ottoman

Islamic unity was one of the lofty ideals that created a movement in the Islamic world in the last quarter of the 19th century and the first quarter of the 20th century and shone a light of hope in the hearts of a number of Muslim thinkers and intellectuals. Meanwhile, the Muslims of the South Caucasus, who were under the rule of Tsarist Russia and in danger of cultural transformation, also turned to Islamic unity, because they saw salvation in it. One of the pioneers of this movement in the Caucasus was Ali Bey Hosseinzadeh. Hosseinzadeh, with the experiences he had gained during his stay in St. Petersburg and inspired by “Pan-Slavism,” sought to use Islamic unity to unite the Muslims of the world, or at least the Muslims of Russia. The present study aims to examine the works of Ali Bey Hosseinzadeh and shed light on his role in the expansion and growth of the idea of ​​Pan-Islamism among the Muslims of Russia, especially the South Caucasus. The research findings indicate that although the unity of Islam envisioned by Hosseinzadeh was not realized, his efforts were effective in continuing the social and political life of the Muslims of the Caucasus and in bringing them closer to their Muslim brothers in Iran and the Ottoman Empire. Keywords: Pan-Islamism, South Caucasus, Russia, Iran, Ottoman, Ali Bay Hosseinzadeh

In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, two powerful and nationalist figures came to power in Germany and the Ottoman Empire. Wilhelm II came to power with the slogan of modern politics in Germany and Sultan Abdul Hamid II with the slogan of Islamic unity in the Ottoman Empire. Both personalities wanted economic, military and industrial progress in their empires, which led to cooperation between the two countries in the Berlin-Persian Gulf railway project. On the other hand, at this time, the Persian Gulf suddenly became the arena of conflicts and colonial rivalries of powerful European states, including Germany.The main issue of this research is to study and explain the reasons for the construction of the Berlin-Persian Gulf railway by the Germans and the reasons for their failure in this project. This article has been done using descriptive-analytical method and documented text analysis and using historical sources. The findings of the study indicate that the Germans, after failing in the Persian Gulf by sea, thought of infiltrating the Persian Gulf by land and by rail, but due to the lack of strong allies could not succeed in this project good luck.

Coinciding with the activities of the Qizilbash tribes in the early years of the Safavid government’s establishment, Prince Salim ruled a province near Safavid territories. From that time onward, he was determined to confront the Qizilbash, and after ascending to the throne, he launched a campaign to overthrow the Safavid rule entirely. Although the Ottoman victory at the Battle of Chaldiran had a significant impact on the fledgling Safavid state, several problems and obstacles prevented Sultan Salim I from fully toppling the Safavids. Years later, Sultan Salim sought another attack to complete his mission of overthrowing the Safavids. To this end, he corresponded with local rulers under the Safavids in hopes of gaining their assistance in the upcoming war. Among these letters, which are reflected in Majmua-e Munshia`at Al-Salatin, the correspondence between Sultan Salim and the ruler of Shirvan is particularly significant. The main question of this study is: What was the purpose of Sultan Salim's pursuit of friendship with the Shirvan Shahs? This article aims to analyze the diplomatic role of Ibrahim Sheikh Shah Shervani in shaping the relations between the Safavids and the Ottomans through a descriptive-analytical approach, and to uncover the reasons for his actions.

Qasr-e Shirin was formed in the late Sassanid period with an important collection of royal, religious, public benefit and defense-military buildings. The main research issue is to study the spatial structure of the city of Qasr-e Shirin during the Sassanid period, its continued existence during the Islamic period, and to examine the factors affecting the city's dynamics from the late Sassanid period to the Qajar period. The results of the research show that the elements that make up the Sassanid city include the royal citadel, the fire temple, the official and administrative premises, the ditch? and the tower, which continued with some changes in the Islamic period. In the later Islamic periods, the life of the city was affected by the challenges of the Safavid and Qajar governments with the Ottoman government; in such a way that the friendly or hostile political relations of the two governments had a direct connection with the prosperity or decline of the city of Qasr-e Shirin. In other words, in addition to maintaining the role of communication, Qasr-e Shirin took on far more important religious, political, commercial and strategic functions than before, in which the Atabat-e 'Aliat and the path leading to it were considered the main element of the relations between the two countries.

