جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « قاجاریه » در نشریات گروه « تاریخ »

Iran's military modernization was started by Abbas Mirza, the crown prince of Fath Ali Shah. He was the pioneer of reforms in the new era of Iran. During the period of Naser al-Din Shah, these measures gained momentum. The purpose of the current research is to explain the process of modernization of Iran's military forces during the Naseri period and its relationship with security and internal-external dual obstacles to its sustainable development. This renovation started from the chancellery of Amir Kabir and continued with ups and downs until the end of the Naseri period. The main question of this research concerns why Iran's military modernization was not put on a stable path to maintain the security and protection of the whole country. The findings of the research indicate that Amir Kabir tried to enter a third country into the equation in order to gain military independence. Pursuing this policy, despite internal structural obstacles and external influence, became the source of valuable services. In the era after Amir Kabir, despite the obstacles, these programs continued. None of the Russian and British governments were satisfied with the formation of a strong military force in Iran. The clan and tribal system was in addition a serious domestic impediment for the formation of order and security in the country. Therefore, despite the formation of Kazakh and the police forces, this policy could not lead to the establishment of order and security in the country to the extent it should.

The development of freeways in recent years has removed many historical routes and smaller cities from the country's passenger transportation cycle and harmed their economy. The necessity of protecting and revitalizing these routes is to know the talents and attractions in them. Since most of the country's roads were formed in the last century on the basis of the road network during the Qajar period, the historical sources of this period provide a better understanding of these routes. These sources are divided into two main European and Iranian categories. The extraction of appropriate geographical data from Iranian sources cannot be compared to the reports of European agents equipped with modern knowledge and tools. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to explain the role of the reports of the European agents in the understanding of Iran's routes during the Qajar period, focusing on the Malayer-Borujerd route, which has been carried out by the historical analysis method and using first-hand sources from libraries and archives. The results show that the detailed reports of the European agents, besides being very different in the quality of the introduction of this route, have introduced another route by crossing the telegraph line as the main route, which is not mentioned in Iranian sources and is the shortest in terms of the distance, and rich in terms of natural and historical attractions. This can apply to many other parts of the country and be the subject of future research.

This study aims to analyze the process leading to the Reuter concession, along with its historical context, outcomes, and the factors contributing to its cancellation. After a brief introduction, this article examines the historical circumstances surrounding the concession's issuance before scrutinizing the application process and key terms of the concession itself. The concluding section discusses the most significant criticisms and objections, ultimately resulting in the Iranian government's decision to annul the concession. Research findings indicate that Iranian policymakers, acknowledging the nation's deficiency in expertise and capital for modernization, sought foreign investment through economic concessions to propel Iran's modernization efforts. The Reuter concession, a result of such endeavors, was granted to a British national named Reuter, with active involvement from Mirza Hossein Khan Sepehsalar. However, the concession's cancellation ensued due to opposition from Russia, the British government's reluctance to intervene, Reuter's failure to secure adequate capital, and objections from Iranian protests.

Gendarmerie since ancient times with different titles and tasks in establishing order and security of the country, especially the security of roads and areas outside the city limits, maintaining and guarding borders, combating drug and goods smuggling, protecting forests and natural resources, recruiting soldiers and other duties has been busy with its organizational duties. The new Gendarmerie started working during the Qajar rule, with the arrival of Swedish military advisors such as Yalmarson and the drafting of the constitution. This research is descriptive-analytical, and by using library documents and resources, it seeks to answer the question that how was the gendarmerie force established in Iran despite various internal and external problems? The findings of the research indicate that establishing order and security between cities and roads, villages and long borders of Iran has been one of the goals of statesmen in every historical period since the beginning. Therefore, until 1329 AH, all the governments took measures to stabilize the country's situation according to the time and according to their capabilities, and in order to eliminate the insecurity and disorder on the roads, they tried to form well-equipped and armed organizations, but none of these organizations until the time of the formation of the New Gendarmerie organization in the Qajar period. They were not durable and stable.

