nationalism

Leadership in Islamic thought is based on the macro-theory of "nation" and it has defined the horizon of governance in the Islamic societies. Therefore, the issue of nation and nationalism has been specifically considered in the conduct of the Messenger of God (PBUH) and Imams (PBUT). The present research is to answer the question on what are the requirements for the realization of nationalism from the perspective of Imam Hassan Askari (A.S.).Taking advantage of the descriptive-analytical method, the article investigates the requirements for the realization of nationalism as a central and constant thought in the interaction with various currents from the perspective of that Holiness. The findings of the research clarify that the essential components for realizing the process of nationalism in the conduct of that holiness include "peaceful coexistence along with affection and tolerance", "no obvious divergence with the caliphs", "developing solidarity and internal discourse among Muslims based on common Islamic principles", "Prohibition of heretics", "Negation of violence" and "acquittance of the extremists" led by the Divine Imamate. Imam’s emphasis as a religious leader on the issue of nationalism, theoretically and practically, can be considered as a strategic paradigm in developing a united nation in the current situation of the Islamic world.

As a new form of writing, playwriting found a significant popularity in contemporary Iran to express modern political and social concepts. In fact, play had the potential to address more audiences than what had the pre-modern classic literature. Focusing on play’s of Constitutional and Pahlavi periods, this essay aims to discuss nationalism as a strong discourse in modern Iran. Playwrights tried to redefine Iranian nationalism with emphasizing on symbols such as the flag, the map, the national anthem and nostalgic look at the ancient past. Their suggestions for strengthening nationalism in Iran have focused on modern education, raising children and defining a modern concept of homeland. What’s more, plays of these two era are not categorize in the same way. During Pahlavi period the central government supported nationalism, thus this concept takes on an authoritarian aspect. In this period, nationalism discourse have been dominant and playwritings influenced by this discourse. A comparative look at the plays of Pahlavi period and the constitutional era shows this discourse turn. This turn has clearly reflected in the approach of plays to the issue of nationalism.

The loss of national pride of the Iranians since the beginning of the Qajar era as a result of numerous defeats at the hands of Russia and England, and the chaotic consequences of economic and political relations with them, provided the necessary intellectual basis for intellectuals to find the causes of weakness. Among the factors that some pre-constitutional intellectuals focused on in this area was ancient nationalism. Although during the constitutional era, the dominant form of nationalism took on an anti-authoritarian and anti-colonial face, and its antiquarian approach became less important than before, attention to it matured again with the end of the First World War. With the rise to power of Pahlavi I, archaic nationalism became one of the main ideologies of nation-building for government officials. The development of Kasravi's ideas took place at such a time. The present study tries to answer this question by using historical method and analytical descriptive approach: what was Kasravi's attitude towards promoting the discourse of archaic nationalism as a thinker? The results of the research show that although Kasravi was interested in the history of ancient Iran, he opposed some of the extreme components of the antiquarians and considered their promotion as one of the factors weakening national unity.

In the 19th century, under the pressure of imperialism and due to the neo-Shinto developments along with the national-aristocracy revolution of Meiji, the empire of Japan came out of isolation and began to carry out the process of modernization. One of the requirements of modernism is globalization and knowledge of the nations and peoples around the world. From this point of view, especially after the formation of pan-Asian ideology, Islamic studies also started in this country. Pan-Asiaism soon merged with extreme Japanese nationalism, and the idea of Hakkoichiu, which was its most extreme form, was dominated by the military. The main data of this research are the articles and research of Japanese people during the Hakkoichiu era, also the approach used in this research is the 19th-century national-global studies that emphasize the interactions and the nature of native culture. The question of the present article is that How Islamic studies from the perspective of Hakkoichiu during the years 1926-1945 was created and what process did it go through? The result of this research is that due to the political conditions of Japan, which was connected to its economic power, indifference towards the Islamic world gave way to large investments not only to study this region but also to attract the support of Muslims to create harmony between Islamic and Japanese values.

