just war

In Surah Al-Isra, God has stated that He has moved the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) from the Masjed_Al Haram to the Masjed Al Aqsa at night. The Holy Quran has used the word "Isra" for this geographical movement. Recognition  the nature of the Prophet Muhammad's (PBUH) Isra' requires scientific thinking about these verses. In this research, with creative thinking and the use of the substitution method, an attempt is made to identify in the first stage the reason for using the word "Asri" for this geographical movement, and to explain it using etymological knowledge in lexical semantics. In the second stage, the reason for the occurrence of "Mi'raj" during the Isra' is explained, and in the third stage, the reason for choosing Al-Aqsa Mosque as the Destination of the Isra' is clarified. The above three steps lead the reader of the verses towards a topic similar to the concept of " Smart strategic depth" in soft war. Smart strategic depth penetration is used to governments that have civilizations that are trying to develop their global discourse. In this study, a new understanding of the verses of Surah Al-Isra’ is presented with regard to the concept of Smart strategic depth. Paying attention to the concept of strategic depth penetration can explain the movement of Isra’ and Mi’raj in the form of a political movement to overcome the enemies of Islam. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) has penetrated the geographical depth of the enemies of Islam by her presence in Jerusalem and her connection with the prophets of the Abrahamic religions by her historical depth. It has globalized Islamic discourse.

Some experts and even war commanders believe that Iran should have accepted something like Resolution 598 after conquering Khorramshahr in 1982 and ended the war; Because with the conquest of Khorramshahr and the retreat of Iraq to the original borders, this possibility was realized and Iran could end the war with a political maneuver. . But why does this not happen and the war continues? It is a question that will be addressed in this research based on the discourse analysis of the governance system of the two countries of Iran and Iraq. The claim raised in the current research emphasizes the failure to achieve the ideal goals of the warring countries. The research method will be descriptive-analytical and with the approach of discourse analysis and drawing and interpreting the discourse space that dominates the two countries of Iran and Iraq in the period of the war after the conquest of Khorramshahr. Certainly, by drawing and knowing such a space, the reasons and not the reasons for the continuation of the war, which are ideological and religious issues, will be revealed to the audience as research findings. The method of collecting information is in the form of library and documents.

The eight-year Iran-Iraq war (1980-1988) was an imposed war for Iran, and the country's military forces, having recently experienced a revolution, were still in the process of organizing and growing. To address this challenge, the General Command of Jihad was announced by the founder of the Islamic Republic, leading to the mobilization of the People's Army towards the war fronts, with a remarkable response in a short period. However, the issue of educating these non-military forces, many of whom had no prior knowledge of military equipment, became a significant challenge for the authorities and commanders at the time. This paper, using oral history methods and library resources, attempts to answer whether the mobilized People's Army received the necessary training before entering into operations. To address this issue, considering the large number of units participating in the war, the 408th Battalion of Divers from the 41st Tharallah Division of Kerman has been examined as a case study. The research findings indicate that, throughout the war, most units received the necessary training based on the operational objectives, and in some cases, this training lasted for months.

Military power plays a significant role in stabilizing the political system of governments. Military ability and repelling political and religious threats during the Safavid period contributed to the continuation of their power. Among the wars that took place during this period, the Chaldean War is of particular political and religious importance. Many writings have been written about the warriors of this battle, but what has not been thoroughly analyzed and researched among the studies and writings is the role of the people who were present in the war in the guise of scholars and clergymen; those who had an active and prominent presence in various areas of the Safavid government from the very beginning. Their work was not limited to judicial affairs, administration of civil and religious affairs, and they also played a role in repelling military threats. The purpose of this research is to explain the role of Shiite scholars in the Battle of Chaldoran. Using a descriptive-analytical method and library resources, this article shows that scholars and clerics, like the Qizilbash, were present on the battlefield and held numerous roles, including commanding part of the Safavid army, and some of them were even killed. Therefore, their role should be considered as that of the Qizilbash.

