مارکسیسم

However, in the process of expansion and victory of the Iranian revolution, in the years 1357-1357, the Islamist current played a decisive role; however, the Iranian revolution also enjoyed the effective presence and participation of left-wing, liberal nationalist political parties and groups, and some groups with both Islamist, leftist, and nationalist leanings. Peykar Organization for the Liberation of the Working Class was one of the organizations that had a small presence in the margins of the political developments that led to the victory of the Islamic Revolution.

Due to the general nature of the revolution and the Constitution of the Islamic Republic, which, despite the presence and participation of currents and political parties with different and sometimes conflicting political views and interests, provided a conditional reading of pluralism, partisanship and partisan politics; In the present article, an attempt is made to answer the question: What was the attitude of the Peykar Organization towards the totality of the Islamic Revolution and its pluralism and political tolerance from the time of the victory of the Revolution until June 1981?

The present article is a historical study (descriptive-analytical) using the process tracking technique.The findings of the research show: From the very beginning, Peykar Organization considered the Islamic Revolution as an unfinished revolution and in the face of it, took the path of incompatibility, conflict and finally conflict. Peykar Organization's ideological foundations and political approach were in clear conflict with pluralism and political tolerance.

Abūdharr al-Ghifārī is considered by Muslims as one of the prominent companions and narrators of the Ḥadīth of the Prophet Muḥammad. Therefore a significant number of traditions were narrated through him in Islamic Ḥadīth literature and also anecdotes about his life were written throughout Islamic history. However, in the first half of the 14th century AH/ 20th century CE, the number of works written about Abūdharr and their content underwent a considerable change. Some Muslims in this period tried to present him as the first socialist in human history or at least an outstanding sample of adherence to socialism; And of course, there were some who wanted to oppose such approaches and provide evidence against those two claims. By applying the content analysis method this study aims at understanding the evolution of attitudes towards Abūdharr in the 1st half of 20th century as far as it can be understood from Persian, Arabic and Urdu sources. This study is an attempt to study the grounds of Abūdharr's ccceptance as a socialist by Muslims, the evolution of opinions about his charracter, the debates related to these attitudes, the theoretical consequences of those debates, and finally, the ideas formed about Abū Dharr in the minds of Muslims in that era. The hypothesis of this study is that the totality of theoretical disputes between different sects Islamic and adherents to leftist movements caused the image of a revolutionary with Islamic ideology in its modern sense to be formed from Abūharr.

The influence of Marxism on the process of theoretical developments in archaeology is not far from the mind. Such effects can sometimes be traced in Iranian social archaeological research, although they have not been studied much. Hence the main question of the research was posed as follows; How is the impact of Marxist archaeological ideas on the study of societies at the beginning of Iran’s urbanization? And its purpose was to understand the relationship between Marxist archaeological thought and functionalist views in the societies of the beginning of urbanization in Iran. However, in order to guide the goal, the descriptive-historical nature and method were used along with an analytical approach. Therefore, some researches of the beginning of urbanization of Iran such as Shush and Chaghamish areas in the southwest, Bakun Fars, Pishva pottery hill in the central plateau, Jiroft and Shahr-e Sokhteh civilization in the southeast and Choghahavan area of Mehran plain in the west of Iran were examined. The results showed that although sometimes the ideas of Marxism in the analysis of societies at the beginning of urbanization in Iran can be inferred and followed for reasons such as social complexities; But so far, due to the popularity of historical-cultural trends in the Iranian archaeological community has not been reflected, and consequently the endogenous forces of social change in the early urbanization of Iran has received less attention from archaeologists. This means that the results of analyzing the data of the communities of the beginning of urbanization in Iran depend on the approach and approach of the researcher, whether functionalist, Marxism or other approach and thinking. Finally, the Marxist archaeological approach, due to its political nature, can follow the evolution of societies in the beginning of urbanization in Iran in the management of labor production, and the functionalist approach will consider the evidence of the beginning of urbanization from the perspective of necessity and need of society.

The purpose of this research is to review the theory of history by criticizing of the Theory of History Error. In other word, the research has two concerns, the first is the need to explain the necessity of the theory of history and the second is to revise the theory of history error. The main question of the research is what is the theory of history? And how can recognize an error in the theory of history? This research has been done by historical method of error analysis in six stages. Findings show the knowledge of history has been sacrificed of conflict between Marxism and opponents Marx’s theory of history. In other word, one of the harmful consequences of WWII was the destruction of the knowledge of history. Opponents of Marxism, such as Popper, have attacked the roots of historical knowledge by formulating the theory of history error. Therefore, revising the theory of history error is an important step towards improving the science of history. The theory of history error is based on error assumptions; because, history is not knowledge based on unique events and historical knowledge is formed based on common historical experiences. Also, the assumption of the impossibility of the theory of history is a mistake; because, history is an important part of any social theory. Although the error of the theory of history has been disastrous so far, it is not appropriate to completely reject the knowledge of history. The growing wave of violence in the world and the signs of countries preparing to start of WWIII show that repressing the knowledge of history has not led to the expansion of global peace and security.

