مجلس شورای ملی

This study tried to see whether the National Assembly Elections of Iran in Pahlavi period (both Reza and Mohammad Reza) were held according to the Constitutional Law. Relying on the documents, memoirs, and other historical sources, this study endeavored to approach the mentioned issue and clearly shows it. Its significance lies in determining if the regime was actually following the constitutional law as it was continuously claiming to be a constitutional monarchy. It can reveal the nature of the two Pahlavi regimes as democratic or autocratic governments. Elections of the 6th to 24th parliaments were held in the Pahlavi era. The main question is that whether the parliamentary elections were based on the Constitutional Law and included the determining role of the public in choosing their own future or the executive power from the beginning had been trying to control the legislative power.

This research aims to examine the reflection of women's issues in the laws enacted by the parliament during the Reza Shah era, focusing on the records of the National Consultative Assembly debates of the time. The study seeks to answer the question of which issues related to girls' marriage and their legal rights were discussed and legislated during the sixth to twelfth legislative periods. Addressing this question can play a significant role in uncovering overlooked aspects of parliamentary history and social transformations in Iran's history. The key legislations in this research include the "Marriage Law" and the "Civil Code," which were passed by the National Consultative Assembly and became pivotal milestones in the lives of Iranian women. The findings of this research indicate that these laws laid the groundwork for subsequent laws and developments in marriage. For girls, the minimum marriage age was set at 15, and for boys, at 18. Marriages and divorces were required to be officially registered, and men were mandated to present health certificates. However, due to apparent shortcomings and loopholes, these laws were reviewed and revised in subsequent parliamentary sessions. This article adopts a descriptive-analytical method, relying primarily on the parliamentary debates, which serve as the intellectual and discursive backdrop to the enactment of such laws.

The beginning of industrial policy by the National Assembly goes back to the second period. In this period until the end of the fourth period, laws were approved in the field of industry, but these approvals were not implemented due to structural reasons. In the fifth period, at the same time as Iran entered the stage of industrial development, the process of industrial policymaking by the parliament also entered a new stage. The fifth parliament, taking into account the planning and decision-making system, officially made policies in the field of industry, and this process continued until the end of the twelfth term. During 8 periods, according to many political, social and economic needs of the Pahlavi government, industrial development policies were approved in the form of laws. The main issue of the current research is to explain the role of the National Assembly in the policy making of Iran's industrial development during the first Pahlavi era. This article deals with the statistical analysis of the aforementioned laws with a qualitative method and has tried to analyze the role and position of the parliament in the process of industrial policy-making in the first Pahlavi era.

The current research has examined the issue of the two-sided effect of the new endowment laws, focusing on the plaintiff endowers of Isfahan in the face of the endowment issues in the same city and based on the descriptive-analytical method using historical documents and sources. The main question here is how the development process of the endowment laws in the five terms of the parliament helped to empower the endowment institution in responding to the problems and challenges of the Isfahan plaintiff endowers? The aforementioned question strengthened the argument that by approving the independent budget of the Ministry of Endowment, the parliament laid the groundwork for the strengthening of the newly established endowment offices in the cities, requirement for recognizing the real and legal endowers were followed by the benefits of property security, optimization of the tax system, and supervision of the income of endowment properties. Also, by establishing the "law of coordination in performance" between the judicial and executive forces, it effectively helped to solve the problems of the plaintiff's endowers. The research findings lead us to an obvious paradigm: passing effective support laws to systematize endowments; establishing legal authorities leading to the revelation of the social harm of Isfahan endowers, and proposing the issue to achieve to administer justice; And background causes such as vulnerability in establishing social security and political authority, lack of financial and expert human resources, and internal conflict between the heirs and trustees of endowments caused the ineffectiveness of endowment laws.

The elections of the National Assembly were among the events and trends that the people of Kohgiluyeh and Behbahan regions, who lived on the basis of a special hierarchy in the Ili structure and a kind of local social system, faced.The tribal-clan structure, the lord-serf system and the attention of the common people to the elders caused that before the land reforms, elections were held on the three influential axes of the central government, the rulers and the local influentials.The main question is: What effect did the ethnic-tribal construction and the social and political system ruling the region have on the evolution of the elections in this constituency before land reforms? The result of the research indicates that due to the fact that many people are not familiar with the nature and function of the elections, this was done by the readers, local influencers and the intervention of the central government, and the electoral behavior of the people due to this lifestyle and insufficient knowledge of the functioning of the National Assembly. It was under the influence of ethnic and tribal affiliations and under the influence of the ruling local powers in the Ili system.Therefore, according to the theory of Gabriel Almond, the participatory political culture was limited in the Kohgiluyeh regions and secondary in the Behbahan region, and it caused the isolation and ineffectiveness of the people of the region in decision-making and political transformations.