Qajar Iran was far from the scene of European politics. The western regions of Iran in the Qajar period witnessed complex conflicts and Fath Ali Shah was sensitive to the administration of the province of Azerbaijan and was important in various ways, including proximity to Russia and therefore became the residence of the Crown Prince. Azerbaijan was the border between the Tsarist and Ottoman governments of Russia. Findings show that due to its strategic position, Iran has become a hotbed of competition for powerful states and important parts of Iran were separated from the country as a result of treaties and economic and trade privileges were transferred to these states that maintained their trade and commercial interests. Land disputes are one of the most important differences between neighboring governments and the limitation of productivity of existing facilities and the lack of a series of registered and trusted laws between states and their non-binding to tactical and exclusive promises in specific time conditions as well as ease of integration. Ethnic and linguistic differences between neighboring and border areas have always led to years of conflict between states. The extent to which governments are able to manage their internal affairs in an integrated manner was one of the factors that encouraged some countries ready to start tensions.

Jan Mohammad Khan from the Davalu clan of the Qajar tribe is one of the famous characters whose name has been associated with each of the Qajar ilkhans & monarchs until the Nasri era. in researches such as Bamdad's worked, he has always been introduced as a single person, which the Later researchers followed this. But it is impossible for them to be the same, therefore the author raised the question during his studies that how many Jan Mohammad Khan Davalu fought against or beside the later royal family and played political role, and who were each of these Jan Mohammad Khans or what was their relationship with each other. In order to answer this question, the method of historical comparison has been used. In this article, it has been concluded that they are at least two and at most three dynastical people. The first one was a politician and enemy of Fath Ali Khan Qajar and his family, who died during the reign of Mohammad Karim Khan Zand. The second person is his son, who lived in Damghan and fought for Aqa Mohammad Shah in numerous military actions and in his old age helped Mohammad Shah to reach his rightful throne. The third person, who was probably the son of Jan Mohammad khan II, was also a respectable man during the Naseri era, who ruled in Mazandaran & Bastam for at least seven years.

IN THE FIRST SURVIVING PORTRAIT OF FATH ALI SHAH (R. 1797-1834) AS THE Qajar sovereign, painted in 1213/1797-98, just after his accession, the young shah appears with a turban-like cap decorated with a plumed jiqqa (aigrette, fig. 1). The so-called Kayanid crown, a creation of his uncle and predecessor, Aqa Muhammad Shah Qajar (1785-97), is missing. In contrast to most other royal portraits of the later years, here in this majestic work by the master painter, Mirza Baba Shirazi, the shah poses on what appears to be a platform throne covered with a carpet, though at the time there was no Qajar royal throne in existence. The absence of the crown and the throne, the most conspicuous symbols of kingly authority, made the young Fath Ali Shah a crown-and- throne-less king (bī tāj va takht), a synonym for utter powerlessness in the Persian political culture.The reason for the absence of the so-called "badges of sovereignty" (vaṣla-hă-i saltanat) in the symbol-conscious Qajar era (1785-1925)—an absence more telling than any official chronicle would care to reveal-must be sought not in the artist's taste or his royal patron's choice, but in the prevailing chaos and the struggle for political supremacy.

 The cultural and religious relations of some Iranian cities and regions with the Muslims and Shiites of  neighboring countries such as Indian subcontinent are among the important issues related to the local history of Iran. Due to the influence of Iranian cultural in India and the presence of Shiites, Sufis and Sadats who were interested in Imam Reza in this region, during the Qajar period, as in the Safavid era, many Indian pilgrims were traveling to Mashhad. They were from various social groups, including Sadat and Sufis and occasionally encountered problems. To explain their situation and present and resolve their problems, they used the customary method of writing a petition to the Astan Quds Razavi guardians during their long journey and stay in Mashhad. These petitions which are preserved in the Astan Quds document center, reflect the situation of these Indian pilgrims and provide valuable information about their problems, as well as how the Astan Quds guardians interact with them and support them. The current study, using a historical method and a descriptive-analytical approach based on the documents of Astan Quds Razavi, aimed to provide answer to these questions that what problems the Indian pilgrims who traveled to Mashhad during the Qajar era were encountered? What solution did they mainly resort to reduce them? What interactions and supportive acts did the Astan Quds Razavi guardians have with these Indian pilgrims? The findings indicate that the Indian pilgrims who traveled to Mashhad from various regions of Indian subcontinent experienced a variety of problems including illness, property, theft, and the inability to earn a living. These trapped pilgrims using the pilgrimage atmosphere of this city and the long-standing practice of Astan Quds' support, turned to the Astan Quds guardians to find a solution for their problems. Due to the age of writing a petition of stranded pilgrims and the allocation of significant financial resources and endowments for support them, the Astan Quds guardians and officials considered various support measures, including cash and non-monetary aid after studying their petitions and the situation and problems, sometimes by influencing the social base of the pilgrims and the way of expressing the problems in the petitions, gave more attention to some pilgrims, especially Sadat.

