ties. This research adopts a descriptive-analytical method and draws upon library sources such as Tarikh-e Beyhaqi, Tarikh al-Tabari, and Muruj al-Dhahab. The findings reveal that during the Ghaznavid period, gifts were predominantly offered by subordinates to the sultan and were regarded as symbols of loyalty and submission. This practice was employed not only to gain the sultan’s trust and obtain administrative positions, but also reciprocated by the sultan to guarantee the allegiance of his subordinates. These gifts—including horses, textiles, gold and silver coins, and slaves—played significant political and economic roles in ceremonies such as Nowruz and Mehregan, as well as in welcoming rulers. These exchanges, which also constituted part of the state’s revenue, helped reinforce patron-client relationships and maintain social cohesion within the patrimonial system. From Weber’s perspective, this process illustrates the dependency of the bureaucratic structure on the person of the ruler and the absence of meritocracy in the patrimonial system, where personal loyalty and private relations are prioritized over technical competence.

The Tobacco Movement is recognized as a turning point in the passive resistance of Iranians during the Qajar era. This concession drew more attention than others because it dealt with a product that Iranians had been widely cultivating, distributing, and exporting. This was in contrast to other concessions, which often related to areas that had not yet been exploited. The Tobacco Movement was unprecedented in Qajar history due to its breadth, importance, and success in confronting both domestic tyranny and foreign colonialism. The movement not only weakened the foundations of the Qajar government but also led to subsequent movements in Iranian society that challenged the legitimacy of the government and paved the way for the Constitutional Revolution and later the establishment of a republic.The present study examines how economic developments, the awakening of the people, and their awareness of domestic and global issues in the nineteenth century played a role in the formation of passive resistance and the Tobacco Movement. The main hypothesis is that the increasing interference of foreign powers in the second half of the nineteenth/thirteenth century was directly related to growing social dissatisfaction. The research method of this article is descriptive and library-based. The main finding of the study shows that although the financial corruption of the Qajar court paved the way for colonial powers, Iranian society, unlike its rulers, was not indifferent to the plunder of its national resources and showed resistance against it, with passive resistance being one of its forms.

One of the significant developments of the Naseri era, which contributed to the expansion of relations and politico-religious convergence between Iran and the Ottoman Empire, was the travels of the Shah, princes, and high-ranking Iranian political officials to Ottoman territories. These visits were undertaken for the Hajj pilgrimage, visiting the holy shrines (Atabat), or tourism, and involved meetings and dialogues with the Sultan and high-level Ottoman officials. Utilizing a descriptive-analytical approach, the present study examines the context, circumstances, and outcomes of Naser al-Din Shah's two journeys to the Ottoman Empire. The study's fundamental research question is: What were the precedents and objectives of the Qajar monarch's travels to the Ottoman realm, and what implications did these visits have for Iran-Ottoman relations? According to the research findings, the most significant outcomes of these travels include: establishing a foundation for negotiation and dialogue; reducing religious hostility and conflict; achieving a relative stabilization of tense bilateral relations; the respectful treatment and formal reception protocols extended to the Shah of Iran by Ottoman officials; Naser al-Din Shah's negotiations with the Sultan, high-ranking Ottoman dignitaries, and foreign ambassadors residing in Istanbul; the Shah's exposure to new manifestations of civilization and culture; and laying the groundwork for potential Islamic political and religious unity and convergence between Iran and the Ottoman Empire.