عثمانی

Miniatures serve as a rich source of information regarding the art of the Islamic era. However, if it can be demonstrated that a collection of miniatures adheres to the criterion of realism, they may also be utilized as historical documents that accurately reflect the realities of a given period. Miniatures produced in the traditional Islamic world often depict imaginary themes and narrate legendary stories and events that the painter had not personally witnessed. Nevertheless, a significant number of miniatures were created by artists who were directly present at historical events and were commissioned to provide a visual record of those specific occurrences.This study aims to explore the extent to which the visual narrative of one of the most significant collections of Ottoman miniatures—the Surnames, and specifically Wehbi’s Surname—aligns with historical realities. To this end, the paper first examines how the painters of such visual works approached historical reality and the events they depicted. It then investigates the methods and techniques employed by the painter of the Surname to represent court ceremonies in their artwork. Finally, through a case study analysis of selected miniatures from Vehbi’s Surname, the paper compares specific visual elements with parallel historical accounts found in written sources. The findings reveal that the documentary approach of the surname painters led to a visual narrative that closely corresponds to the recorded accounts in Ottoman historical texts. Given that these miniatures were created within the context of celebratory events, the artists were able to present a remarkably realistic depiction of the events they portrayed

Islamic unity was one of the lofty ideals that created a movement in the Islamic world in the last quarter of the 19th century and the first quarter of the 20th century and shone a light of hope in the hearts of a number of Muslim thinkers and intellectuals. Meanwhile, the Muslims of the South Caucasus, who were under the rule of Tsarist Russia and in danger of cultural transformation, also turned to Islamic unity, because they saw salvation in it. One of the pioneers of this movement in the Caucasus was Ali Bey Hosseinzadeh. Hosseinzadeh, with the experiences he had gained during his stay in St. Petersburg and inspired by “Pan-Slavism,” sought to use Islamic unity to unite the Muslims of the world, or at least the Muslims of Russia. The present study aims to examine the works of Ali Bey Hosseinzadeh and shed light on his role in the expansion and growth of the idea of ​​Pan-Islamism among the Muslims of Russia, especially the South Caucasus. The research findings indicate that although the unity of Islam envisioned by Hosseinzadeh was not realized, his efforts were effective in continuing the social and political life of the Muslims of the Caucasus and in bringing them closer to their Muslim brothers in Iran and the Ottoman Empire. Keywords: Pan-Islamism, South Caucasus, Russia, Iran, Ottoman, Ali Bay Hosseinzadeh

In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, two powerful and nationalist figures came to power in Germany and the Ottoman Empire. Wilhelm II came to power with the slogan of modern politics in Germany and Sultan Abdul Hamid II with the slogan of Islamic unity in the Ottoman Empire. Both personalities wanted economic, military and industrial progress in their empires, which led to cooperation between the two countries in the Berlin-Persian Gulf railway project. On the other hand, at this time, the Persian Gulf suddenly became the arena of conflicts and colonial rivalries of powerful European states, including Germany.The main issue of this research is to study and explain the reasons for the construction of the Berlin-Persian Gulf railway by the Germans and the reasons for their failure in this project. This article has been done using descriptive-analytical method and documented text analysis and using historical sources. The findings of the study indicate that the Germans, after failing in the Persian Gulf by sea, thought of infiltrating the Persian Gulf by land and by rail, but due to the lack of strong allies could not succeed in this project good luck.

Coinciding with the activities of the Qizilbash tribes in the early years of the Safavid government’s establishment, Prince Salim ruled a province near Safavid territories. From that time onward, he was determined to confront the Qizilbash, and after ascending to the throne, he launched a campaign to overthrow the Safavid rule entirely. Although the Ottoman victory at the Battle of Chaldiran had a significant impact on the fledgling Safavid state, several problems and obstacles prevented Sultan Salim I from fully toppling the Safavids. Years later, Sultan Salim sought another attack to complete his mission of overthrowing the Safavids. To this end, he corresponded with local rulers under the Safavids in hopes of gaining their assistance in the upcoming war. Among these letters, which are reflected in Majmua-e Munshia`at Al-Salatin, the correspondence between Sultan Salim and the ruler of Shirvan is particularly significant. The main question of this study is: What was the purpose of Sultan Salim's pursuit of friendship with the Shirvan Shahs? This article aims to analyze the diplomatic role of Ibrahim Sheikh Shah Shervani in shaping the relations between the Safavids and the Ottomans through a descriptive-analytical approach, and to uncover the reasons for his actions.