With the increasing communication between Indian Persians and Iranian Zoroastrians during the Naseri period, Indian Persians sent representatives and established associations among Iranian Zoroastrians, especially Yazd Zoroastrians, with the aim of improving their fellow believers’ status and religious and social affairs  in Iran. The formation of these associations in Yazd, along with the efforts of some Zoroastrian reformers, especially the Persians, caused significant changes in the conditions of the Zoroastrians in this area. This research, with a descriptive and analytical approach and based on library and documentary sources, seeks to answer the main question that what role did Zoroastrian associations in Yazd play in Zoroastrians’ cultural and social life during the Qajar period? The findings indicate that Indian Persians played a significant role in improving the condition of Yazd Zoroastrians during the Qajar era through the establishment of associations such as Akaber association and Naseri association. These associations with the help of the representatives sent by Indian Persians, played a significant role in Yazd Zoroastrians’ social and cultural life in t affaires such as canceling the jizya, establishing new schools, and removing injustices from the Zoroastrian minority.

Mashhad as the capital of Khorasan province in Qajar period held a high status in terms of economic and commercial issues, so that the city can be considered a big port in the northeast of Iran for goods import and export. Considering the great commercial capacity of Mashhad, some American trading houses and companies that were active in importing American products and exporting goods from Iran, settled in Mashhad. Focusing on new discovered documents, this descriptive-analytical study sought to see what American trading houses entered in Mashhad trade market in the late Qajar dynasty and which goods they traded in Mashhad. Taking into account the lack of resources and taking a detailed approach, the findings showed that most important American trading houses and companies active in Mashhad were Shargh Carpet Company, Tavshanchian Carpet Company, Gharehgazian Company, and Singer Corporation. Examining the commercial status of Mashhad, the companies imported various kinds of fabrics, sewing accessories, sewing machines and other kinds of machines into Mashhad, and exported such goods as carpets, dried fruit, opium, animals’ guts, wool, cotton, and tragacanth to America. Most of the exports were raw materials.

Mīrzā Ḥusain Khān Sipahsālār rose to premiership at a time when the economic and financial conditions of the country were critical and the government was on the brink of bankruptcy. In order to improve the financial situation and to organize financial affairs, he initiated several reforms in the country. The present study aims at investigating the success or failure of his plans of financial reform through the examination of financial documents and their impact on the country’s income and expenditure. In doing so, the study employs the descriptive-analytical method. Findings of the study illustrate that Mīrzā Ḥusain Khān brought order to bureaucratic and financial matters through the strengthening of central power and legislation, and expanding control and supervision over rulers and administrators. In addition, his reformations and his restrictive financial policy succeeded in providing the necessary financial resources for the development of infrastructure and carrying out large-scale economic projects. According to financial records, by the end of the second year of Mīrzā Ḥusain Khān’s premiership in 1289-1290 A.H./1872-1873 A.D., the government had paid its debts, settled delayed treasury allowances, and created a balance among income and expenditure. A considerable amount of this money was deposited in treasury savings.

The significance of ʿĀshūra in the history of Islam and its impact on societies has been a subject of discussion since long ago. According to their vision and insight, Islamic researchers, have recorded impressions of this event in their works. The main question of the current research is what the political, military, and cultural conditions of the Qajar period up to the Mozaffar al-Din Ŝāh era had to do with the construction of discourses related to the events and rituals of ʿĀshūra and their reflection in the society? This research, with a historical perspective and analytical-descriptive approach, aims to scrutinize the impact of various areas from the beginning of the Qajar period to the reign of Muzaffar al-Din Shah on epic, emotional, superstition-oriented, and fatalistic discourses. The findings of the research show that each of the prominent writers of this era had a different reading of the ʿĀshūra event and this had a great impact on the Qajar society. Therefore, sometimes the essence of the event has been distorted, misunderstood, and misused.

