جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "مشروطه" در نشریات گروه "تاریخ"

Understanding the thought of Iran's anti-constitutional scholars hinges on their "semantic system," which underpins their biases regarding key concepts of the period. This research examines this system in relation to the concept of law, a central theme of the era. Employing conceptual history, the study investigates the ideas that motivated these scholars' opposition to the constitution in both theory and practice. Their approach to the "new world" is a crucial component of this semantic system, offering insights into their understanding of other fundamental concepts. The relationship between the "old" and the "new" is fundamental to this system. Consequently, this research identifies several key propositions within the anti-constitutional scholars' semantic system that reveal their stance on law. These include: the central proposition of rejecting the intellectual achievements of Iran's "Political Modernization Experience," and the supporting propositions of: the completeness and sufficiency of Sharia law; Sharia as the sole legitimate law; the comparison of new lawmaking to the death of the Prophet; the immutability of law; and the characterization of "new" law as an abrogation of Sharia.

The column "Cherandprand" in the third issue of "Sourasrafil" magazine is about a scholar who, on the one hand, was rumored to have his leg amputated, and on the other hand, received money from some constitutional opponents, but this name was removed from that column. This research is based on the question why a name has been audited in the text of "Cherandparand"? Who is the owner of that name and why has his ananame been withheld, and most importantly, what historical points does the removal of this name reveal from that turbulent era. This research, is based on the method of content analysis on the texts of "Cherandparand" and its analysis based on other texts and documents of that time, investigates the hypothesis that this name that was deleted is the name of Sheikh Fazlullah Nouri, and this deletion can be based on the process of constitutional distancing. The petitioner and Sheikh analyzed. Based on the findings of this research, it can be said that the hypothesis of the research is correct. The comparison of this text with other texts of "Cherandparand" which is about the sheikh shows that until he joined the sit-in of the constitutional opponents in Abdul Azim's shrine, despite the differences, the constitutionalists still respected the sheikh and on the other hand the sheikh had a tendency to stay at home. to avoid further confrontation with the constitutionalists, but the events take place in such a way that he is forced to appear in the community and officially and publicly oppose the constitution, and after that, nothing of his respect and credibility remains with the constitutionalists; A situation that eventually turns into a deep-rooted enmity, which is the prelude to the Sheikh's execution.

Forsat Shirazi is a familiar face among the elites of Fars amid the constitutional era. Numerous written works, involving journalism and presence in the field of management of nascent institutions such as education and Fars judiciary, provide the possibility to identify his thought system. Two important elements of the thought system are the opportunity of tradition and modernity. Here, tradition refers to the repeated popular methods and practices that are institutionalized and Modernity refers to the approaches and achievements of the Western bourgeois civilization, which is settled in various fields with constitutionalism. Since creating a balance by choosing one of these two cases has been a strong difference in the elite society. This research intends to examine how it is in the thoughts of Forsat Shirazi. To reach this aim, the conceptualization of these two categories and the ratio of these two in the thought and practice of opportunity are followed in the writing. The findings indicate a balanced way of approaching these two fields. In thought and practice, he considers accompanying modernity as a historical necessity but this approach does not open the way to conflict with tradition and accepts the Qajar political structure after the constitution and the role of religion as The most important element of the period of tradition is kept in his personal life until the end of his life and as long as it is placed in the framework of the constitutional law and is accepted in social life as well.