During the First World War, Mustafa Asim Bey was appointed as the Ottoman ambassador in Tehran. The Ottoman diplomatic apparatus in Iran was responsible for persuading Iranians to join forces with the Ottomans, to cut off the Russians from Azerbaijan, and to help advance Ottoman military goals in Afghanistan and India. In order to achieve these goals, Asim Bey and his associates believed in soft politics with influence among the constitutionalist men and tribes of western Iran. But the Turkish military, led by Rauf Bey, believed in an aggressive policy with violence in order to neutralize the propaganda of the Allies. Two policies that led to a serious challenge between the Ottoman military and diplomats in Iran and put the policies of the Great Turks under the spotlight, including the Islamic Union plan. Despite Asim Bey's efforts, Iran did not join the alliance plan with the Ottomans, Akbar's jihad did not achieve its goals in Iran, and the subversive policies against the Russians and the British in the west and southwest of Iran did not succeed.During the two years that Asim Bey was the Ottoman ambassador in Tehran, he had various correspondences with the Highness in Istanbul and the Ottoman and German political and military officials. This article has been compiled according to the documents left by Asim Bey, which are kept in the Records Organization of the Republic of Turkey, and aims to analyze the challenges of the Ottoman Turks' diplomatic system in Iran from the point of

From the classical era until the 19th century, Iranian literary texts occasionally served as a source of inspiration in the Ottoman Empire. One such example is Zahâk, a myth from Ferdowsi’s Shâhnâmeh, which was used to criticize the political situation in the Ottoman Empire. As Ottoman thinkers became familiar with the intellectual works of the West and the political structure of Europe, they began to criticize the governance of their declining empire. The prominent writer Şemseddin Sami, for instance, protested against despotism in various works, including plays such as Kāveh. This play not only exemplifies modern literature but also serves as a critical work by a Turkish thinker, expressing political issues in literary language. In Iran, Kâveh was translated by Mirzâ Ebrâhimkhan Amir Toumân as Zahâk, aiming to convey a different political context. This essay, inspired by “New Historicism” as a functional approach, illuminates the intended concepts of both the author and the Iranian translator. It reveals that both Iran and the Ottoman Empire had similar political experiences. Moreover, it shows that both the writer and the translator were aware of political despotism as a problem in their “homeland”. However, the political situation in Iran appears to be more complex. Understanding the political structure and the distinct experiences of monarchy in these contexts simplifies the question: why was Kâveh translated as Zahâk in Iran? Additionally, this play reflects social issues in Kâveh’s life, which adds another dimension to the work.

Introduction:

Monetary policy is the use of government expenditures and revenue-generating activities to achieve specific goals, budget deficit or surplus, and regulation of economic growth and stability. Since in order to fight the economic problems of regulating the government's income and controlling prices, monetary policies are very important levers that if used correctly can contribute to economic, political, social and economic stability and development. The culture of the country should play a very constructive role. In the past, governments usually used specific monetary policies to advance their political goals and run the country. If one of the influencing factors on the monetary policy of any government is the use of currency fluctuations and how to control it. During the Safavid period, due to the formation of tense relations between the two Iranian and Ottoman governments, each of them adopted specific monetary policies towards each other. In this period, because gold and silver ornaments were considered as an intermediary factor in exchanges, they were noticed by the Safavid and Ottoman governments. Also, since the gold and silver required for minting coins in Iran were mostly supplied from outside the country, and one of the ways to enter the country was through the territory of the Ottoman government. Therefore, in order to advance their political and economic goals, these governments took measures that affected their relations by taking advantage of certain policies in the field of conflicts in the event of war and conflict. In this regard, the current research, relying on variables such as the policy of prohibiting the entry and exit of foreign currency, the creation or merger of border mints, the increase of the conversion tariff for muskets, monitoring the value of muskets and paying attention to the silk trade, tries to use historical sources and research. Turkish historians should answer these main questions: what monetary policies did the Safavid and Ottoman governments use against each other? What effect did these monetary policies have on the political and commercial relations of the Safavid and Ottoman governments?