In the last and critical years of Qajar reign the lack of a powerful central government caused Reza Khan to reach positions such as “Head of the Cossack Division”, “Minister of War and the commander-in-Chief of the Army (=Sardar Sepah)”, “Prime Minister”, and then he took over the temporary government and overthrew the Qajar dynasty. During this period, Reza Khan issued many declarations that contained various contents about the military, social and political situation of the country. The study and analysis of these declarations makes it possible to understand the causes, factors and the process of his rise to power, the way of changing the monarchy, and the important governmental, military and political changes of Iran in the 20th century. An important part of these declarations is about the military structure of the country, the security situation and its organization, prioritizing the independence of the fatherland, patriotism, establishing order, safety and welfare of Iranians, and social and political priorities. The research question is about:” What points did Reza Khan’s declarations contain about the situation of Iran during the end of Qajar period, and which political and social components did he emphasize? The findings of this research show that the study of the history of Reza Khan’s period from the time he became the Head of the Cossack division to the position of king, in addition to revealing his thinking and activities, also shows the change in his intellectual and political approaches from a soldier to a military ruler.

Archaism is one of the cultural currents, which has played an important role in changing the ruling values and causing chaos in the cultural-political structure of the society during the last century. Therefore, in this paper, while identifying this phenomenon and its components, the tendency of the Tehrani youths towards archaism has been investigated. Documentary and desk study methods were used to collect data for the historical section of the paper, and survey method and questionnaire tools were used for the field section. In the historical section, data analysis has been done using qualitative content analysis method, while in the field section the statistical method has been employed. The results of the research indicate that there is a high level of Archaism among the youths today. According to the findings, 0.8% of Tehrani youths shows a very low level, 17.2% a low level, 31% a medium level, 29.4% a high level, and 21.6% a very high level of tendency towards Archaism.

It studies the concept of identity, what and who a person is in society. In the new era, with the rise of nationalism, the issue of national identity has been raised as the most important human identity in society, and this identity has shaped the political-social structure of countries and the international system.Following the familiarization of Iranians with nationalism, due to internal and external reasons and problems, the political and social elites welcomed nationalism and turned it into a powerful current in the society.The Pahlavi government, according to the capacities of nationalism in its form and content, turned its antiquarian form into the ideology of its modern government.This kind of nationalism has had several functions in creating the self-awareness of Iranians from the Pahlavi era until today; However, the hypothesis of this article is that antiquarian nationalism itself has become one of the factors of identity gaps in Iran.This research, with historical-analytical method, wants to answer the question of how the nationalism of the Pahlavi government, which was "romantic"-"archaist" nationalism, has created the ground for the emergence of an identity crisis in Iranian society?The results of the research show that in this period, the context of identity crisis and fragmentation arose when the archaic nationalism of the Pahlavi government was able to use nationalism in the process of modernizing the society by purifying the identity and changing it from Islam and strengthening the ethnic-linguistic identity and secularizing the identity. Historicism of social identity and ignoring civil rights lead the society to identity divergence.

Malek Bennabi (1905-1973 AD) is one of the most influential thinkers and great figures of the reformist movement in the Islamic world and Algeria. With his scientific works, especially in the field of Islamic civilization, he dealt with the intellectual confrontation and political colonization of the West. It also offered scientific and practical solutions to overcome the decline of the Islamic world and revive Islamic civilization. He believes that contemporary civilizations have emerged as a result of the harmony and coherence between the three elements of "soil, man and time" and under the influence of an effective religious force. He emphasizes the existence of a fourth space, the "network of social relations." Bennabi intended to study the components and currents of the proponents of contemporary Western civilization and based on them, provide solutions for confronting and advancing Islamic civilizationThis article deals with a descriptive-analytical approach to the study of contemporary Western civilization from the perspective of Bennabi. What is the definition of contemporary Western civilization and civilization from Bennabi's point of view? What are the components and currents of contemporary Western civilization from Bennabi's point of view? One of this research aims is to examine Bennabi's views on contemporary Western civilization. The Prophet's approach is a civilizational manifest with a focus on the subject of the Qur'an, anthropological studies, and civilization. The prophet of contemporary Western civilization has special propositions and components such as colonialism, Orientalism and democracy.