The confrontation of the Qajar army with the extensive invasions of Russia and the threat of the country from a foreign power at the beginning of the 19th (13th AH) century, brought the necessity of changing the traditional structure of the army and its fighting tactics to the minds of some distinguished men of that era, especially Abbas Mirza Nāyeb-al-Saltana (1789-1833) who was the commander of the troops on the battlefield. The military strategy of the Crown Prince was mainly focused on making the military power of the army more efficient by modernizing the organization, equipment and tactics of warfare, using the European system, and taking advantage of the guidance and training offered by foreign instructors. In the present descriptive-analytical study, by posing the question of the necessity of adopting such a strategy, an attempt is made to explain and analyze the military strategy of Abbas-Mirza in the form of the reform program of the new system through examining the situation of the traditional forces of the early Qajar period. The findings of the research show that the adoption of the army reform program has been influenced by the objective reality of the fighting with a regular and well-equipped army, a necessity and a conscious strategy for streamlining and organizing of a similar army, to confront and overcome the aggressor opponent and to neutralize the movements and internal conflicts of rebellions and rioters, which has overall led to the consolidation of power and the sovereignty of Qajar dynasty.

In his book “The Rising of the People,” Naser Porpirar raises doubts about the reign of Naser al-Din Shah and his journey to Europe. A significant portion of his work focuses on analyzing photographs of Naseruddin Shah in Iran, as well as Mozafaruddin Shah’s photographs, the Constitution, and other less significant materials. This article thoroughly examines the most crucial statements after scrutinizing and disproving Porpirar’s claims regarding Naseruddin Shah’s European trip. By consulting various sources and photo archives, the article also establishes the inaccuracy of Porpirar’s assertions. It becomes evident that Porpirar lacks familiarity with historical and photographic sources in these materials, and his flawed investigative approach yields incorrect outcomes, similar to his previous cases.

At the beginning of the Qajar dynasty, Baluchestan was one of the first regions of Iran where British policy began due to its proximity to India, and it continued in various ways until the end of this period. Examining the goals and policies of the British in this part of Iran shows that the main problem that caused their colonial goals in Baluchestan continued to maintain the security of India, and according to them, various threats put this colony at risk; these factors led to setting up new strategies to maintain the security of India. In this study, these questions will be answered: What were the most important aspects of British policies in Baluchestan, and what were the effects of the domestic conditions and situation of India, the regional and global situation on their policies and plans in the neighboring lands of this colony? Some of the factors that are examined in the analysis and answer to these two questions are the internal conditions of Baluchestan, the European rivals of England, the policies of the Iranian government in the eastern regions, the Indian rebellion, the expansionism of the Russians in Central Asia, the extension of telegraph lines and the formation of the delimitation commission. Examining the contexts and factors of the continuation and evolution of British policy and specifying the results and implications of the policies used by them are among the main goals of this study. The findings show that the British achieved their goals in this part of Iran by determining the axes of their policy in Baluchestan and implementing them and by extensive interventions and implementing a long-term and precise policy to keep their colony, India, safe from lurking dangers.

Kermanshah was one of the strategic places in Iran during the First World War (1914 - 1918). This state was damaged a lot economically and commercially during that war. The research question is how the First World War effected Kermanshah's economic and commercial situation to the end of Qajar dynasty. This research is based on a descriptive-analytic approach using library sources and especially documentaries depending on travelogues and memories. Findings of this research indicate that economy and trade of Kermanshah for owing to factors such as local competent rulers, the policy of the Iranian government, and the commercial allies of Iran was prosperous from the 19th century to the beginning of the First World War. However, with the beginning of the war and the occupation of Kermanshah by the allies and its consequences such as the destruction of agricultural and livestock products, looting and occupation of customs, disturbance in the post and telegraph process, circulation of hostile countries' currency, absence of safety and destruction of infrastructures, the great famine and prevalence of disease after the war made recession in the trade. However, after the end of the war the economy and business in Kermanshah, due to external and internal factors, became prosperous again to the extent that in 1924 it was the most important imported city in Iran.

One of the types of religiosity is the religiosity that is influenced by sometimes undocumented and populist beliefs and is called folk. Folk religiosity, like other types of religiosity, had social and cultural manifestations, one of which was resorting to istikhara and making micro and macro decisions as a result of it. In the Qajar era, Iran entered the modern world willingly or unwillingly and was influenced by the relations and special issues current in it. The ruling body, the government of men and even ordinary people who saw themselves in new conditions and times, for the peace of themselves or their dependents or to reduce the coefficient or the possibility of error in decision-making, they inevitably sought refuge in Istikhara, which they thought meant the reflection of the will of God, and that used as the basis for their decisions. Using the historical context approach and using documents and sources related to the field of religiosity, politics and the dominant public atmosphere, the present research examines the prevalence and functions of Istikhara, especially in the context of politics in the Qajar era, during the reign of Naser al-Din Shah until Muhammad Ali Shah has investigated. The research shows that the causes and reasons such as the individual and authoritarian nature of the government, lack of public trust, the low level of awareness of various classes, spiritual and individual needs, fear of facing the results of wrong decisions, justifying oneself and others, achieving peace and avoiding Hesitation and of course escaping the responsibility of big decisions and attributing it to God has caused the prevalence of Istikhara in the discussed time period