The research method in this research is library and document type.

During war and enmity, the Ottoman government prevented gold and silver from entering Iran in order to advance its political goals and economic sanctions against the Safavid government. In contrast, the Safavid government, in order to bypass the Ottoman trade embargoes, pursued the policy of supplying muskets from inside Iran by extracting new mines and supplying muskets from outside Iran, by expanding trade relations with European countries. In addition, the use of these monetary policies had many consequences for both governments, including the change of Iran's traditional trade routes from the Ottoman territory, the lack of gold and silver coins in Iran, and the relative deprivation of the Ottoman government from the resulting income. Pilgrimage of Hajj and shrines of highness, merger or destruction of mints in two countries, development of silk trade and growth of Iran's trade balance with western countries.

Due to religious and political differences, the Ottoman and Safavid governments always tried to attack each other by using certain monetary policies. The Ottoman government has always taken advantage of monetary policies such as banning the departure of gold and silver coins from its territory, establishing border mints to increase the conversion tariff of coins and reduce the value of coins, increasing the cost of customs, and affecting Iran's trade. He was hitting. On the other hand, the Safavid government, in order to prevent the shortage of foreign currency, adopted special monetary policies, which included: paying attention to the increase of silk exports and the introduction of gold and silver ornaments into the country by changing the traditional trade routes to the north and south. Iran and the expansion of trade relations with the western and northern countries of Iran; Establishing new rules for Iranian pilgrims who were going to pilgrimage and pilgrimage and encouraging pilgrimage to the holy shrine of Imam Reza (a.s.) in Iran.

The Ottoman attacks on the eastern borders of the Islamic empire required sufficient justification and persuasion of both local public opinion and other Muslims. The Ottoman rulers claimed that, by attacking the East, they were restoring the Islamic caliphate, countering Safavid-sponsored Shi'ism, and aiding their Sunni co-religionists in the region, particularly those in Iran. The repeated presence of Ottoman troops in the predominantly Sunni city of Dargazin supports the hypothesis that its inhabitants were allied with the Ottomans. This hypothesis is based on the fact that Dargazin is one of the few Sunni areas in central Iran where residents continued to express dissatisfaction with the new government installed after the fall of the Safavid dynasty. The attacks by Ottoman Sultan Suleiman in 940 and 941 CE, the subsequent presence of Ottoman ambassadors, and the final Ottoman assaults on Dargazin toward the end of Safavid rule further underscore the significance of this issue, as these actions were aimed at gaining the support of the Sunni population. Consequently, this research aims to analyze and examine the importance of Dargazin and its Sunni inhabitants in the attacks and events between Iran and the Ottomans during the Safavid period. The research follows a descriptive-analytical approach and relies on library sources. The findings indicate that the people of this region supported the Ottomans during limited periods, particularly in their resistance against the Safavids. Reports from sources regarding the killing and plundering of the Dargazin population by Ottoman troops, along with the Dargazin people's inclination to support the Qoyunlu and the Afghans at the end of Safavid rule, serve as evidence of the continued lack of cooperation between the Dargazin population and the Ottomans.

The issue of citizenship has garnered significant attention since the Qajar era, largely due to the expansion of international communications and diplomatic relations between countries. A notable factor influencing citizenship was the prevalence of intermarriage between citizens of different nations. This research aims to elucidate this dimension of Iran-Ottoman relations during the Qajar period. Utilizing library resources and archival documents from Iran, the study explores the implications of Iran-Ottoman interactions for citizenship, particularly in the context of cross-national marriages. Specifically, it addresses the impact of these connections on both countries and examines the responses of the Iranian and Ottoman governments. The findings indicate that during this period, the geographical proximity between Iran and the Ottoman Empire facilitated extensive interactions between their governments, resulting in numerous cross-national marriages. These marriages frequently generated tensions between the two nations. Throughout this era, the Iranian government consistently endeavored to address the issues arising from these unions, while the Ottoman Empire, with considerable interests at stake, tended to downplay the significance of these matters.