After World War I, Britain apparently sought to establish an independent Kurdish state in the Kurdish territories to hold it under its support. So, this country tested various methods and took advantage of the inability of governments such as Qajar during 1917-1919. In the meantime, Iran's constitutional era, which theoretically sought to build a state-nation based on modern thought, led to Iranian ethnic and religious groups, including the Kurds, falling under the influence of Britain. In the early stages, some of the Kurds joined the constitutional convergence process. However, the government's inability to implement this theory gradually dismissed the Iranian people, including the Kurds, and foreign governments, such as the British, in the absence of the government's presence among the Kurds, interfered in Kurds affairs, and provided the basis for breakdowns with the central government. The method used in this study is the descriptive-analytical method with a historical procedure and qualitative approach based on the collection and formulation of data from library resources, newspapers, articles, and archived documents. The problem of the present study is the British influence in the Kurdistan of Iran from the constitutional period to the end of the first Pahlavi period. With the intensification of foreign intervention and the increase in power during World War I, this gap among the Kurds expanded more than ever. Iranian Kurdistan was very important from a military point of view due to its location, and because of this importance, after World War I, Some countries, especially Britain, spread the whisper of Kurdistan's independence among the Kurdish clans in order to protect their interests.After World War I, Britain apparently sought to establish an independent Kurdish state in the Kurdish territories to hold it under its support. So, this country tested various methods and took advantage of the inability of governments such as Qajar during 1917-1919. In the meantime, Iran's constitutional era, which theoretically sought to build a state-nation based on modern thought, led to Iranian ethnic and religious groups, including the Kurds, falling under the influence of Britain. In the early stages, some of the Kurds joined the constitutional convergence process. However, the government's inability to implement this theory gradually dismissed the Iranian people, including the Kurds, and foreign governments, such as the British, in the absence of the government's presence among the Kurds, interfered in Kurds affairs, and provided the basis for breakdowns with the central government. The method used in this study is the descriptive-analytical method with a historical procedure and qualitative approach based on the collection and formulation of data from library resources, newspapers, articles, and archived documents. The problem of the present study is the British influence in the Kurdistan of Iran from the constitutional period to the end of the first Pahlavi period. With the intensification of foreign intervention and the increase in power during World War I, this gap among the Kurds expanded more than ever. Iranian Kurdistan was very important from a military point of view due to its location, and because of this importance, after World War I, Some countries, especially Britain, spread the whisper of Kurdistan's independence among the Kurdish clans in order to protect their interests.After World War I, Britain apparently sought to establish an independent Kurdish state in the Kurdish territories to hold it under its support. So, this country tested various methods and took advantage of the inability of governments such as Qajar during 1917-1919. In the meantime, Iran's constitutional era, which theoretically sought to build a state-nation based on modern thought, led to Iranian ethnic and religious groups, including the Kurds, falling under the influence of Britain. In the early stages, some of the Kurds joined the constitutional convergence process. However, the government's inability to implement this theory gradually dismissed the Iranian people, including the Kurds, and foreign governments, such as the British, in the absence of the government's presence among the Kurds, interfered in Kurds affairs, and provided the basis for breakdowns with the central government. The method used in this study is the descriptive-analytical method with a historical procedure and qualitative approach based on the collection and formulation of data from library resources, newspapers, articles, and archived documents. The problem of the present study is the British influence in the Kurdistan of Iran from the constitutional period to the end of the first Pahlavi period. With the intensification of foreign intervention and the increase in power during World War I, this gap among the Kurds expanded more than ever. Iranian Kurdistan was very important from a military point of view due to its location, and because of this importance, after World War I, Some countries, especially Britain, spread the whisper of Kurdistan's independence among the Kurdish clans in order to protect their interests.

Iran's history has been described as male and masculine history, as a result, the constitutional revolution has been depicted and introduced as a male revolution, and the role of women has been neglected, while by referring to various sources including newspapers, one can doubt this dominant view and one can assign an important role to women. The activities and struggles of the women of this region have been reflected in the Tabriz newspaper Anjuman Tabriz, which is considered the organization of the state association of Azerbaijan (Tabriz), and thus many unsaid activities of Iranian women in the constitutional period have been freed from oblivion. The current research aims to answer these questions by referring to Anjuman Tabriz newspaper and some available sources, while examining the role of Muslim women in Tabriz and some other cities of Iran in the constitutional period, relying on a local publication and using a descriptive-analytical method that what role did Iranian women play in the political-social developments during the constitutional period and what did their activities include.

Law is one of the key concepts of the constitutional era. Examining this concept from the perspective of the history of concepts is important because it shows the course of its creation and evolution. In this regard, to examine the concept of the law, the details of the parliament's deliberations were used and the opinions of Sheikh Ibrahim Zanjani, one of the constitutional clerics, as a representative of the second and third terms of the National Assembly, were researched. The purpose of this research is to answer the question of how much he understood the concept of law as one of the supporters of constitutionalism. Considering that Zanjani had a seminary education and, on the other hand, due to his interest in the developments of the new era, he had studied the works of the Intellectuals and the laws of other countries, it is important to examine the concept of law in his opinions from the perspective of Iran's constitutional history. In this research, relying on the details of the negotiations, with the analytical-descriptive method, documentary and library sources and other internet sources have been used to investigate the issue. The results of this research showed that Sheikh Ibrahim Zanjani had a relatively accurate understanding of the concept of law and its characteristics, but he was not familiar with the logic of law and the methods of interpreting laws in modern law.