In this paper, we seek to understand the historical attitude of Afghan historians in the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries and what has been obtained from this research shows that in the historical attitude of historians such as Maḥmūd al-Ḥussaynī, Shekārpūrī, Khāleṣ, Nūrī and Rīyāṡī, there is a kind of destiny, historical determinism and sanctity. Moreover, these historians have mainly mythological, ethnic and elitist views towards historical events. Historians such as ‘Alavī, Khāleṡ, Khwāfī, and Rīyāṡī have also emphasized the usefulness, lesson learning, and enlightenment of history. However, with the passing of Feyṡ Muḥammad Kātib as an important turning point in the transformation of historians attitudes towards history, we come to twentieth-century historians who, from Ghobār, Kohzād, Ḥabībī and Kākar to ‘Aṭā’ī, Farhang and Sīstānī, have been more influenced by nationalism, and have given Afghanistan a 5,000-year history with the Aryan race. Based on this view, they have identified different periods of Ariana, Khorasan and contemporary Afghanistan for the history of Afghanistan.

The place of Iranian historical dynasties in nationalistic historiography of the modern era in general, and the image of the Qajar dynasty in the nationalist historiography of the Pahlavi period in particular, are among the reflections of the nationalist approach in modern Iranian historiography. In fact, the nationalist approach, which forms the main aspect of Pahlavi historiography about different eras of Iranian history, became a tool for gaining political and national legitimacy by Pahlavi dynasty,and Pahlavi Shahs, unlike the previous sultans who needed political legitimacy based on religious principles, sought to gain the necessary political legitimacy by abandoning religious principles and values and turning to national values and principles, and in the meantime, history and historiography became a very vital tool for gaining legitimacy, origin and national prestige for the Pahlavi dynasty.The inevitable and major result of this was the politicization and ideology of history and historiography in contemporary Iran, an inconsistent phenomenon that still plagues Iranian academic and non-academic historiography.In this approach, the Pahlavi government extensively tried to show a more ideal and legitimate image by destroying the image of the Qajar government and to introduce the overthrow of the Qajar dynasty as a movement and a national necessity. In the present paper, by examining some of the most prominent nationalisticliterature created in that period, the dimensions and manner of historiography in question with the approach of examining the image of Qajar government in the national historiography of the Pahlavi period have been studied.

The growth of capitalist relations in the 19th century and the effects of the growth of socialism led to a shift in women's social status, women's participation, and the rise of feminism in the West. A movement that led to the unification of women around the world and the struggle for equal rights with men. In the 20th century, the use of women force by communist and fascist regimes, along with the growing nationalist tendencies, increased the scope of women's activism in developing societies influenced by relations with the West, such as Iran. As a result, at the same time as the constitutional movement, Iranian women, in an effort to gain a share of their social rights, took steps that had already been seen in the process of the European women's movement. From 1285 to 1342, the spread of modernist and Relying on a descriptive-analytical method, this study seeks to answer the fundamental question of how nationalism in contemmovement and what is the relationship between nationalism and women's rights? The research findings show that nationalism and anti-colonial and anti-authoritarian actions paved the way for women to enter society, and despite the nationalists' enjoyment of women's participation and the affirmation of their social and political freedom, the rights that women demanded; They were not granted, and this led the women's movement to pursue other methods of obtaining their rights. Other legal and socio-cultural practices that have kept Iranian women dynamic in the current century.

The national question was a concept constructed by nineteenth-century Marxists in the face of the spread of the wave of nationalism, a concept they used as a tool to advance their goals, especially on the eve of the October Revolution. In Iran, it was with the establishment of the Communist Party in 1338 AH that the “national question” came up under the concept of “different nations of Iran.” The Tudeh Party, as the most important communist group during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah, developed the concept of “national question” in Iran. The main question of this research is what the approach of the Tudeh Party was towards the concept of “national question” in Iran and what the factors influencing this approach were. The hypothesis of this research is based on the proposition that this party’s approach to the concept of “national question” in Iran is derived from the teachings of Lenin and Stalin and a functionalist approach to advance its struggles and the leadership of Marxist groups is to expand the level of struggle, and Ideological ties with the Soviet Union have had the greatest impact on this approach. In this study, interpretive and explanatory-functionalist methodologies have been used to explain the problem. In data interpretation, the content analysis method has been used, and in explaining events, recognizing political structures, and causally explaining their function has been considered. This study concludes that the Tudeh Party’s approach to the “national question” in Iran was functionalist and in line with its goals, and the party did not pay more attention to it.