 With the outbreak of the First World War, due to its geopolitical situation and the establishment of Russian forces since 1909/1288 AD, Azerbaijan was unintentionally involved in the conflicts and wars between Russia and the Ottoman Empire. Before the war, Ottomans had strengthened their positions against the Russians because Azerbaijan, especially the western corridor of Lake Urmia, was considered a strategic and suitable route Tsarist Russia to reach Mesopotamia and the warm waters of the Persian Gulf. In the spring of 1295 AH, the whole region was gradually occupied by the Russians, and the last attempt of the Ottomans to capture the positions of the Russians in the West of Azerbaijan under the title of Dillman (Salmas) war between Russia and the Ottomans in May 1295 AH led to the defeat of the Ottomans. At the same time as the Dillman War, the Assyrians and Ottoman Armenians revolted in Anatolia. The return of the Ottoman forces to Eastern Anatolia led to the suppression of the Ottoman rebel Armenians. The consequences of this war were mass migration of Ottoman Assyrians to western Azerbaijan, including Urmia and Salmas. This article, written based on Ottoman documents and Iranian sources on a descriptive-analytical basis, tries to answer these questions: what was the cause of this war and the process of the incident, and finally, what were the consequences of this war for Azerbaijan and Eastern Anatolia?  It was concluded that following this war, the western region of Azerbaijan and eastern Anatolia were captured by the joint Russian-Armenian forces. The subsequent events led to various incidents and events for both Muslims and Christians in Azerbaijan and Eastern Anatolia. It is clear that both the Ottoman countries and Tsarist Russia sought to gain more wealth and power in this region without considering the interests of the Iranian people and their partiality with these groups was temporary and based on their short-term and long-term hidden and overt interests.

The establishment of the Safavid dynasty and the recognition of the Shiite religion by them created a deep rift between Iran and the Ottomans, which led to endless wars between the two sides with the aim of eliminating the rival. These conflicts continued with the Battle of Chaldoran (920 AH / 1514 AD), which began with the invasions of Suleiman, which led to the conclusion of the peace of Amasya (962 AH / 1555 AD). This peace, while reducing political and religious differences, to some extent defined the borders of Iran with the Ottomans, and confirmed the political and geographical existence of the Safavids by the Ottomans. This study aims to answer the important question that what effect did the peace of Amasya have on the agreements between the two countries in the Safavid period until peace and what are the common provisions of these agreements? It is assumed that there are many common points in the treaties concluded between Iran and the Ottoman Safavid era with Amasya. If the findings of the present article prove the correctness of this hypothesis. In compiling and writing this dissertation, using historical research method based on the method of describing and analyzing documents, library resources are examined and finally the research findings are presented

The Shia Safavid government was established in the 16th century AD (10th century AH) in the vicinity of the 200-year-old Ottoman government and the newly established Uzbek government, both of which were Sunni. The religious policy of Shah Ismail I (1501-1524 AD/907-930 AH) was based on the expansion of Shiism, which was in contrast with the religious policy of his neighbors, who were preachers and promoters of the Sunni religion. In addition to the fact that this issue caused religious disputes and repeated wars with the Safavids from both sides, it led to the convergence of the two Ottoman and Uzbek governments against the Safavids. The purpose of this research is to examine how Ottoman and Uzbek political relations were established and its consequences on the Safavids in the 16th century AD, with a descriptive-analytical method. The findings show that the formation and stabilization of Safavid rule, the development of its territory, and the Shiiteization of society, which was accompanied by the increase in the number of Shiites, caused concern to the Ottoman and Uzbek governments. Therefore, due to the common religion and the difference in religious policy with the Safavids, the two governments, with the aim of overthrowing and resorting to the issuance of Takfiri fatwas and the declaration of jihad, strengthened relations with each other against this government and established the idea of political and military unity by sending ambassadors, writing letters and sending military aid.