Iran and Ottoman Empire passed through a similar historical process while trying in the path toward achieving of modernity after various competitions and involvements with each other in post-modern era at the second half of 19th century and first quarter of 20th century. After taking power by Ataturk in Turkey and Pahlavi First  in Iran, these ties were placed in a new trend between two countries. Entry of these two countries into interest group of modernity and their overt attempts to approach to the Western Bloc prepared the ground for common sociopolitical interests among them. The first steps taken by Iran and Turkey in developing relations with each other were mainly tended to some cultural measures e.g. exchange of students and teachers and also texts with literary and historical values. During World War II, this trend did not continue and both countries concentrated their attention on political and security issues. After the end of the War and formation of Bipolar World, especially with respect to the climate of Cold War, two countries, which were now assumed as US allies, tended to establish cordial relations. Based on these considerations, they developed relations with each other within framework of some accords e.g. Baghdad Treaty, Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) and Regional Cooperation for Development (RCD) Organization and they put development of cultural relations on their agenda. A cultural treaty was signed among both sides in 1959 (1337h.s) which specified the framework of cultural relations among both countries. Several associations and institutions were established and innovated by some of statesmen, intellectuals and leading merchants to improve and advance cultural relations between two countries at this period such as Iran-Turkey Friendship Association, Association of Friendship and Cultural Relations among Iran and Turkey, Turk-Iranian Females Friendship and Culture Society, Association of Adherents of Regional Cooperation for Development (RCD). The present paper aims to analyze cultural relations among Iran and Turkey during era of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi (Shah) by focusing on cultural associations and institutions and it has been written using descriptive-analytical method and based on documented and librarian sources. Persian and Turkish documents as well as conducted studies have been widely and simultaneously utilized in both languages in this paper for the first time.

Islamic conquests in Iran during numerous battles such as Qadesiyah (14 AH), Jalula (16 AH) and Nahavand (21 AH) provided the basis for Muslim Arabs to dominate this land. These conquests have a special importance and place due to the fact that they created fundamental changes and also brought about religious, political, social and other transformations. In the meantime, the deep effects of the Nahavand war in the system of Islamic conquests have made the present article with a descriptive-analytical approach while examining the causes of the war, examines the strategies and factors that led to the victory of the Muslims in this decisive war and its consequences as the main concerns of this research. According to the findings of the research, apart from religious motivations, things like command structure, detailed war planning and effective use of psychological and stimulating elements are among the important strategies of Muslims in Nahavand War and has also provided the possibility of achieving political, military and other goals.

The Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran announced and prepared in advance to hold an armed meeting in Naqadeh - one of the cities of Azerbaijan - on Friday, April 20, 1979, and called its supporters (despite the previous written and verbal opposition of the residents of Naqdeh) to carry it out in the location of the sports stadium (located in the Turkish-populated area of Naqadeh). During the event, suddenly the sound of gunfire was heard in a house located south of the stadium, and sometime later, the sound of gunfire from outside, tensed the crowd of thousands of armed Kurds present in the sports stadium. The Kurdish army left the mentioned place in a hurry with aerial shooting. At the beginning of the incident, armed Kurdish operatives killed a number of street vendors and residents of Naqdeh in the streets around the stadium, and also took a group hostage in the weekly market (Jamah Bazar) and other neighborhoods. Even though the Turks announced through loudspeakers until 2:00 pm that armed people must leave the city to avoid war and fratricide, the leaders of the Democratic Party did not accept this and demanded the surrender of the Turks. As a result, at 5:00 PM, the conflict officially started and after three days of conflict and bloody war, at dawn on Monday 23/2/1979, the armed attackers were forced to flee from Naqdeh and the war ended.

