ابن سینا

Avicenna, in his treatise called "Al-Siyasāt al-Ahliyyah", has discussed various topics about household management, among which are discussion about family formation and discussion about wife and children. The discussions about wife and child in this treatise are not only about family management, how to deal with wife and child. However, the issues related to women's rights and children's rights are also seen in it. The two fundamental questions of this paper are whether women's rights and children's rights, which are found in Avicenna's views in this treatise, are comparable to the provisions of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (first question), and if they can be compared, do they confirm or deny each other? Hence, the topics that will be examined in this paper will be in line with the answers to these two questions in a descriptive-analytical method.

The present study investigates cultural policies in the field of music and their Educational implications, drawing upon the perspectives of Farabi, Ibn Sina, and Imam Khomeini. A qualitative research methodology was employed, utilizing a deductive-analytical approach in the first part and thematic analysis in the second. The research scope encompassed library documents and scientific databases. To determine the educational implications of music and extract relevant themes, interviews were conducted with sixteen university professors from the fields of education, music, sociology, and jurisprudence. Thematic analysis was used to process the data, with Braun and Clark's (2013) method employed for coding the themes. At the interpretive level, all responses from experts were analyzed, leading to the identification and coding of basic themes. In the second level, codes assigned to basic themes were grouped based on shared meanings, resulting in fifteen organizing themes including musical content, description of music, music and education, Islam and halal/haram music, effects of music, scholars and music, richness in music, music learning, effects of music education, philosophy of music, art of music, teaching methods, music and communication, music and child development, and music and social adaptation. Finally, at the third level, organizing themes related to the educational implications of music were identified and extracted. These themes included three main categories: music and child development, music and social adaptation, and music and communication. The results extracted from the educational implications of music education indicate that in the emotional dimension, music and its education strengthen emotions, feelings, and imagination.

In the modern era, studying on the identity grew out more in the throughout the world. It means that this question on knowing on himself/herself and who are we in the pre-modern studies does not matter. It seems that they thought about it when discussing on what is this or what exists in the Medievial age, meanwhile it does in difference with the modern one. The paper does try to conceptualize it by setting forth of the two distinguished philosophers such as Al-farabi and Avecinna. The main question is that how would be conceptualizing the concept of identity in the Medieval are by review of the Al-farabi’s and Avecinna’s thought? First of all it should be ask on the possibility of Islamic Philosophy. As philosophy is methodoligically about the universal questions, the Islamic one examined the issues that come from the cultural settings. It does set context to study on it in their perceptions as a universal matter in the Medieval period that the main ones are that what it is and who they are. While in the Medieval era knowing who governs was at prioriy in comparison with the knowing how governs, endorsing to introduce it as the virtuous conception of identity depended to the leader of the Islamic Community in their philosophical thoughts and their differences and sameness on it, relating and understanding it in concerned to the modern era and could be define it as the main problem of Muslim with modernity indeed. The main concluding notice is that a Muslim who intended to pursue the happiness especially in the world coming next how could be done it .

Philosophers before Aristotle believed in a kind of primacy and non-creation of the universe. Aristotle, believing in the primordiality of the categories of motion, time, and matter, considers the main components of the universe and rules that the universe is primordial and non-creature. It is in this sense that Aristotle's God, as the actual cause of the universe, is only the stimulus of the universe and is not considered its existence. In the Abrahamic religions, including Islam, the creation of God is taken for granted. Hence, Ibn Sina distances himself from Aristotle in the matter of the creation of the universe. In fact, the Sinaitic image of the universe and God and the relationship between the two are different from the image presented by Aristotle. Ibn Sina, by dividing the occurrence into essence and time, claims that the eternity of the universe in terms of time does not require that the universe is not a creation of God. In this sense, according to God, God is the active cause of the universe; It is not only a stimulus, but it is also considered to be the giver of existence to the universe. Augustine is a philosopher whose thought is primarily based on the question of the "relationship of the human soul with God" and his book "Confessions",Hence, one cannot expect him to study the issues of the material world and to observe dry and specific philosophical issues.