The role and position of the Kurdish Baban Emirate in Iran-Ottoman relations has been neglected. The main problem of the present research is to investigate the impact of the Ottoman central government's inability in the eastern provinces on the security of the western territory of Iran. Emirate of Baban and Pashalik of Baghdad were provinces far from the Ottoman center. The territories of both rulers were separated from the territory of Iran after the Zohab Treaty, but Iran's influence and role in Baban and Baghdad never disappeared. The inability and unwilling of the Ottoman central government - especially from the twelfth century to the middle of the thirteenth century - had led to a power vacuum in the eastern provinces. Such a situation was a serious threat to the western territory of Iran. As the subjects and borderlands of Iran were exposed many times to the raids of the Kurds and Arabs of the territory of Baban and Baghdad. In order to ensure the security of its territory, as well as maintaining and continuing its role and influence in the territory of Baban, Iran was inevitably involved in the conflicts between Baban and Baghdad. Some researchers have wrongly considered Iran's involvement in Baban and Baghdad issues as "interference". While Iran's involvement was as a legitimate right to Self-Defense. In the present research, the claim of Iran's "interference" has been rejected by a descriptive-analytical method and a critical approach, citing Iranian and Ottoman documents and sources. Because the involvement of Iran in the affairs of Baban and Baghdad was more than based on the will of the Iran, it was caused by the inability and unwillingness of the Ottoman government in the eastern provinces. Basically, the Ottoman government was considered among the unable or unwilling states from the point of view of international law. In order to ensure the security of its subjects and borderlands, Iran sometimes had to use force, except for political and diplomatic ways

The role of the governors of Baghdad is one of the important issues in the relations between Iran and the Ottoman Empire during the Qajar period. The administration of Iraq was difficult due to the distance from the center, the presence of different ethnic groups and Shiite pilgrimage sites, and the proximity to Iran, and the appointed governors tried to strengthen their political and financial power by fueling the differences between Iran and the Ottoman Empire. From the middle of the 19th century and the reforms carried out in the Ottoman territory, an attempt was made to coordinate their administration with Istanbul by appointing governors such as Najib Pasha. However, Pasha's contractionary policy in Baghdad caused a political crisis. Against this backdrop, the research question of the present study concerns the policy adopted by Najib Pasha during the governorship of Baghdad to divide Iran and the Ottoman Empire. Based on the descriptive-analytical approach and the view of centralism, the governors of Baghdad and consequently Najib Pasha saw the security threat from Iran and the Iranians living in Iraq very forceful for their position. Therefore, in their political orientation, they tried to use this intellectual atmosphere of the Istanbul court in line with their interests. Also, relying on the idea of centralism and the unbreakable link of the empire and removing its destructive elements, they tried to consider the suppression and massacre of the people of Karbala as legitimate and necessary.

The scarcity of resources in the social history of Iran and particularly the Caucasus has hindered our historical understanding. Meanwhile, documents, as primary written sources, are deemed valuable for historical research, lending credibility and citation worth to historical findings. Given its strategic significance, the Caucasus has been a focal point for Iran's and regional governments' attention since ancient times. The diverse commercial potential of the Caucasus region has fostered an environment conducive to economic prosperity. This study aimed to shed light on the social and economic conditions of Ganja and Karabagh states, focusing on the manuscripts of Ottoman writings from two distinct periods, "1001 to 1003 A.H. and 1142 to 1143 A.H./1595-1593 AD and 1733-1732 AD", based on unique manuscripts. The article was structured in a descriptive-analytical manner, delving into research achievements, the demographic division of states, taxation, agricultural products, ethnic composition, economic activities, tax revenue, and political developments in the region. It identified economic and social drivers of migrations and elucidated social changes to the best extent possible.