 With the outbreak of the First World War, due to its geopolitical situation and the establishment of Russian forces since 1909/1288 AD, Azerbaijan was unintentionally involved in the conflicts and wars between Russia and the Ottoman Empire. Before the war, Ottomans had strengthened their positions against the Russians because Azerbaijan, especially the western corridor of Lake Urmia, was considered a strategic and suitable route Tsarist Russia to reach Mesopotamia and the warm waters of the Persian Gulf. In the spring of 1295 AH, the whole region was gradually occupied by the Russians, and the last attempt of the Ottomans to capture the positions of the Russians in the West of Azerbaijan under the title of Dillman (Salmas) war between Russia and the Ottomans in May 1295 AH led to the defeat of the Ottomans. At the same time as the Dillman War, the Assyrians and Ottoman Armenians revolted in Anatolia. The return of the Ottoman forces to Eastern Anatolia led to the suppression of the Ottoman rebel Armenians. The consequences of this war were mass migration of Ottoman Assyrians to western Azerbaijan, including Urmia and Salmas. This article, written based on Ottoman documents and Iranian sources on a descriptive-analytical basis, tries to answer these questions: what was the cause of this war and the process of the incident, and finally, what were the consequences of this war for Azerbaijan and Eastern Anatolia?  It was concluded that following this war, the western region of Azerbaijan and eastern Anatolia were captured by the joint Russian-Armenian forces. The subsequent events led to various incidents and events for both Muslims and Christians in Azerbaijan and Eastern Anatolia. It is clear that both the Ottoman countries and Tsarist Russia sought to gain more wealth and power in this region without considering the interests of the Iranian people and their partiality with these groups was temporary and based on their short-term and long-term hidden and overt interests.

Although the first Pahlavi is known for trying to create a new army and national bureaucratic institutions, as historical evidence shows, the structure and protection-security programs of Reza Shah to deal with the intelligence activities of foreign countries and especially England and Russia have not had favorable results. Based on this, the main question of the present article concerns the failure of the first Pahlavi intelligence organization to deal with England and Russia. The results of this study show that while dominating communication infrastructures, extensive and organized use of obvious sources and finally human espionage have been considered as the general strategy of England, the use of diplomatic institutions and people was the main strategy of Russia. Additionally, this document-oriented research shows that the prevalence of customary-cultural compulsions of the Qajar period in the center of modern institutions, the priority of Reza Shah's interests over national goals, and the lack of nationwide rules and laws in new structures, had destroyed the possibility of properly dealing with the intelligence activities of foreign countries.

Feminism is one of the important social movements in the world, which was able to bring about extensive changes in the status of women, but the perception of educated people in different regions of the world about this movement has not been the same. Educated men and women of Iran were also influenced by the intellectual foundations of this movement. The main question is, what was the process of growth and expansion of feminism in Iran from the First World War to the end of the first Pahlavi? And what were the backgrounds of the formation of feminism in Iran and what were the influences of the intellectuals from the feminism movement? The current research aims to explain the feminist requests of women, the supporters, and opponents using the analytical and descriptive method and relying on library sources, journals, and publications. The findings of this study show that feminism formation in Iran were different from the western countries, and women's rights activists in Iran had their own special conditions, which were different from the situation of western women. Therefore, the feminist movement that was formed in Iran was not the same as the western movement. But due to the extensive changes in the status of women after the constitution, a quasi-feminist trend occurred in Iran, which grew after the constitution and the First World War and during the period of Reza Shah and following her trend of modernism, it progressed and continued.

Knowledge regarding addresses is one of the important elements in firming beliefs and changing behavior in human societies. The Holy Prophet (pbuh) paid special attention to this matter in order to guide the people. By examining historical reports and using Ayatollah Javadi Amoli’s cognitive theory, the present research seeks to answer the question of what cognitive levels the addresses of the prophetic era were in, and what measures the Holy Prophet (pbuh) has done to guide the addresses according to their specified levels? Today, launching a cognitive war against Islamic beliefs by the opponents and the need for having a road map to deal with this war makes it necessary to investigate this issue. The cognitive ability of the audience of the Holy Prophet (pbuh) was broken in the cognitive war of the false front, and the audience was caught in disharmony in terms of opinion and action. Different cognitive barriers placed the addresses of the Prophetic era in different spectrums. The Holy Prophet (pbuh) created harmony between the cognitive ability through detailed study of cognitive awareness of the audience, conscious raising in society and removing the cognitive barriers regarding each belief individually. He institutionalized Islamic beliefs in his audience based on their capacity.