The structure and organization of finance in Iran’s bureaucratic system have a long history, but after the constitution in the years 1906 to 1922, a time when economic problems were very severe, the parliament (Majlis) played a new role in explaining approaches, and the process of drafting, approving, and enforcing laws. The legislative process was impacted by the economic needs of the country, political disorders, and the need to recreate a new structure and organization for the Ministry of Finance, which led to the involvement of finance brokers and representatives of the first to the fourth parliaments. A review of the legislative process of finance in this period shows that the political system of the country has been related to the coherence or disintegration of the organization of finance, the entry and exit of foreign brokers and advisors, new approaches and methods in finance and economic issues of the country. The legislative process of finance, the reform and consolidation of the administrative structure, and the role of entrepreneurs, finance brokers, and parliament are examined in a historical manner using documents, laws, and other library resources. The investigation and search among the obtained data indicate that from the beginning of the establishment of the parliament, economic reform and increase of income were discussed, and according to the government’s reliance on tax revenues, it seems taxes must have been the most important reform decision in the years following the constitution. The results show that according to the legislation passed, politicians and parliamentarians prioritized reforming and consolidating the administrative structure, as well as forming the Ministry of Finance.

This research tried to investigate the initiatives and activities of Rahim Khan Chalabianlou, one of the Khans and heads of tribes in Azerbaijan, in misleading the goals of the constitutional revolution and constitutionalists in Azerbaijan area. Moreover, the study delt with the important issue of the role of Russians in fueling the movements. The research hypothesis is that Russians influenced Rahim Khan’s initiatives and movements to mislead the constitutional revolution and to interference in Azerbaijan region. They sometimes overtly showed their cooperation and sometimes they covertly cooperated. Rahim Khan's initiatives like suppressing the revolution of people of Tabriz and making insecure the Azerbaijan region through attacking the telegraph office and cutting the telegraph wires, robbing the postal packages sent from Europe, attacking Ardabil, and conquering the city paved the way for Russia's interference in Iran’s affairs, especially the northern Iran that they assumed their influence area competing with the British government. The study used a descriptive-analytical method and focused on documents and library resources. The results showed that among the initiatives of Rahim Khan were leading Chalabianlou Tribe in attacking Tabriz in the constitutional period, killing Azerbaijani constitutionalists, and making insecure the trading routes of the region. Alongside the attacks, the tsar Russian government supported covertly Rahim Khan’s initiatives and activities.

​Analyzing the crisis periods and writing their history have always been difficult and contaminated with some mistakes, since the events occur too quickly. Mohammad Ali Shah Qajar period is a good example for various reasons. Critical study of the documents, history books and notes of researchers about the period shows their failure in being clear in pinpointing the events. This study showed that the form and content of orders of Mohammad Ali Shah have not been analyzed properly.  Regarding the histories about Rokn al-Din’s ruling on Khorasan and his connection with Constitution movement in that province, most of the secondary histories and studies have undergone mistakes. So they had mistaken in recording how the events occurred in that period. The disrespectful invasion into Holy Shrine of Imam Reza in 1327 AH by Russian soldiers has been ignored by contemporary researchers. This study showed that the disrespectful violation has been done twice, that is, in 1327 AH and 1330 AH. Exploring and analyzing a new discovered document of the orders of Mohammad Ali Shah and examining primary resources about the time, this study tried to show the shortcomings and mistakes of historians about that era and to make clarifications about the exact time of the events through a descriptive-analytical method.