Iran-Ottoman relations were very vicissitudinous during six centuries. The two states concluded various agreements to end the war and establish peace. Among the treaties, the two treaties of Zohab (1639/1049) and Erzeroum (1847/1263) are very important. Because it was the basis for settling disputes and concluding subsequent agreements. Until the conference of Erzeroum (1259-1263), no doubts were expressed about the “originality and validity” of the Zohab Treaty. Iranian and Ottoman representatives for the first time, in the fifth  session and later in several other sessions of Erzeroum negotiations, while accepting the "authenticity" of the treaty, engaged in a serious debate about the "originality and validity" of the existing copies. In this research, the arguments of the representatives of the parties regarding the originality and validity of the Zohab treaty have been explained using the descriptive-analytical method and relying on unpublished documents. The findings of the research show that Mirza Taghi Khan, insisting on the necessity of presenting the "original" of the treaty by the Ottoman representative, did not accept the "copeies" presented by him and for this reason, it has prevented him from proving her territorial claims in Erzeroum negotiations.

Mohammad Hasan Khan ruled over Shaki at the same time as the rivalry between the Ottoman and Russian governments in the Caucasus region. In those days, the Ottomans established political relationships with local heads such as the ruler of Shaki with the aim of countering the influence and domination of the Russians in the Caucasus. Mohammad Hasan Khan had been also inclined to the Ottomans due to the fear and concern of the aggressive policy of the Georgians against the territory of the local Muslim rulers of Ganja and Yerevan. Mohammad Hasan Khan was in contact with the Ottomans in the form of exchange of correspondence and the ambassador's(elčī) movement. The main question of the article is what issues did Muhammad Hasan Khan Shaki's letters to the Ottoman government covered and what goals did he pursue? This research relying on printed books from Ottoman archival documents and local historiographical sources of Shaki and the Caucasus and with a descriptive-analytical approach indicates that confronting the expansionist policy of the Georgian ruler with the Russians’ military support in the Muslim land and constant invasion of their forces to the Ganja state in the neighbourhood of Shaki, was one of the important issues raised in the correspondence of Mohammad Hasan Khan Shaki with the Ottoman authorities. He demanded political-military aid from the Ottoman government for this issue. It seems that these letter writings did not have any special achievements due to the lack of practical action from both sides.

The old Islambol was prone to fire due to the type of architecture. This city suffered many big fires during the Ottoman period. This article is a report on the fire of the Iranian Consulate in Islambol in 1293 AH. Is. Apart from the material losses, this incident caused the loss of important historical documents and resources. The mission officer of Iran, Mirza Mohib Ali Khan Nazemul Malik Marandi Yakanlu, had collected most of the historical documents and sources for use and reference in the Iran-Ottoman Boundary Commission. After burning the documents and resources in the consulate, he started an all-out effort. For this purpose, he wrote several letters to the Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs at the time, Mirza Hossein-Khan Sepahsalar, and by mentioning the exact address of historical documents and sources, he requested to prepare and send them. His letters and Sepahsalar’s responses about the incident of the burning of the Iranian consulate in Islambul have not been published yet, and this issue has remained hidden from the researchers in the history of Iran-Ottoman relations. In this research, using the unpublished documents of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, various aspects of the issue have been reported and analyzed.

The role and status of the Pashalik of Baghdad and the Baban Emirate in Iran-Ottoman relations has been mostly neglected. The Ottoman government established the Pashalik of Baghdad sometime after the Treaty of Zuhab (1049 AH/1639 AD). Baban Emirate had relative independence in the Kurdish regions of northern Iraq. For 214 years, from the Treaty of Zuhab to the Second Treaty of Erzurum (1263 AH/1847 AD), Iranian government faced three centers of power: İstanbul, Baghdad and Baban. During these two centuries, the western territory of Iran was exposed to various threats. In the present research, based on Iranian and Ottoman sources, and using the data-mining method and analytical-critical approach, the role and status of the Pashalik of Baghdad and the Baban Emirate in Iran-Ottoman relations has been elaborated. The findings of the research show that when Sultan Mahmud II came to power, a series of reforms began in the Ottoman government, which gradually led to the revival and increase of the influence and power of the Ottoman central government over its eastern provinces. By changing the power structure in Baghdad, the ground was paved for dismantling of Baban's Emirate. With Baghdad's victory over Baban, Iranian-Ottoman relations entered a new phase.