Malek Bennabi (1905-1973 AD) is one of the most influential thinkers and great figures of the reformist movement in the Islamic world and Algeria. With his scientific works, especially in the field of Islamic civilization, he dealt with the intellectual confrontation and political colonization of the West. It also offered scientific and practical solutions to overcome the decline of the Islamic world and revive Islamic civilization. He believes that contemporary civilizations have emerged as a result of the harmony and coherence between the three elements of "soil, man and time" and under the influence of an effective religious force. He emphasizes the existence of a fourth space, the "network of social relations." Bennabi intended to study the components and currents of the proponents of contemporary Western civilization and based on them, provide solutions for confronting and advancing Islamic civilizationThis article deals with a descriptive-analytical approach to the study of contemporary Western civilization from the perspective of Bennabi. What is the definition of contemporary Western civilization and civilization from Bennabi's point of view? What are the components and currents of contemporary Western civilization from Bennabi's point of view? One of this research aims is to examine Bennabi's views on contemporary Western civilization. The Prophet's approach is a civilizational manifest with a focus on the subject of the Qur'an, anthropological studies, and civilization. The prophet of contemporary Western civilization has special propositions and components such as colonialism, Orientalism and democracy.

The national question was a concept constructed by nineteenth-century Marxists in the face of the spread of the wave of nationalism, a concept they used as a tool to advance their goals, especially on the eve of the October Revolution. In Iran, it was with the establishment of the Communist Party in 1338 AH that the “national question” came up under the concept of “different nations of Iran.” The Tudeh Party, as the most important communist group during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah, developed the concept of “national question” in Iran. The main question of this research is what the approach of the Tudeh Party was towards the concept of “national question” in Iran and what the factors influencing this approach were. The hypothesis of this research is based on the proposition that this party’s approach to the concept of “national question” in Iran is derived from the teachings of Lenin and Stalin and a functionalist approach to advance its struggles and the leadership of Marxist groups is to expand the level of struggle, and Ideological ties with the Soviet Union have had the greatest impact on this approach. In this study, interpretive and explanatory-functionalist methodologies have been used to explain the problem. In data interpretation, the content analysis method has been used, and in explaining events, recognizing political structures, and causally explaining their function has been considered. This study concludes that the Tudeh Party’s approach to the “national question” in Iran was functionalist and in line with its goals, and the party did not pay more attention to it.

The national question is a concept that Marxists raised in the face of the spread of the wave of nationalism in the 19th and 20th centuries, and used it as a propaganda tool, especially on the eve of the October Revolution. In Iran, too, with the establishment of the Communist Party in 1338 AH, the party sought to explain its approach to the national question. The main questions of this research are why a concept called the national Question was raised in Iran? And what was the place of the national question in the political strategy of the Communist Party of Iran? This research examines these questions with an interpretive approach and with content analysis method. The study concludes that the national question was the result of communist propaganda from the Soviet Union before it had a real impact on Iranian society, and even the Communist Party of Iran paid little attention to it except as a tool to advance its political goals.

The dominant thoughts and ideal beliefs have always been the generators of specific ideologies in the target societies. The continuation of this ideology increases its mobility and current feature. In the last three centuries, this word, under the influence of the ideas of thinkers of this time, has created a special dynamism in human habitat. Ideological movements based on liberalism and Marxism, describing the confrontation over the concept of justice and individual freedoms, have been among the ideologies involved in the general policies of human societies in general and criminal policies in particular. Criminal policy, as a technique and art of fighting against crime in Afghanistan, has also been influenced by these two ideologies. This country, during the governments of Davood Khan, Babrak Karmal, Hafiz Amin and Dr. Najib, due to the influence of the Marxist movement through the channels of countries such as the former Soviet Union, China and Iran, had its own criminal-legislative policy; But it could not be valid. Afghanistan has not been without its experience of totalism. Hence, the culmination of totalism appeared in the rise of the Taliban and its fossilizied laws, and it still exists more or less. The emersion of the ideology of Talibanism was the result of the failure of the Mujahideen in the discourse of political Islamism over power and its division. Afghanistan was not lack of the influence of Western liberalism on its criminal-legislative policy and during the rule of Amanullah Khan (1929-1929), the decade of democracy (1963-1973) and the beginning of the transitional government in 2003 under the leadership of Hamid Karzai, showed its legislative fidelity to the principles of the above current.