With the establishment of the Umayyad rule, the use of rhetoric and threats with a violent approach became one of the most important components of ensuring the security of the Umayyad rule. It is important to identify the mechanisms that were relied on to influence the audience at that time. This article seeks to answer the question of why Ḥajjāj ibn Yūsuf used violent sermons (khuṭbah) when facing the Iraqi people with the descriptive-analytical method. Findings of the research indicate that Ḥajjāj used words with a negative psychological effect in her sermons (khuṭbah) such as villain, maidservant (handmaiden), hypocrite, sedition seeker, and deceiver. Also, by slandering, threatening to kill, mocking, demeaning, and calling people and likening them to animals, he destroyed his audience in terms of character and instilled a sense of inferiority in them, being undervalued, hopelessness, and fear in order to dominate them until that strengthen himself and prevent the possibility of rebellion and uprising of the opponents.

Shapour Bakhtiar was one of the figures who, despite having privileged positions during the ups and downs of his life, some aspects of his private life and performance are still unsaid and placed in an aura of ambiguity. An example of this can be found in his activities and actions after the victory of the Islamic Revolution. The purpose of this article is to describe and explain his actions to destroy the Islamic Republic. The main question of the article is what actions did Shapour Bakhtiar take after leaving Iran in the face of the Islamic Republic of Iran? It is a descriptive-analytical research method and a method of collecting library information. The findings of the research show that Bakhtiar's actions took place in several stages. Laying the groundwork for chaos and anarchy in Iran, especially the border areas, destroying the Khuzestan oil pipelines, creating terror in Tehran through multiple explosions, launching publications, magazines and radio stations, broadcasting leaflets against the Islamic Republic, cooperating with the opponents of the republic. Islamic like the Baath regime of Iraq and the opposition Kurds are among the results of this research.

The First World War and the occupation of Iran by foreigners, especially Britain in the south, is an important field in the issue of resistance against foreigners. The people of Bushehr, Tangestan, Dashti and Dashtestan regions were the main focus of these stability. Despite the all-out defense of the people of these areas against the British and their mercenaries, this persistence failed in the end. One of the important issues in this context is the dispersion of local forces and their lack of unity, especially local chiefs against foreigners. The basic question of this research is that what was the nature and positions of the local forces of the above-mentioned regions at this historical point and what effect did it have on their stability against the British? It seems that the different political and economic tendencies and interests of the local chiefs in these areas, the weakness of the central government and the British conspiracies caused the complete and proper exploitation of the potential forces and facilities against the foreigners. This article is done with descriptive-analytical method and using library resources and especially documents. The findings of this research indicate that the conflict of political and economic interests of the local leaders in the south and the fundamental differences between the northern and southern areas of Bushehr along with the British conspiracies became the main factors of the failure of these stability and heterogeneous arrangement against the British.

Soft war, which is based on intellectual and cultural approaches, attempts to dominate the target societies in this way. On the other hand, architecture is the context of culture and includes life, which can be known as one of the targets of cultural invasion; therefore, it plays a significant role in confronting the cultural war. How the culture war affects Iranian-Islamic architecture in the recent century is the main question of this article that has been attempted to answer this question by using analytical-explanatory, interpretative-historical and case study methods. According to the results of the research, the influences of the culture war in Iranian architecture have three periods: the Nasrid period, which is the beginning of the decline of Iranian-Islamic architecture, and physical changes, which have become the basis for changing the content. During the Pahlavi period, cultural invasions continuously targeted and transformed the content and body of Iranian architecture, and after the Islamic revolution, cultural invasions sought to change what society likes in order to achieve cultural hegemony by changing the architectural content.

Iran's Islamic revolution is the biggest and deepest cultural and intellectual revolution of the present era. Global arrogance started its conspiracies and campaigns against the Islamic Revolution from the first days of the victory of the revolution. In this article, we are trying to describe the ways of fighting that the western world and the arrogant front have been doing against the Islamic Revolution during these forty years and the strategies to deal with it by relying on the verses of the Quran and the statements of the Supreme Leader. Let's explain and examine the leadership (mode of Zaleh al-Ali). The results of this research show that the main methods of the enemy's campaign against the Islamic Revolution were military attacks in the form of coups and imposed war, economic sanctions and soft war in the form of psychological warfare and cultural neutrality. The strategies of the Islamic revolution against these three methods of fighting are: strengthening the spirit of anti-arrogance and preparation and increasing all-round defense power, economic resistance by carrying out its components such as supporting Iranian goods in the three areas of producers, consumers and officials, production boom Avoiding extravagance, strengthening the Iranian Islamic lifestyle by following the example of Imam Hossein's movement, self-improvement and patience and piety.