The Constitutional Revolution had a widespread impact on the social and administrative structures of Iranian society. One of the most important religious institutions in Iran, the Āstān-e Qods-e Razavi, was affected by this event due to its internal problems. The Āstān-e Qods faced a financial crisis, and some constitutionalists in Mashhad also demanded reform of the flawed traditional structure of this endowed institution. The appointment of Ṣadr al-Mamalek as the trustee (Motevalli), considering his ancestral and occupational background and the changing political conditions in society after the Constitutional Revolution, paved the way for reforms in the Āstān-e Qods. This article aims to examine the reform measures undertaken by Ṣadr al-Mamalek in the Āstān-e Qods from 1325 to 1329 and demonstrate what reforms he implemented in the Āstān-e Qods-e Razavi and how the custodians of the holy shrine reacted to his reforms. The results of this research, based on descriptive-analytical analysis of documents and publications, indicate that Ṣadr al-Mamalek was appointed as the Motevalli from Muḥarram 1325, after various challenges, attempted to change the financial and administrative situation of this endowed institution by reforming its administrative structure and establishing a cabinet. However, his actions faced opposition from some of the custodians of the holy shrine. Opponents, to preserve their interests, created a reformist council for the Āstān-e Razavi (Heyate Eslāh Khahāne Āstāne Razavī), and engaged in coordinated provocative actions, spreading rumors, and even making threats until, ultimately, after four years, Ṣadr al-Mamalek was dismissed and his reforms failed.

Ahmad Kasravi was one of the most challenging personalities in the contemporary history of Iran. Many of his actions were contrary to the customs of the society and his researches were deconstructive. Therefore, studying the psychology of his personality can explain his actions in different aspects. Therefore, this article studying his actions in the political, religious, social and historiographic fields in adulthood with emphasizing the recognition of the influence of Ahmed Kasravi's social and family conditions in his childhood. The present research has investigated Kasravi's life and thoughts with the historical method and based on Peyman and Parcham journals. Also has used Karen Horne's theories in the analysis of Kasravi's personality, according to his theories, the most important factors in personality development are family and social conditions during childhood. According to the current research, the excessive affection and attention of the family and seclusion from other children and the social and cultural conditions of the society caused the formation of a kind of Basic anxiety in Kasravi's personality, which had an effect on aggressiveness and isolation towards others and the formation of an ideal self-image idealized.

Kalhor tribe was one of the tribes of the Great West and played a key role in Iran's history coincided with the era. Constitutional Revolution and tyranny Minor issues that affect Kalhor build the political process. Doleh in order to achieve power, and some tribes revolted against the constitution along with Tehran and went on to capture the outcome of one of the tribes that had accompanied Kalhor tribe. Therefore, this study sought to analyze the policies of the constitution and rebellion Kalhor is Doleh. The results showed Kalhor rebellion was initially a supporter of the constitutional revolution, but to revolt Doleh has a dual policy, so that the first and the tribe rebelled against the Skinheads Doleh failure, but later allies rebelled and in seeking to suppress the constitutional raised. This study historical research and descriptive-analytic. Since such research to analyze the various dimensions of the components of ethnicity, identity, ... concerning each of them with My Prdazd rule, finally can be objective framework in the field of people, communities and sectors by tribal and community Shyrh Ay with the rule nodes. Kalhor with dual policy toward al-dominated insurgency had caused the collapse of the tribe in the West country, and with the establishment of Reza Shah's role in the politics of the tribe disappeared.

Undoubtedly, the constitutional revolution and the libertarian movements of that period are one of the most turbulent periods and at the same time one of the blind spots of our contemporary history, especially the successive failures of the Azerbaijani Turks in the constitutional movement, street movements, and industrialization, followed by the intervention of the Russian and British colonial powers, the fall of the Qajar Turkic government as well as the establishment of the Shoubiye Pahlavi government raised this question in the mind of every Turkish person in Iran and Azerbaijan: what were the causes of this heavy loss and where did the Turks falter?It can be said with certainty that the tension caused by this in the years of (1978-1979) broke the mentality of the Turks of Azerbaijan, and their widespread and lightning-fast participation played a decisive role in the quick victory of the Islamic Revolution And did not give a chance for Shoubiye and their colonial supporters to wander the revolution in the twisting paths of politics and diplomacy. The historical movement of the Turks of Azerbaijan and Iran was actually a strong reaction based on the national and historical character, which was against the atrocities and genocides inflicted on the Turkish nation by Shoubiye and with the direct support and intervention of the Russian and British states from 1917 -1919. The events of 1945, which took place during the Pahlavi period, at the same time, were a sign of the initial awakening of the dormant national consciousness and vision of the Turkish nation of Azerbaijan in order to organically cut off the cultural, political and military relationship between Shoubiye and the colonialists, a relationship that despite the wishes of the Aryanists, it has not been possible to restore the relationship after half a century, mainly due to the consideration of the national-Islamic forces of Azerbaijan.. This article takes a look at the opinions of different groups for and against the constitutional movement and similar events during the Pahlavi era and tries to provide a new evaluation in the analysis of these events and their causes.