The discussion of government and the ideal government and who should rule has always been a concern of Islamic scholars, especially Shia. This research examines the comparison of the two Muslim thinkers who lived in two different eras about government. Ibn Sina, the Islamic philosopher who lived in the 4th and 5th centuries, and Ayatollah Seyyed Mir Abd al-Fattah Hosseini Maraghei, were the scholars of the beginning of the Qajar period. While dividing governments into good and bad, Ibn Sina and Maraghei share the opinion of the ideal government that comes to the Prophet, peace be upon him, and considering that Ibn Sina lived in a period when the governments had Sunni tendencies and he was an official in politics, he used taqiyyah in some of his arguments about the government. Also, he was influenced by his contemporaries, Farabi, while Maraghei lived in the Qajar era, which was the type of Shiite government that was oppressive. and the scholars had political relations with Qajaria, and at the same time, the theorizing about the government and the ideal government and the authority of the faqih by Mullah Ahmad Naraghi, Kashif al-Ghata, etc., had expanded a lot; therefore, there was a field of theorizing and the influence of Naraghi and Kashif al-Ghata, while dealing with the government, proved the reasons for the authority of the faqih. The third point of this Sina's ideas about government was discussed through political philosophy, while Maraghei's ideas about proving the ideal government were discussed through jurisprudence.

The major problem in the Islamic world has been always the relation between religious law and reason. Assuming Leo Strauss's theory about what he called 'Classical Political Philosophy,' with Aristotle's 'lack of politics' in the Islamic world and Plato's 'laws' in the Christianity at the middle ages, and with comparing the thoughts of Avicenna and Aquinas about this relation, this paper attempts to address 'Practical Wisdom' to light the relation between religion and politics and its results. The research question is: what is the relation between reason and religious law/revelation, and what is its impact on practical wisdom. The hypothesis is that Avicenna limited the reason to the theoretical wisdom as pursuing Happiness in the hereafter by dividing the wisdom to practical and theoretical, with the domination of Plato's understanding in practical wisdom, led to a situation in which politics follow the religion. On the contrary, by entering Aristotle's epistemology, Aquinas place reason and revelation in theoretical and practical wisdom, which complement each other, with a kind of coordination and independence; and in the realm of practical wisdom, the legislator's reason and god's law complete that. As a result, Aquinas's idea led to the separation of politics and religion.

This article is entitled "Suhrawardi's Critique of Ibn Sina's Theory on Monsters and the Body" which is qualitative in nature and lacks hypotheses and variables. The purpose of the article is fundamental and theoretical. The main question is: How is Suhrawardi's critique of Ibn Sina's theory on the subject of monsters and the body explained? The research method is descriptive-analytical which uses the tools of formal logic and the position of data collection is library.Ibn Sina, while believing in the real existence of the monster, considered the appearance of the body as dependent on its existence and considered the body as a continuous substance composed of matter and independent form. On the other hand, Suhrawardi rejected the existence of monsters and considered them as purely mental and considered the body as simple, but included substance and width, and did not accept the sum of two inks in a single body and accepted it as a substantial connection and continuous quantity. In this article, the right or wrong of these two views is examined.

This article is entitled "Suhrawardi''s critiques of Ibn Sina''s theory on the subject of motion" and has been compiled with a qualitative nature without hypotheses and variables. The main question is: How is Suhrawardi''s critique of Ibn Sina''s theory on the subject of motion explained? Data collection is a library, and the research method is descriptive-analytical, which uses the tools of formal logic and its purpose is fundamental and theoretical. Ibn Sina called the gradual departure of the object from power to action and considered it in four categories: low, bag, here and the current situation. Before Ibn Sina and according to Aristotle''s philosophy, the category of status was not among the acceptors of motion, but Ibn Sina added this category to the discussion of motion. Suhrawardi, with the exception of the low category, agreed with the other three categories, and believed that the quantity of an object, which is always changing, is a matter of quantitative motion, not an absolute object. For this reason, he did not consider movement to be a minor category. He also, due to the rejection of the monster, does not make any connection between the movement of the monster and the body and face.

Ibn Sina believes in a metaphysical and ontological view between existence and the creator of possibilities - or his transcendence -. While creatures are changeable, and what is changeable and arises from non-existence cannot be the cause of its existence, then the cause of its existence is an absolute and eternal being. He thinks of the world as follows: The world was created out of nothing and with time. This means that time came into being with creation. Augustine and Ibn Sina both believed in the creation of the world by God. Ibn Sina proves time through motion. But in his early research, Augustine tried to define time in terms of motion, but in later theories rejected the definition of motion by time. Ibn Sina considers the category of motion to be precisely related to the concepts of power and action, and by considering the category of motion, he divides the material world into two worlds, the sub-moon and the supermoon. In Augustine's view, the one true God is made up of three persons under the headings: Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. Augustine believes that God created the world from formless matter, and that matter was created from non-existence.