Introduction:

Monetary policy is the use of government expenditures and revenue-generating activities to achieve specific goals, budget deficit or surplus, and regulation of economic growth and stability. Since in order to fight the economic problems of regulating the government's income and controlling prices, monetary policies are very important levers that if used correctly can contribute to economic, political, social and economic stability and development. The culture of the country should play a very constructive role. In the past, governments usually used specific monetary policies to advance their political goals and run the country. If one of the influencing factors on the monetary policy of any government is the use of currency fluctuations and how to control it. During the Safavid period, due to the formation of tense relations between the two Iranian and Ottoman governments, each of them adopted specific monetary policies towards each other. In this period, because gold and silver ornaments were considered as an intermediary factor in exchanges, they were noticed by the Safavid and Ottoman governments. Also, since the gold and silver required for minting coins in Iran were mostly supplied from outside the country, and one of the ways to enter the country was through the territory of the Ottoman government. Therefore, in order to advance their political and economic goals, these governments took measures that affected their relations by taking advantage of certain policies in the field of conflicts in the event of war and conflict. In this regard, the current research, relying on variables such as the policy of prohibiting the entry and exit of foreign currency, the creation or merger of border mints, the increase of the conversion tariff for muskets, monitoring the value of muskets and paying attention to the silk trade, tries to use historical sources and research. Turkish historians should answer these main questions: what monetary policies did the Safavid and Ottoman governments use against each other? What effect did these monetary policies have on the political and commercial relations of the Safavid and Ottoman governments?

The research method in this research is library and document type.

During war and enmity, the Ottoman government prevented gold and silver from entering Iran in order to advance its political goals and economic sanctions against the Safavid government. In contrast, the Safavid government, in order to bypass the Ottoman trade embargoes, pursued the policy of supplying muskets from inside Iran by extracting new mines and supplying muskets from outside Iran, by expanding trade relations with European countries. In addition, the use of these monetary policies had many consequences for both governments, including the change of Iran's traditional trade routes from the Ottoman territory, the lack of gold and silver coins in Iran, and the relative deprivation of the Ottoman government from the resulting income. Pilgrimage of Hajj and shrines of highness, merger or destruction of mints in two countries, development of silk trade and growth of Iran's trade balance with western countries.

Due to religious and political differences, the Ottoman and Safavid governments always tried to attack each other by using certain monetary policies. The Ottoman government has always taken advantage of monetary policies such as banning the departure of gold and silver coins from its territory, establishing border mints to increase the conversion tariff of coins and reduce the value of coins, increasing the cost of customs, and affecting Iran's trade. He was hitting. On the other hand, the Safavid government, in order to prevent the shortage of foreign currency, adopted special monetary policies, which included: paying attention to the increase of silk exports and the introduction of gold and silver ornaments into the country by changing the traditional trade routes to the north and south. Iran and the expansion of trade relations with the western and northern countries of Iran; Establishing new rules for Iranian pilgrims who were going to pilgrimage and pilgrimage and encouraging pilgrimage to the holy shrine of Imam Reza (a.s.) in Iran.

There were many similarities among the Ottoman and Safavid military structure, and adaptation from can be one of the reasons for such similarities. This process was done by transmitting data to the neighboring land in various forms. Each of these forms of adaptation and transmission of information have contributed to the creation of similarities, among which it can be assumes that the impact of the results of military conflicts in creating similarities in military arrangements had an important role. As the research problem, the impacts of the results and outcomes of military disputes on the emergence of similarities in the Ottoman and Safavid military structure has been investigated in this research. The findings indicate that the captivity of Ottoman commanders and military specialists and acquisition of Ottoman firearms have provided the required data and caused similarities in the Safavid military structures. Thus, the results of military disputes can be likely considered as one of the affecting factors for emergence of such similarities.