The Iranian constitutional movement catalyzed profound changes, culminating in the establishment of the National Assembly. As per the eighth provision of the constitutional amendment, all Iranians including recognized religious minorities such as Zoroastrians, Christians, and Jews were deemed equal under the law. This enabled them to appoint parliamentary representatives to voice their desires and secure their rights. This study seeks to delve into a central query using a historical-analytical approach and referencing parliamentary proceedings and extant documents: following the advent of the constitutional system and the creation of the parliament, how did religious minorities navigate their path to equal rights, and what obstacles confronted them? Our findings reveal a varied journey for these minorities in securing rights. Armenians notably pushed for parity with Muslims in electoral rights and sought suffrage for Christian women, but these demands found limited traction in the parliament. In contrast, Zoroastrians successfully entrenched their presence in the parliament by joining commissions and committees. Prioritizing legal equality, they secured memberships in provincial associations, and at times, Zoroastrian representatives viewed themselves more as representatives of the entire Iranian nation rather than just their minority group. The Jewish community encountered heightened challenges, predominantly stemming from internal divisions. Nonetheless, they proposed initiatives such as freedom of business, exemption for Jewish women from the general prohibition on female suffrage, and spotlighting Jewish concerns in the Majlis to reclaim some Jewish rights. Ultimately, the principle of equality under the law met with substantial challenges, leading to minorities being recognized not as integral components of the Iranian nation but as distinct communities.

The relations between Iran and Japan experienced ups and downs since 1941 due to the tensions caused by World War II. This caused japan to invest in Iran so later after the end of the war even though the country was viewed a model in Asia in recovering its lost power and progress in the economic-industrial structure. The commercial and political relations between Iran and Japan improved to some extent after the peace treaty, but the start of the Fourth Development Plan (1968-1972) provided a good opportunity for japan to find its place in the market of Iran. This study tried to find out that according to the purposes and principles of the Fourth Development Plan, how the industry and technical knowledge was transferred from Japan to Iran in terms of quantity and quality. The study focused on the motivations, contracts, abilities and capabilities of Japan and Iran and evaluated the level of relations regarding economic and cultural exchanges. Relying on the documents, reports of Iran Planning and Budget Organization, negotiations of the National Consultative Assembly, and the newspapers, this study aimed to examine economic policies and descriptively and analytical evaluate these relations and the expansion of relations based on the Fourth Development Plan. The results showed that the mutual relations continued and were expanded due to Iran’s efforts and the need of Iran Planning and Budget Organization for buying equipment, obtaining loans, and benefitting from the technical knowledge of Japanese experts in industry and Japan’s desire to buy oil and the raw materials from Iran and selling the products.

In Reza Shah’s period, tax income was one of the key sources for implementing the government’s renovation projects. Therefore, regulating the financial and tax affairs turned into a primary concern for the National Council Assembly. After the demands of guilds and government were raised together, the per-capita taxation on guilds and businesses was abolished and replaced by tax on income. As tax has always been one of the most prominent and challenging issues in the government–guilds relationships, the Council played a significant role in setting the new regulations while also accounting for guild demands as the nation’s legislative institution. This subject is the main focus of this study. This study relies on relevant literature and sources, as well as historical research method combined with an analytical-descriptive approach. It investigates the role of National Council Assembly in compiling and ratifying the most important tax regulations concerning guilds to assess the council’s performance regarding the government’s tax programs for guilds and relevant acts and regulations. This study assumes that the Council acted in tandem with the government to ratify the new regulations. The findings indicate that the Council attempted toward regulating tax and financial affairs including guild taxation as a key government project. Accordingly, the council abolished one of the oldest taxes on guilds and passed new regulations to pave the way for government oversight on taxation quantity and method of tax collection from guilds. However, the Council’s efforts to meet the demands of guilds and direct regulations toward a fair and balanced taxation policy—at least so long it did not conflict with higher government policies—are not negligible.