The purpose of the present study is to investigate the meaning of political philosophy from Al-Farabi and Ibn Sina viewpoint. The methodologies used in the study include inductive, analytic and comparative methods. The claims made in the study assert that the underlying meaning of political philosophy in the works of Al-Farabi and Ibn Sina has been different and gone through changes and modifications. The findings show that the concept of political philosophy and its meaning has not been stable and inflexible, and has experienced changes due to the philosophizing and practicing philosophy of the abovementioned philosophers.

The present essay is centered on criticizing E. Rosenthal’s view about political philosophy in Islam. Rosenthal’s main concern is to understand and explain the relationship between Islamic political philosophy and Greek and Islamic doctrines. Rosenthal sees that although Islamic political philosophy is influenced by both Greek and Islamic doctrines, there is no agreement and harmany between Greek doctrines and Islamic doctrines at all and so a Muslim political philosopher cannot be influenced by the doctrines which are not in harmony with religious principles because of his being a devout Muslim. Therefore, the main problem of Rosenthal’s way of thinking is that his understanding of Greek doctrines is wider than his understanding of Islam and Islamic doctrines. Influenced by modern western approaches, he introduces a picture of Muslim and Greek political philosophers that does not correspond with their original texts and doctrines.

Ibn Sina undoubtedly is the most important philosophical figures in the Islamic world, but in political circles that the Muslim world long since torn lands has not been included under the unique rule. The diversity of thought and action that ¬ share is the power of Khalafat, that addressing the philosopher Ibn Sina′s about politics is considered very important. Meanwhile, Ibn Sina in this way followed his predecessor to bring on the dream. This paper will attempt to describe Imagination in the political thought of Ibn Sina in his effort to replace imagination agains reason.

It seems that Fārābi’s purpose behind writing about political philosophy was Tadbīr al-Madīna [society]; on the contrary, Ibn-i Bājah’s ideas were based on Tadbīr al-Motevahhīd [individual]. As a result, it is said that Fārābi is a pluralist but Ibn-i Bājah an individualist. Fārābi’s starting point is the utopia whereas Ibn-i Bājah’s starting point is non-utopia. Since their starting points of discussion are different, they are considered separate from, or even opposed to, each other. But an evaluation of their works shows that both have an individualistic perspective. The individual they try to introduce has important characteristics. First, Fārābi, Ibn-i Bājah, and all Muslim philosophers intentionally or unintentionally make a distinction between the individual as a philosopher and other members of the society, thus, believing in a strong philosophical individualism. Second, this individual does not have a social nature. This paper discusses over their ideas and their political implications. Ibn-i Sīnā’s ideas in this regard will also be mentioned. In fact, their philosophical attempts in regard with the individual and his relationship with the society represent three inevitable positions about the philosophical individual: society’s being sacrificed for the philosophical individual from Fārābi’s perspective; the philosophical individual’s exiting society from Ibn-i Sīnā’s perspective; and the coexistence of the philosophical individual and the existing non-utopian society from Ibn-i Bājah’s perspective. What is important is that the distinction between the civil and philosophical individual makes it difficult to walk in the way of democracy.

This paper concerns with the way the concept of nabowwat [prophethood] develops in Avicenna’s political thought with regard to his ideas about ontology, celestial system, anthropology, and innovative theses such as Feyz [benignity] and Enayat [favor]. Undoubtedly, in the history of the development of Islamic philosophy which starts with the accompaniment of Farabi’s Hikmat [wisdom] and Shariat and proceeds towards the priority of Shariat, Avicenna is considered as a great philosopher after Farabi. The priority of Shariat emerges with expressing the priority of revelational knowledge over rational knowledge hidden in the concept of prophet. Avicenna’s political philosophy is not to prove the concept of nabowwat because it is considered as a priori and essential matter after which human society will appear. In this intellectual system all Islamic and Avicennian philosophical theories are in the service of nabowwat and try to find a non-traditionist rational position for explaining the political position of nabowwat in the time of the crisis of Islamic caliphate.