Extensive Iran-India trade relations declined on the eve of the constitution but these small relationships were also reflected in Iranian society and were effective in creating new ideas in politics and culture. The main issue of the research is the how new capitalism was born in Iran and the role of merchants in creating a social movement. The purpose of this article is recognizing the status of trade with India and its impact on Iranian society for about twenty years before the start of World War I. This has a qualitative and "descriptive-analytical" approach and has been done with the "documentary" method and based on "library" sources. It is assumed that the developments in Iranian society were influenced by the arrival and departure of merchants to India and Research findings also show: Increased trade activity between the two countries paved the way for social modernization but after the constitution and with the outbreak of civil war and social unrest, trade with India declined and However, these relations helped Iranians become familiar with some of the methods of agricultural and industrial production but with the arrival of the occupying countries in World War I, it faced a deadly challenge

One of the main teachings of Sufism is disregard for the world and the material sphere. This doctrine did not cause Sufis to give up their careers and financial resources because the basis of spiritual progress depends on meeting livelihood needs. In the centuries before Constitutional Revolution, the vocations were mainly traditional. However, these ways of providing financial resources were not solely dependent on jobs. Rulers and Fotowat associations provided financial resources for Sufis. With the beginning of Constitution and promotion of the foundations of modernism, the trend of professions and jobs changed to a great extent towards new occupations. Except for these two categories (traditional and modern), a separate account can be considered for political careers, and depending on the attitude and vision of government and the opponents of Sufism, it can be considered as one of the factors influencing this type of employment. The purpose of this research is to explain how Sufism's career process is related to the change of political and social conditions in Iran from Constitutional Revolution onward. It is assumed that the course of changes in careers of Sufis is based on the policy of tolerance and open-mindedness in the worldview of Sufism in an effort to maintain spiritual power, in which, while maintaining the traditional jobs of previous centuries such as agriculture, etc., new occupations (administrative, cultural- scientific and political) have been welcomed. This issue has influenced the thinking and intellectual foundations as well as social life of Sufis and has become aligned with other classes and social groups along with socialization process of Sufi sects. This research will investigate this hypothesis using documents, sources and historical data of the contemporary period with a descriptive-analytical method.

This article examines the peasant livelihood and income levels of farmers in Gilan from the end of the Naserid period to the constitutional period. The basis for this study is the evaluation of the prevailing idea put forward in the works generally written about the social history of Qajar Iran. It is assumed that the Iranian peasantry lived in sheer poverty and at subsistence level due to extreme oppression. This article first assesses the income level of Gilak peasants based on the ratio of landowners to peasants in Gilan. Then, considering the basic income, it has demonstrated that Gilak farmers enjoyed a higher quality of livelihood compared to other Iranian farmers. Based on the available evidence and statistics, it can be claimed that at least during the period in question, economic pressure did not cause a predicament in the daily necessities of Gilak farmers. Therefore, we must look elsewhere for the reasons for their discontent during this period.

In the age of modernism and women’s efforts to transfer their social position, created different characteristics in the type of women’s clothing. The adaptation of Qajar women’s clothing developments to women’s clothing developments in Europe has received less attention and, in this study, matching with British women clothing especially London has not been done. This research tries to answer the question that how much the social effect changes woman in Tehran and London in a period of time in their clothing style, and created a similar meaning of modern woman? The theory, shows the difference of the nature of social changes of two countries and the older history of modernism changes in Britain that revealed in Iran in the form of modernization. The present research is of qualitative type and descriptive method and its approach is comparative art studies. Findings show that developments in women’s clothing does not correspond to the expected social role of contemporary women in Iran. Developments in women’s clothing in Britain in pursuit of greater civil liberties made clothes easier, freer and more in a variety, but in Iran, the changes in women’s clothing were imitative and was not in proportion with social developments. In a way that most changes occurred in woman’s inner clothing that affected some factors like unregulated imports of different textiles and sometimes costs cheap, sewing machine import and etc. It changed to western style like dress, two pieces and etc. and Qajar woman’s outdoor clothing such as veil, mask, was in accordance with common social custom. In other Words, European Women changed their dress in accordance with social activities, but Qajar women were not able to change their social costume in contrast to the tradition of society.