Malaria is one of the deadliest parasitic and infectious diseases for which, despite the progress of medical science, no definitive treatment has been discovered. This disease was one of the main causes of death in Iran until the Pahlavi period (1941- 1979) and its consequences threatened vulnerable groups such as farmers and workers and affected malaria-prone provinces. Environmental conditions, socio-economic and cultural issues along with climatic elements played an important role in the spread of this disease. Therefore, it is important to examine the performance of the government (1978-1941) as the governing body of society in the face of this epidemic and a problem that has affected the important aspects of people's lives, including the continuation of life and livelihood. One of the solutions of the government in dealing with this disease was the exchange of experience and consensus in advancing the steps that crystallized in the form of development plans. However, comparing the actions of the government and the program organization in different periods showed that the activities were not always successful. Therefore, examining the reasons for the success or failure of the government in controlling and curbing malaria in development programs is a question that is raised in the research. The results using the National Council negotiations and the reports of the program organized in a descriptive-analytical and post-event method showed that although there was a change in health policies by the planners and the government, with the beginning of the development programs in 1948 and with a focus On the causes of disease outbreaks, it was effective in reducing pathogens and reducing the number of patients, changes such as allocation of funds, equipment, and global aid would clarify the reasons for success or failure.

This research intends to use the combined research method to look at the pattern of “Besmellah" (in the name of Allah) as one of the Qur'anic phrases and to answer the question that basically “Is it possible to imagine a model for quoting this phrase in the minutes of the 24th sessions of the National Assembly (Parliament)?” In the first stage, a quantitative method was used, with the statistical method in the software environment SPSS25 and we analyzed quantitative data. Quantitative results show that: from the first to the sixth parliament, there were thirty- four cases (6.9 percent), from the seventh to the twelfth, eighteen cases (3.6 percent), from the thirteenth to the eighteenth, three hundred and twenty cases (8.8 percent) and the 19th to 24th Majlis in the number of 122 cases (24.7 percent), the Quranic phrase “Besmellah” is used . In the second step, we explained these data with a qualitative method and obtained the following results. The most citation of the “Besmellah” was in the 13th to 18th Majlis, which included the period of political openness from Reza Shah's exile to 1956 and the lowest between 1926 and 1941, i.e. the period of Reza Shah's autocratic rule. In other words, the pattern of citation of this phrase in the minutes of the National Assembly was such that during periods of political openness, the number of citations and people quoting was more than the period of dictatorship.

Hajj Ali Quli Khan Sardar Asaad (1274-1336 AH) was one of the prominent men of the Qajar era and one of the few tribal leaders who joined the group of constitutionalists from the beginning of the formation of the idea of constitutionalism. In this regard, he linked two generations of leaders of the constitutional movement. During the reign of Nasser al-Din Shah (1247-1313 AH) and Muzaffar al-Din Shah (1313-1324 AH), he secretly collaborated with some secret anti-authoritarian and constitutionalist associations and during the reign of Mohammad Ali Shah (1324-1327 AH) with the return of Istebdad e Saghir (Minor Autocracy) and the massacre of major leaders of the first generation, he expressed his opposition to the tyrant Shah from Paris. During the period of the re-establishment of the constitution of which he was the main leader; He held the positions of Minister of Interior, Minister of War and Member of Parliament. In this research, we intend to examine the content analysis method of his representation period, especially the importance of his speeches. Although Sardar Asaad did not make many speeches during his tenure in parliament, But, his few speeches are important because they show his understanding of the principles of the constitutional system and also the understanding of the fundamental difference between the system and the political culture that governs Iranian society.