Terrorism or assassination with the aim of physically eliminating opponents and in order to achieve political, economic and religious goals has a long history in the history of Iran. This issue became more intense during the Qajar period and especially from the Naseri period. During this period, the autocracy of the kings and the mismanagement of the political elites increased, and for the first time the ideas of libertarianism became the motivation for the political assassination of Naser al-Din Shah. With the beginning of the constitutional movement, the conflict between the opposing groups (socialists and moderates and parliamentarians and royal tyranny) increased and reached its peak during the period of Mohammad Alishah. This issue finally became a factor in the closure of the parliament by Mohammad Alishah. After the conquest of Tehran, party conflicts and conflicts led to mutual assassinations, and the formation of organized assassinations and the use of bombs were among the characteristics of this category of assassinations. The negative consequences of these terror attacks can be seen as the creation of an atmosphere of terror and the strengthening of resilience and the instilling of a spirit of violence among the strata of society. This research, with the descriptive-analytical method and with the benefit of library and documentary sources, seeks to identify the effective factors on organized terrors in the Qajar period. The findings of the research indicate that the existence of an autocratic system in the Qajar society and the conflict between the nation and the state was one of the most important political roots of terror in this era. On the other hand, the differences in the society, including the conflict between the parties, as well as the economic crises and the interference of foreign forces, especially Russia and England, in the country's economic structure were other factors of the formation of terror during the Qajar era.

Following the industrial revolution and developments in America, Iranians began to look for the reason for the growth and progress of this country. One of the topics they followed was the emerging technologies in this country, including the electricity industry. The present article, with a descriptive-analytical approach and interpretation of press texts and unpublished documents, aims to analyze how Qajar period Iranians encountered electricity technology in America and to make it clear that Iranians during the Qajar period entered America for the knowledge and electrical industry. What challenges did the country face? The results of the research show that the intellectuals reflected the progress of the electricity industry in America in their writings within the framework of critical discourse. They realized that in order to compensate for Iran's backwardness in this field, electricity technology should be imported from America to the country. On the other hand, the tourists who had traveled to America, by observing the scientific and technical progress and understanding its fundamental effects on the transformation of this country, on the necessity of modernizing Iran with They emphasized the use of American science and technology, this goal was pursued more seriously by the political elites in order to directly and indirectly provide the way for the introduction of this technology that would lead to the progress of the Iranian society, but in this way there were obstacles that caused the electric technology and New principles did not enter Iran under the teachings of American experts and engineers, and their efforts were only limited to familiarizing Iranians with the importance of the electrical industry and its role in the evolution of America, which of course was considered a very important thing in those times.

Iran is a country with ethnic, religious and cultural diversity, and this privilege in the absence of an efficient administrative system can lead to the confrontation of social forces and the occurrence of issues locally and nationally. In the 12th century AH / 19th AD, the city of Barforoush (current Babol) in Mazandaran province, located in the south of the Caspian Sea, became the scene of the anger of the majority of Muslims against the Jewish minority of that city, which, in addition to bloodshed and looting, also led to the forced conversion of Jews to Islam. These circumstances in turn caused the intervention of Britain in the position of protecting the Jews (1283 A.H./ 1866 A.D.). Although this incident has been already studied and investigated, the present research aims to examine this event from a new prespective with a historical-analytical method. For this purpose, it probes the presence of the Jewish community in Barfarosh, the process of British support for Jews, as well as the solution of the central government to establish order and security in the city, the latter of which requires the rereading of a new archival document. The findings show that the presence of the Jewish community with a rural origin in the city of Barfarosh did not have much history, and this short stay could prevent the mutual understanding and definition of the interaction framework of the parties, especially that the administrative system of Mazandaran lacked the necessary ability to organize affairs. The emotional and ill-considered reaction of the Muslim majority towards the Jewish minority quickly took on a religious aspect. The consequence of the lack of action of the central government was the appeal of the Jews to the Jewish organizations in Britain, leading to the involvement of London in this event. Hence, the Muslim majority could not achieve what they wanted, and in addition to compensating the Jews, it provided the opportunity for British imperialism to intervene in the internal affairs of Iran as a supporter of the Jews until the end of the Qajar era.