With the rise of the Safavid government, Shiite scholars had to theorize this institution of monarchy in political jurisprudence. However, the lack of an exemplar and the inconsistency of the model of monarchy with some theological thoughts of Shiites was considered a challenge in this practice. Eventually, by maintaining the theological foundations, believing that any type of government in the occultation era is usurped, they compromisingly came to terms with the monarchy concept and considered it necessary. In this model, the Sultan, a divine gift, was at the head of the society and should never be disobeyed. Although during the constitutional period, some scholars were in favor of the continuation of this idea, some Shiite jurists considered some of the components of the Ma'mouleh monarchy to be the source of Iran's economic and political crises. They proposed a law-bound sultan in their written works and statements, which openly challenged some of the components of the Ma'mouleh monarchy. This article, with a descriptive-analytical method and based on library sources, especially the political treatises of Iranian scholars, aims to answer the question "What factors have caused the change in the discursive approach of Shia scholars regarding the monarchy?". First, the discourse of the Ma'mouleh monarchy with its components and also the background of thinkers' interest in this discourse is analyzed. Then the discourse of constitutional monarchy along with its components is dissected. Since the turning of the discourse requires the weakening of the previous discourse and the existence of an alternative discourse in the second stage, in the end, the change of the economic context and the inefficiency of the Ma'mouleh monarchy and the flaw in this discourse is explained, and also the simultaneousness of this flaw which is accompanied by the existence of alternative governance, that is the conditional monarchy is discussed. Therefore, these two data together include the reasons and factors of this discursive turn of the leading scholars. This change of discourse was therefore important for the leading scholars, which was a necessary introduction to the fundamental reforms of the government in Iran.

Many researchers have seen the Constitutional movement as the beginning of the modern history of Iran. This event had many consequences and one of them was the emergence of military groups known as ‘Mujahids’ in some Iranian cities like Tabriz. ‘Caucasian Mujahids’ were a group of Iranians who had migrated to the Caucasus before, and then played a significant role in the events of Tabriz during the Constitutional era. The important point about the Caucasian Mujahids is related to their role in the formation of Tabriz neighborhood conflicts in the month of Jumadi al-Awal 1325 AH. which led to the beginning of an internal urban conflict in Dhu al-Hijjah of the same year. So far, no independent works have been published on this topic. The present study aims to adopt a new approach to the internal conflicts of Tabriz in 1325 AH. by evaluating different views about the Caucasian Mujahids.The neighborhood conflicts of Tabriz in 1325 AH. raises the question of How the internal conflicts of Tabriz were formed and What approach did the neighborhoods adopt towards this issue? In this research, an attempt has been made to answer the above question with a descriptive-analytical approach and using the qualitative research method. The hypothesis of the present research is based on the fact that the conflict between the political, social and economic motivations of the Caucasian Mujahids and their supporters with urban traditional groups caused the formation and continuation of Tabriz neighborhood conflicts in 1325 AH.

 How Iranians were influenced by the Ottoman constitution has always been one of the challenging topics. Some authors have denied this issue and others have spoken about the influence of the Ottoman constitution on Iran's constitutionalism as if the Ottomans were the creators of Iran's constitution. The main problem of the author in this research is to know the nature and dimensions of Iranian influence on the Ottoman constitution. The findings of the research show that Iranian intellectuals interacted with the Western world, India, as well as the constitutionalism of Russia and Japan, along with the Ottoman Empire, and they were familiar with the constitution and the concept of the modern state. Even before the Ottoman constitution, they realized the necessity of reforms in their governance system; Therefore, Iran's constitution was an endogenous and original matter and it cannot be considered as an imitation or subject of Ottoman rule.The only exception was that the Ottoman constitutionalism happened earlier than Iran due to the neighborhood and the influence of the West, and the number of Iranians residing in the Ottoman Empire who were affected by it was more than the Iranians of other countries. Iranian intellectuals are also trying to adapt constitutional laws to religion; They needed Ottoman experience. These three issues, discussed in this research , caused Iran's constitution to be formally influenced by the Ottoman Empire