The interactions of the executive and legislative powers (1327-1356 AH/1948-1977 AD) in the advancement of the development programs showed that construction is a costly, time-consuming and challenging process, and planning is realized as a political-economic process in the light of legislation. Therefore, the evaluation of the deliberations of the National Council shows a new narrative of how to realize the development plans and the discourse governing these institutions. This article seeks to answer this question, “what was the role of the legislature in the formulation and policy making process of the development programs during the period of Mohammad Reza Shah? In order to find an answer, it is necessary to find out at what levels the convergence of the mentioned institutions was significant in the progress of the development programs and changes in the program organization?  What factors caused their divergence towards programs to increase or decrease?  How much flexibility did the parliament show in considering the economic conditions? The role of the program commission in the internal structure of the parliament and the creation of the program supervision board is also examined. The findings show that the alignment and difference between these institutions can be seen in the planning and creating the necessary infrastructures at several levels. First, the convergence of the institutions could be observed in the country's need for economic-social planning and the approval of key laws, cooperation in the creation of the program organization. The differences appeared in issues such as the allocation of credits and expenditure, decentralization, regional development and government downsizing. This research evaluates these issues in a causal-comparative way, using parliament's deliberations, documents and library resources.

One of the most important achievements of the presence of women representatives in the 21st parliament was the formulation and approval of the family protection bill. Until then, there were scattered laws related to the institution of the family in the civil laws; But in particular, the first law that specifically addressed the institution of the family is the family protection bill approved in 1346 in the 21st parliament of the National Council. Due to the importance of the family institution in Islam and necessarily with the clergy and religious groups, the topic in the press provoked reactions among scholars and clerics. Especially since not much time had passed since the conflict between the Pahlavi government and the clerics (which started in 1341). Considering the importance of the issue, this article tries to answer the question, what was the reason for the clergy's opposition to the bill, and what were its results, using the descriptive-analytical method and the use of library sources and documents? The findings of the research indicate that the content of the project is contrary to Sharia rules, including: inheriting an illegitimate child, equality between sons and daughters in inheritance, allowing the marriage of a non-believer man with a Muslim woman, and prohibiting polygamy and the right of a woman to divorce. Taqlid was opposed by clerics and authorities. These reactions led to the amendment of the bill when the issue was raised in the National Assembly.

The changes caused by the World War I and the establishment of the Pahlavi dynasty provided the emergence of some new conditions in the traditional atmosphere of Iran, which made the necessity of codified budgeting to determine the duties of the ministries in terms of inquiring about their financial affairs. In this regard, inconsistency between the politics and the performance of governments could be harmful to the existence of political life, to the extent that it could even lead to instability and overthrow of a government. Evaluation and assessment of the status of Ministry of Education as one of the important elements in all governments scheme, requires investigation of these two issues. This research tries to answer the question that to what extent the financial performance of the governments and the budget allocation to this ministry have been matched with the financial policies determined as the work plan of the cabinet of each prime minister. Also, this research seeks to analyze the degree of convergence of these two issues, which manifests itself in the budgeting of ministries. The findings of this research indicate inconsistencies of these two factors. This issue was in contradiction with the government's financial policy regarding the emphasis on the developments of education in the program of the cabinet of prime ministers. In this research, cliometric method has been used in the analysis of library resources and documents.

The involvement of influential people in the court played an important role in the fall of Mossadegh's government. The most active and influential of them were the Shah's mother and his sister Ashraf Pahlavi. Ashraf in particular, which formed a vast network of influential people known as Ashraf's "gang." From the beginning of Mossadegh's rule, these two women actively fought against him. Mossadegh and other leaders of the national movement repeatedly tried to mediate their political activities through intermediaries, but failed. Despite Mossadegh's harsh actions against the court and forcing Ashraf to leave Iran, the woman did not give up her conspiracy and was betraying the Iranian oil movement in Paris. He came to Tehran and delivered the "CIA message" to his brotherThe main question of the article: Was Mohammad Mossadegh's confrontation with the lawlessness of the court in order to return to the constitution a strategic mistake in political calculations and decisions? This research lacks hypotheses due to its grounded theory and exploratory nature, and the present study will be question-based and theory-finding.Historical evidence shows that Mossadegh's opposition to the lawlessness of the court was in line with the continuation of the constitutionalist system in Iran. The Shah and the courtiers' disregard for the constitution and the dissolution of the legislature by Mossadegh and his inflexibility were two scales that, at the same time, undermined the foundations of the democratic system in Iran and allowed foreigners to influence major decisions. provided a decisive factor for the Iranians.