These are all features of the historian Ehsan Tabari: Reviews on People with demos (Studing history of the masses), Looking structural Phenomena and events, Examine the chain of events To understand the evolution of time, Due to events in other regions of the world And other historical periods, For a better understanding of your desired event, Inference rule of historical phenomena, According to the algebraic and historical development. However, Tabari due to strict adherence to Marxist ideology, ignores many historical facts of Iran And its theoretical approach Imposes on historical phenomena, although he is not believed it.

Yusuf Akçura (1876-1935) is one of the most important political figures in contemporary history of Turkey and a prominent ideologue of Turkism/ Pan-Turkism. He played a key role in the development of the Turkish nationalism and the idea of Pan-Turkism among the Ottomans and later on became one of the cultural architects of the Kemalist Turkey. This research, while analyzing the roots of Akçura's idea about Turkism, has focused on the importance of Nationalist and Marxist concepts and themes in his view. For Akçura, Turkism was considered as a tool for realizing his cultural, political and social goals for transition of the Muslim traditional societies to the modern world. Akçura was not an ethno-nationalist but an intellectual-activist who sought to present a roadmap for the modernization of the Turkic Muslim societies in accordance with the Eurocentric modernization model.

Mojahedin Khalq Organization (MKO) was one of the political and secret organizations established in 1965 with a religious approach in Pahlavi reign. The founding members were from among Muslim youth with an ideal to fight the government. They resorted to armed conflict and rejected any peaceful strategy. The key founders of MKO were Mohammad Hanifnejad, Saeed Mohsen and Abdolreza Nikbin. Upon a shock the Organization of Intelligence and National Security (SAVAK) imposed on the MKO, the chief members were executed in 1971. Upon the membership of Marxists in the leadership team of MKO, they came to the conclusion that Islam is unable to meet the demands of the organization for armed and guerilla operations. They introduced Marxism as a substitute for Islamic ideology. The change in ideology, therefore, from Islam to Marxism was theintellectual schism in their organization. Upon this schism, religious members like Seyed Majid Vaqefi left the Marxist group and expressed their opposition to MKO in various ways and means. After the assassination of Sharif Vaqefi by the Marxists, the religious wing officially branchedoff. Here is the scientific question of this paper: What was the reaction of the religious wing of MKO to the schism in the organization? What were the fractions, their thinking and beliefs, and their role in the Islamic Revolution? Using interviews, library sources and documents, this study intends to provide responses to the above questions with a descriptive-analytical method. Therefore, the paper hypothesizes that following 1975 schism, the religious groups within MKO worked for the victory of Islamic Revolution each with their own thinking and belief. Some of these groups namely Mahdaviun, Faryad-e Khalq (The Call of the Nation), Hastehay-e Mazhabi (Central Religious Bodies), Meysami and Ummat-e Vahedeh (United Umma) inspired by Imam Khomeini and Dr. Ali Shariati’s opinions and thoughts joined the true revolutionary forces under the leadership of Imam Khomeini and some others like Rajavi Group opposed the revolution and considered themselves the real owners of revolution with the idea of leadership contest and the vanguard principle.

Nowadays it can be gotten; by a glance at half-century precedent of theoretical studies on Iran History, that the circumstances of theories such as “Evolutionary Materialism of History” and “the Asian Order”, the European or euro-Russian theories that promote Marxism-Leninism ideologies and the values of western capitalism and liberalism, have been the predominant theoretical opinions in sociological analysis of Iran History. The most important cognitive problem governing the theories is their dependence on a European points of view, in two positive and negative form, and neglecting a great deal of the realities and experiences of Iran History. They have always assessed the Iranian society and history by the scale of its similarities and differences to the historical experiences of west. So the study of intellectual and cognitive principles of above theories, on the ground of the quality of Iranian society history and criticizing the theory called “Orientalism” are the ultimate goals of present essay.

From the very beginning, archeology has been used by politicians for political purposes. Politicians have employed archeology to destroy or create false national or ethnic histories and identities, or have taken advantage of archeology and its underlying cultural foundations to control the social and political phenomena within the society. Furthermore, the significant role of archeology has not been ignored by politicians for the expansion of cultural tourism and its economic benefits. Archeology can be noticed working behind the political phenomena of nationalism, ethnicism, separatism, internationalism and federalism; meanwhile, archeology provides politicians with the required historical documents for them to prove the truth of their political ideas. Archeology and politics are in interaction with one another. Marxist archeology was formed in the course of an enraged ideological revolution which survived for seventy years as part of the political ideology of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republic. Nationalist and racist archeologists were in the service of the totalitarian governments so that the community may accept their historical legitimacy. In the occupied Palestine, too, the Zionist regime has been using archeology to give a historical embodiment to the ancient Israeli utopia; similarly the European Union has used this method to change the historical divergence of the European nations to the twenty first convergences. Whereas archeology has no way but to be engaged in politics, it seems that the only solution lies in realizing the global perspective of archeology within the framework of the common heritage of mankind further to the development of an anthropological approach to archeology.