Civilization is defined as urbanization or living in appropriate civic conditions by certain criteria. Social life in a regular structure can be a factor of development, prosperity, and tranquility for the citizens of that community. This example of civilization existed in ancient Persia, which can be observed in the Achaemenid period. In later periods, due to the entry and influence of foreign culture and Hellenistic and other thoughts, a kind of disturbance in Iranian identity arose. This failure led to a mixed culture in Iran due to the combination of other civilizational examples with the Iranian civility model. That is, originality changed over time in most different cultures and a kind of combination replaced the combined cultures. The present study attempts to show a picture of Iranian identity in the 1st to 4th centuries AH by analyzing the concept of identity in certain historical periods.

The nature of Iranian identity, the manifestations of Iranism and the concepts related to this field have always been the place of many debates throughout iran’s contemporary history, and in the past two centuries, intellectuals, policy-holders and scholars have come to it with historical and sociological assumptions and theories, and depending on their intellectual and ideological origins, they have achieved different and in some cases contradictory results in this regard. On the other hand, intertwining the concepts of this field such as Iranianism, Iranian identity, national identity, nation, nationalism, Iranism, homeland, etc. To date, the incidental response to the historical origin of the formation of these concepts and its external characteristics and examples has not been discussed in each period and these categories remain disputed. Therefore, in order to approach an appropriate response in this field, historical approach is one of the methods ahead. Therefore, in this paper, we have tried to take a small step towards resolving uncertainties regarding understanding the concepts of this field.

Nationalism in the framework of new definitions and influenced by the West is one of the important discourses of contemporary Iranian political and social thought, which was considered by familiar Western thinkers during the 19th century and mainly from the Nasserite era onwards and became quite apparent in the Pahlavi era. Nationalism has various elements and forms in the period under discussion, including archeology, which is associated with a strong attachment to the heritage of the pre-Islamic Iran. Accordingly, the analysis of the relationship between archaism and nationalism and in the more general perspective of nationalism based on archaism and its differences with other forms of nationalism and its consequences is the main issue discussed in this article. Thus, the present study has tried to clarify the dimensions of the subject by analyzing the content of resources related to the library method, by answering the basic research questions in the field of the connection between archeology and nationalism. On the one hand, the research findings show that in addition to the elites of the familiar West, the Persians of India also played an important role in shaping the idea of ​​Archaism and combining it with nationalism. On the other hand, archaism has basically distinguished between the two discourses of nationalism focused on the present and the existing realities and relatively emotional and past nationalism in this period.

The intellectual dough of Asid Mohammad Kasravi was formed during the constitutional movement and under the influence of its ideals. A person who dresses as a clergyman in the first stage of his life, but due to the formation of a series of intellectual events, distances himself from this stage of his life. He experienced two world wars, the constitutional movement and the dictatorship of Reza Shah. His intellectual and research background also made him comment on various issues and think on various issues. Kasravi was one of the intellectuals of the constitutional movement and its ideals, but this movement quickly became authoritarian. Kasravi, who had experienced both spaces, discussed them in his works. The important point is that Kasravi, unlike many critics of Reza Shah, in spite of some negligible criticisms, strongly defended Reza Shah's actions. Subjugation within social institutions provided for personal domination and submission. Kasravi's goal was to validate the nationalist values ​​he sought, which in some of Kasravi's works in this regard followed his unifying nationalism. And it has no territorial integrity, and local power is a rebellious power.

Iran and Egypt are two of the most important "think-tanks" in the Islamic world whose political and social and religious thinkers have sought to identify and combat the causes of backwardness and decline in Islamic societies. Cultural, historical, and religious backgrounds, along with factors such as the geopolitical position and special status of the two countries in the Muslim world, have brought about many similarities in the course of social and political developments of these two societies in contemporary times. The present study, using the theoretical framework of the analysis of the critical discourse of Norman Farklaf, Lakla and Moufeh, seeks to answer the question of what religious thought in Iran and Egypt is based on the ideas of Sheikh Hadi Najmabadi in Iran and Sheikh Mohammed Abdo in Egypt. Opportunities and achievements, as well as challenges and obstacles? The findings of the study of the thought of these religious scholars, with emphasis on information gathering based on library and documentary practices, indicate that the experience of religious scholarship in these countries in issues such as rationalism, superstition, ignorance and frustration with The West has a similar situation in the struggle against tyranny and colonialism and in trying to unite the Islamic Ummah, and they have different positions on issues such as secularism, ethnicity and nationalism.