 With the outbreak of the First World War, due to its geopolitical situation and the establishment of Russian forces since 1909/1288 AD, Azerbaijan was unintentionally involved in the conflicts and wars between Russia and the Ottoman Empire. Before the war, Ottomans had strengthened their positions against the Russians because Azerbaijan, especially the western corridor of Lake Urmia, was considered a strategic and suitable route Tsarist Russia to reach Mesopotamia and the warm waters of the Persian Gulf. In the spring of 1295 AH, the whole region was gradually occupied by the Russians, and the last attempt of the Ottomans to capture the positions of the Russians in the West of Azerbaijan under the title of Dillman (Salmas) war between Russia and the Ottomans in May 1295 AH led to the defeat of the Ottomans. At the same time as the Dillman War, the Assyrians and Ottoman Armenians revolted in Anatolia. The return of the Ottoman forces to Eastern Anatolia led to the suppression of the Ottoman rebel Armenians. The consequences of this war were mass migration of Ottoman Assyrians to western Azerbaijan, including Urmia and Salmas. This article, written based on Ottoman documents and Iranian sources on a descriptive-analytical basis, tries to answer these questions: what was the cause of this war and the process of the incident, and finally, what were the consequences of this war for Azerbaijan and Eastern Anatolia?  It was concluded that following this war, the western region of Azerbaijan and eastern Anatolia were captured by the joint Russian-Armenian forces. The subsequent events led to various incidents and events for both Muslims and Christians in Azerbaijan and Eastern Anatolia. It is clear that both the Ottoman countries and Tsarist Russia sought to gain more wealth and power in this region without considering the interests of the Iranian people and their partiality with these groups was temporary and based on their short-term and long-term hidden and overt interests.

The establishment of the Safavid dynasty and the recognition of the Shiite religion by them created a deep rift between Iran and the Ottomans, which led to endless wars between the two sides with the aim of eliminating the rival. These conflicts continued with the Battle of Chaldoran (920 AH / 1514 AD), which began with the invasions of Suleiman, which led to the conclusion of the peace of Amasya (962 AH / 1555 AD). This peace, while reducing political and religious differences, to some extent defined the borders of Iran with the Ottomans, and confirmed the political and geographical existence of the Safavids by the Ottomans. This study aims to answer the important question that what effect did the peace of Amasya have on the agreements between the two countries in the Safavid period until peace and what are the common provisions of these agreements? It is assumed that there are many common points in the treaties concluded between Iran and the Ottoman Safavid era with Amasya. If the findings of the present article prove the correctness of this hypothesis. In compiling and writing this dissertation, using historical research method based on the method of describing and analyzing documents, library resources are examined and finally the research findings are presented

The Shia Safavid government was established in the 16th century AD (10th century AH) in the vicinity of the 200-year-old Ottoman government and the newly established Uzbek government, both of which were Sunni. The religious policy of Shah Ismail I (1501-1524 AD/907-930 AH) was based on the expansion of Shiism, which was in contrast with the religious policy of his neighbors, who were preachers and promoters of the Sunni religion. In addition to the fact that this issue caused religious disputes and repeated wars with the Safavids from both sides, it led to the convergence of the two Ottoman and Uzbek governments against the Safavids. The purpose of this research is to examine how Ottoman and Uzbek political relations were established and its consequences on the Safavids in the 16th century AD, with a descriptive-analytical method. The findings show that the formation and stabilization of Safavid rule, the development of its territory, and the Shiiteization of society, which was accompanied by the increase in the number of Shiites, caused concern to the Ottoman and Uzbek governments. Therefore, due to the common religion and the difference in religious policy with the Safavids, the two governments, with the aim of overthrowing and resorting to the issuance of Takfiri fatwas and the declaration of jihad, strengthened relations with each other against this government and established the idea of political and military unity by sending ambassadors, writing letters and sending military aid.

The role of the governors of Baghdad is one of the important issues in the relations between Iran and the Ottoman Empire during the Qajar period. The administration of Iraq was difficult due to the distance from the center, the presence of different ethnic groups and Shiite pilgrimage sites, and the proximity to Iran, and the appointed governors tried to strengthen their political and financial power by fueling the differences between Iran and the Ottoman Empire. From the middle of the 19th century and the reforms carried out in the Ottoman territory, an attempt was made to coordinate their administration with Istanbul by appointing governors such as Najib Pasha. However, Pasha's contractionary policy in Baghdad caused a political crisis. Against this backdrop, the research question of the present study concerns the policy adopted by Najib Pasha during the governorship of Baghdad to divide Iran and the Ottoman Empire. Based on the descriptive-analytical approach and the view of centralism, the governors of Baghdad and consequently Najib Pasha saw the security threat from Iran and the Iranians living in Iraq very forceful for their position. Therefore, in their political orientation, they tried to use this intellectual atmosphere of the Istanbul court in line with their interests. Also, relying on the idea of centralism and the unbreakable link of the empire and removing its destructive elements, they tried to consider the suppression and massacre of the people of Karbala as legitimate and necessary.