With the Constitutional Revolution and the formation of the National Assembly, it was expected that with the approval of the budget as the most important financial document of the country, a positive change in the financial structure of Iran compared to before the Constitution is been made. The method of approving the budget was specified in the constitution, but it was confronted with many challenges and obstacles.  So the research question is what the methods and challenges of budget approval were and to what extent these methods were in line with modern budget principles and the constitution.  The findings of the study indicate that the parliament could not approve a single budget in twenty years, from the constitution to the extinction of the Qajar dynasty, in accordance with the constitution and modern budget principles.  The most important reasons for the non-approval of the budget can be included the lack of seriousness of the government in presenting the budget, the instability of the government, the interference of external factors and the closure of the parliament.  However, given the challenges they faced, the government and parliament offered other ways to approve the budget.  The first parliament was in the process of transitioning from traditional budgeting to modern budgeting, which practically followed the same method of traditional budgeting incompletely.  The government prepared an incomplete budget in the second parliament, which was not approved by the parliament, and in the third parliament, the government failed to present a budget to the parliament.  In the fourth and fifth terms, the parliament showed more cooperation with the government, and the parliament approved the budgets by the four-wall and one-twelfth methods.  The method of preparing and compiling the research is documentary and library, and with a descriptive-analytical approach, examines the challenges and variable methods of budget approval.

Ahmad Majd-al-Eslam Kermani, one of the most influential Iranian journalists, and Intellectuals of the Iranian Constitution, played a significant role in educating Iranians and directing their attention to the constitution, and law. Due to the unfamiliarity of Iranians with the principles and structure of the constitution and its institutions and the view of the majority of constitutionalists and politicians who sought to redefine the constitution based on their views, Majd-al-Eslam made some of the most important efforts on the structure of the new government, explaining the issue in his four publications, titled, Nedaye Vatan, Al-Jamal, Kashkul and the Mohakemat (Trials(, as well as several books and articles. The decline of the first Iranian National Parliament and its consequences caused him to write a book on the history of the decline of the parliament, the first intellectual of the constitutional era to find the root causes of its decline; no research has been carried out his on works. Based on the method of historical research, this research explains Majdal-e-Islam's views by emphasizing the book on the history of the decline of the Majlis, Nedaye Vatan magazine and other sources in order to examine the causes of the decline of constitutionalism. Findings show that Kermani considers the lack of necessary political and social contexts in Iran and the unfamiliarity of Iranians with the components of the new government and foreign interference as the most important reasons for the decline of constitutionalism. According to him, this ignorance of the structure of the new government caused the interference of each group and institution in the work of each other, and created a fundamental difference between the three important elements of Iranian society at that time, namely, the government, the nation and the monarchy.

Privatization is the proliferation of a culture by which the ownership in transferred from the public and state sector to the private sector. The discussions on privatization within its known form in the world date back to hundreds of years and the range of discussions related to Iran dates back to more than four decades. The necessities and discussions of privatization have always been attractive for governments for the adjustment of their relationships with the private sector. Through the analysis of the above discussion history in Iran and a glance at the negotiations of the assembly, it can be concluded that the talks of privatization discussions in national consultative assembly was more prominent from 1350s and the discussions started in early years of 1370s in Islamic consultative assembly.
The present research has attempted, through library method and historical-analytical approach, to investigate and analyze privatization in 21st and 22nd terms of the national consultative assembly. In line with the investigations done, it has been supposed that with the consideration of the government’s bold presence in all aspect of the economy in that era and the delay of debates over the development of the private sector and its necessities for Iran’s development and economy, privatization has just had very little traces in the economy of that time.

The library of the national consultative assembly is one of the important monumental of constitutionalism era. One hundred and seven years ago, in these days, the personal attempts of Arbab Keikhosraw Shahrokh to execute the approvals of the national consultative assembly (2nd term) on the establishment of a library specific to the representatives, led to success and the library was established in a limited area in a corner of the main building of the assembly. In spite of this commencement, the library in later decades developed quickly and changed into one of the most important cultural centers in the country.
The present article deals with the primary reasons and incentives of the formation of the library, results of the attempts done in this course and the changes in the goals and activities of this library after the victory of constitutional revolution until Shahrivar, 1320 SH. The focus of this article is on the investigation of changes in the viewpoints to the assembly library, from a specialized library into a specific and, then, a public library and, as one of the representatives said, the national library of the national consultative assembly, at the mentioned time; the changes that led to noticeable effects on the manner of the activities of the library in decades after Shahrivar, 1320.