Greece has had a turbulent history; sometimes at the hight of power and sometimes at weakest levels. Troy War is one of the Greek historical events that many chronicle writers and archeologists have studied. Even the Troy war was the reason that Homer composed Iliad and Odyssey; the works influenced Greek classic literature. Some believe the Troy war is not more than a fiction, but chronicle writers like Herodot and Tocidid consider it as real. Also the great archeologist Sheliman did lots of research in 1876 and concluded that Troy war did happen in fact. The Troy war occured between Greece and Troy and Homer considered the reason of the war to be the fact that Paris kidnapped Helen. Some believe this reason is not convincing enough to cause a 10-year war; thus in this study we try to delve into the reasons of the Troy war and analyze its political and economical outcomes. According to Will Dorant economic and political reasons are the main reasons of the war. In the war, not only the atheletes but also the gods played roles, and even each one defended one side of the war and moved the war onwards.

Since the First World War, almost every war can be described with the term "total war" because the war is not limited to the battlefield and involves all the military, political, economic, social, cultural and demographic capacities of a country. The eight-year war between Iran and Iraq was considered a "total war" especially for the Iranian side. Astan Quds Razavi was one of the deep-rooted religious-social-economic institutions in the country, which played a role in the eight-year imposed war. The main problem in this article is to examine the different angles and dimensions of the organizational role-playing of this institution during the eight years of the imposed war through documents. Based on this, the present article seeks to answer its main problem by relying on a descriptive-annotative approach and by relying on archival documents and unpublished oral historical interviews. Based on documentary data, the role of Astan Quds Razavi in the war imposed a model consisting of five main categories: "war support", "propaganda and organization and deployment of troops", "war-effected emigrants’ affairs and reconstruction", "formation of front office and war" and finally, "sacrifice" which in turn consists of nine sub-categories.

In the Caucasian wars during the reign of Fath Ali Shah, the difficult field and diplomatic conditions of Iran against Russia led to the idea of the closeness of two regional rivals, that is, Iran and Ottomans, against Russians. France initially proposed this plan in the form of a diplomatic structure, but its turning toward Russia foiled the plan. Abbas Mirza tried to advance this plan with the Ottomans under the slogan "Islamic Alliance" and pursued this policy until the signing of the Golestan Agreement, making numerous efforts to fulfill this alliance. With a descriptive-analytical approach and using Turkish sources, the present study answered the question of the obstacles encountered by the Iranian-Ottoman plan of alliance. The results showed that the deep-rooted problems between Iran and the Ottoman Empire did not allow the two powers to build mutual trust in order to create a common front against Russia. The Turks were also very suspicious of Abbas Mirza and his plan and viewed the idea of a military union against Russia more as a superficial move to impress Russians and gain the upper hand in future peace negotiations. This lack of trust eventually led to the failure of a field alliance.

After the Moghan Council, the concerned eyes of the society were looking forward to the next action, which perhaps after all these tensions and battles, now relying on the monarchy to strengthen internal sovereignty and create political, and economic security and give itself and society a chance to find themselves.  Nader also faced dozens of difficult internal and regional problems that he had to deal with, but he unbelievably prepared a difficult trip to India, which, given the structure of the young Afshari government, made the military campaign against India seem simple and esoteric. He found it risky and challenging, and seriously damaged the foundations of his rule. The main issue of the present study is to examine the role, impact and consequences of Nader's invasion of India during his rule. It also investigates how and why that attack affected many aspects of his rule and affected its decline and dissolution. Why Nader's invasion of India hastened the collapse of his rule? This study uses library resources and implements a descriptive and and explanatory approach. The results reveals that Nader's invasion of India had far-reaching consequences for him, and that his demise and fall had a profound effect on his relations with his family, commanders, troops, and peasant.