The scarcity of resources in the social history of Iran and particularly the Caucasus has hindered our historical understanding. Meanwhile, documents, as primary written sources, are deemed valuable for historical research, lending credibility and citation worth to historical findings. Given its strategic significance, the Caucasus has been a focal point for Iran's and regional governments' attention since ancient times. The diverse commercial potential of the Caucasus region has fostered an environment conducive to economic prosperity. This study aimed to shed light on the social and economic conditions of Ganja and Karabagh states, focusing on the manuscripts of Ottoman writings from two distinct periods, "1001 to 1003 A.H. and 1142 to 1143 A.H./1595-1593 AD and 1733-1732 AD", based on unique manuscripts. The article was structured in a descriptive-analytical manner, delving into research achievements, the demographic division of states, taxation, agricultural products, ethnic composition, economic activities, tax revenue, and political developments in the region. It identified economic and social drivers of migrations and elucidated social changes to the best extent possible.

Art and literature have always been applied as a favorite way of conveying human experiences through centuries to next generations. However, sometimes they have been not used as art for art’s sake. Utilitarian literature and art have usually been abused to misrepresent facts and real human history. World War I was a catastrophic disaster for the whole world, especially for the Muslim people living in the Ottoman empire territory and neighboring regions. Since then the separated small countries have been suffering periodical catastrophes afterword. Literature and art, consequently, were affected by them. According to the attitude of the literary figures and artists toward those historical experiences and human sufferings, their productions have tried to be effective on the world’s attitude toward those events. Ararat is one of them. It is an Armenian movie that was produced in Canada and won 2003’s Canadian Film Festival first prize. The main character of this movie is an Armenian young boy who travels to the city of Van in Türkiye and remember his nation’s past experiences during World War I in the city, according to the producers’ point of view. The main episodes are the flashbacks to the war between Armenian people and Turkic troops in Van through which war crimes are depicted to arouse the audience’s hatred toward Turks in the world. The film producers have inefficiently tried to produce a show through which make the world believe that there has been a genocide by Turkic troops against Armenian people living in the region during World War I. While western world is trying to condemn all hate speeches toward other races, ethnicities and nations around the world, the production of such a film in a country which obviously declares herself as one the most democratic countries in the world does not seem so appropriate to their democratic slogans. Through this essay the researcher will try to analyze it and depict some facts that the producers have tried to misrepresent. Because it is a movie that has dealt with the relationship between the Ottoman Empire and the Armenians living in the territory before World War I.

Iran-Ottoman relations were very vicissitudinous during six centuries. The two states concluded various agreements to end the war and establish peace. Among the treaties, the two treaties of Zohab (1639/1049) and Erzeroum (1847/1263) are very important. Because it was the basis for settling disputes and concluding subsequent agreements. Until the conference of Erzeroum (1259-1263), no doubts were expressed about the “originality and validity” of the Zohab Treaty. Iranian and Ottoman representatives for the first time, in the fifth  session and later in several other sessions of Erzeroum negotiations, while accepting the "authenticity" of the treaty, engaged in a serious debate about the "originality and validity" of the existing copies. In this research, the arguments of the representatives of the parties regarding the originality and validity of the Zohab treaty have been explained using the descriptive-analytical method and relying on unpublished documents. The findings of the research show that Mirza Taghi Khan, insisting on the necessity of presenting the "original" of the treaty by the Ottoman representative, did not accept the "copeies" presented by him and for this reason, it has prevented him from proving her territorial claims in Erzeroum negotiations.

Mohammad Hasan Khan ruled over Shaki at the same time as the rivalry between the Ottoman and Russian governments in the Caucasus region. In those days, the Ottomans established political relationships with local heads such as the ruler of Shaki with the aim of countering the influence and domination of the Russians in the Caucasus. Mohammad Hasan Khan had been also inclined to the Ottomans due to the fear and concern of the aggressive policy of the Georgians against the territory of the local Muslim rulers of Ganja and Yerevan. Mohammad Hasan Khan was in contact with the Ottomans in the form of exchange of correspondence and the ambassador's(elčī) movement. The main question of the article is what issues did Muhammad Hasan Khan Shaki's letters to the Ottoman government covered and what goals did he pursue? This research relying on printed books from Ottoman archival documents and local historiographical sources of Shaki and the Caucasus and with a descriptive-analytical approach indicates that confronting the expansionist policy of the Georgian ruler with the Russians’ military support in the Muslim land and constant invasion of their forces to the Ganja state in the neighbourhood of Shaki, was one of the important issues raised in the correspondence of Mohammad Hasan Khan Shaki with the Ottoman authorities. He demanded political-military aid from the Ottoman government for this issue. It seems that these letter writings did not have any special achievements due to the lack of practical action from both sides.

The old Islambol was prone to fire due to the type of architecture. This city suffered many big fires during the Ottoman period. This article is a report on the fire of the Iranian Consulate in Islambol in 1293 AH. Is. Apart from the material losses, this incident caused the loss of important historical documents and resources. The mission officer of Iran, Mirza Mohib Ali Khan Nazemul Malik Marandi Yakanlu, had collected most of the historical documents and sources for use and reference in the Iran-Ottoman Boundary Commission. After burning the documents and resources in the consulate, he started an all-out effort. For this purpose, he wrote several letters to the Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs at the time, Mirza Hossein-Khan Sepahsalar, and by mentioning the exact address of historical documents and sources, he requested to prepare and send them. His letters and Sepahsalar’s responses about the incident of the burning of the Iranian consulate in Islambul have not been published yet, and this issue has remained hidden from the researchers in the history of Iran-Ottoman relations. In this research, using the unpublished documents of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, various aspects of the issue have been reported and analyzed.

The role and status of the Pashalik of Baghdad and the Baban Emirate in Iran-Ottoman relations has been mostly neglected. The Ottoman government established the Pashalik of Baghdad sometime after the Treaty of Zuhab (1049 AH/1639 AD). Baban Emirate had relative independence in the Kurdish regions of northern Iraq. For 214 years, from the Treaty of Zuhab to the Second Treaty of Erzurum (1263 AH/1847 AD), Iranian government faced three centers of power: İstanbul, Baghdad and Baban. During these two centuries, the western territory of Iran was exposed to various threats. In the present research, based on Iranian and Ottoman sources, and using the data-mining method and analytical-critical approach, the role and status of the Pashalik of Baghdad and the Baban Emirate in Iran-Ottoman relations has been elaborated. The findings of the research show that when Sultan Mahmud II came to power, a series of reforms began in the Ottoman government, which gradually led to the revival and increase of the influence and power of the Ottoman central government over its eastern provinces. By changing the power structure in Baghdad, the ground was paved for dismantling of Baban's Emirate. With Baghdad's victory over Baban, Iranian-Ottoman relations entered a new phase.

The Safavid era in the history of Iran, following the advent of Islam, holds a significant place in terms of politics and religion due to the establishment of political unity within Iran's borders and the embrace of the Shiite faith. This period was characterized by the Safavid rulers' confrontations with internal dissidents and diverse foreign adversaries. While historical sources from the Safavid era depict these confrontations and conflicts, they are not always faithful representations of reality. Instead, they often reflect the historians' interpretation of events, blending historical content with literary expression. The present study, conducted through a comprehensive review of relevant sources from the Safavid era, aims to explore the intertwined nature of history and poetry, and how these two elements have shaped historical narratives during this period. By delving into the use of poetry within historical texts, the research seeks to understand the role of poetic expression in conveying historical events and stories. The research findings reveal that the extensive incorporation of poetry in historical texts of the Safavid era can be attributed to several factors, including its heightened appeal and influence, the influence of the historiographical tradition from the Mongol era and earlier periods, and the educational backgrounds of the historians of this time, who were steeped in literary traditions before transitioning to historical authorship.

One of the disputed issues between Iran and the Ottomans from the second half of Naser al-Din Shah's reign onwards was the construction of the boundary fortifications of Marivan, Avroman, and Lahijan on the Iranian-Ottoman boundary. This research seeks to find the answer to this question: What effect did the construction of boundary fortifications on the boundaries of Marivan, Avroman, and Lahijan have on Iran-Ottoman relations and transformation of Iran's western boundaries in the Qajar era? The findings of this research, which is carried out with descriptive-explanatory method using historical documents and maps, and desk study, showed that following the construction of new boundary fortifications by the Iranian government in Ardalan Kurdistan and Mukriyan, the Ottoman government tried to induce tensions in the western boundaries of Iran by making claims on the boundary blocks of Marivan, Avroman, and Lahijan, and with an emphasis on the claim that these areas are inside the Status Quo plan in order to impose its own desired terms in the provisions of the boundary committees. Finally, with the intervention of intermediary governments and based on the protocols of Tehran and Istanbul and the Boundary Commission in the year 1332 A.H., these areas were recognized as belonging to the Iranian government.