اتحاد راهبردی

The international relations between Iran and Russia, as two pivotal players in the global political and economic arenas, have long attracted the attention of researchers and policymakers. Both countries, with their strategic geopolitical Locations, have a significant impact on regional and global developments. Throughout history, relations between Iran-Russia have been characterized by fluctuations shaped by a range of factors, including changes in domestic and foreign policies, regional and global crises and economic and security developments. Bilateral relations have entered a new and dynamic stage in recent decades, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the resulting structural changes in the international system. On the one hand, shared interests in areas such as energy, security and trade have led both countries to seek deeper bilateral and multilateral cooperation. On the other hand, persistent challenges, including international pressures, economic sanctions and political differences, continue to pose significant obstacles to advancing a full-fledged strategic partnership.

Research question: 

This study aims to address the question of what opportunities and obstacles exist in Iran-Russia relations for establishing a strategic partnership?Research hypothesis: Despite the inter-connectedness of Iran-Russia relations in various fields and their extensive cooperation on regional and trans-regional issues, structural, political and economic challenges—including competition in the energy sector, economic sanctions and mutual distrust—have prevented the two countries from achieving a full-fledged strategic partnership.

Methodology and theoretical framework:

 This research uses a qualitative and descriptive approach to analyze the content of selected data along with topic analysis. The theoretical framework of this article is based on the construction of strategic relationships in international relations. The goal of these relations is to bring countries closer together on a global stage, enabling them to pursue and achieve their national interests through proximity.

During the Islamic Republic of Iran, it sought to establish strategic relations with selected governments within the framework of the international system and prioritized a structured approach to these partnerships. Russia stands out as a key country in this effort. Several factors, including historical, political and normative commonalities, provide the foundation for strengthening strategic relations. However, despite some progress, significant challenges remain that prevent the full realization of a sustainable strategic partnership. Iran-Russia relations have evolved over the past four decades, shifting from short-term tactical interactions to more comprehensive cooperation in regional and international geopolitical arenas. Trade relations, with significant growth over the past decade, have been one of the main pillars of this partnership. For instance, Russian exports to Iran increased from $770 million in 2011 to $1.58 billion in 2022, while Iranian exports to Russia increased from $350 million to $750 million over the same period. This economic growth is driven by mutual efforts to counter Western sanctions, with key cooperation in the energy, technology, and agriculture sectors. Joint projects, such as developing oil and gas fields, constructing nuclear power plants and participating in technology transfers, underscore the economic interdependence of the two countries. Geopolitical and security cooperation has also played a vital role, especially in conflict zones such as Syria and during the tensions in Ukraine. In Syria, both countries supported the Assad regime and demonstrated their ability to align with strategic goals. Iran’s stance on the Ukraine crisis further reinforces the country's geopolitical alignment with Russia against Western influence. However, fundamental challenges remain. Geopolitical priorities and diverging national interests often cause friction. Russia’s broader strategies sometimes include aligning with countries that Iran consider enemies, complicating their relations. Domestic political dynamics in both nations further limit their ability to fully commit to a long-term alliance. Despite these obstacles, opportunities remain for deeper cooperation. Strengthening economic ties in energy, technology and agriculture, along with mechanisms for building mutual trust and resolving disputes, could pave the way for a more sustainable and enduring strategic partnership.

Despite a long history of cooperation in geopolitical, security and economic spheres, Iran and Russia have not yet reached the level of a sustainable and comprehensive strategic partnership. This situation is shaped by various structural and systemic challenges that affect their relations at the domestic, regional and international levels. On the other hand, competition in energy markets, different approaches to some regional issues and historical mistrust, especially in economic and political spheres, create significant obstacles to deepening these relations. Western economic sanctions against both countries have created opportunities for closer ties; however, structural challenges, such as inefficient trade mechanisms, underdeveloped transportation infrastructure and a lack of technological innovation, limit their ability to fully capitalize on these opportunities. Additionally, geopolitical issues, such as conflicts in the South Caucasus and Russia's engagement with countries such as the Republic of Azerbaijan and Armenia, further complicate their relations. Furthermore, Iran-Russia relations are heavily influenced by external factors, including Russia’s tensions with the West and Iran’s efforts to reduce its dependence on limited partners and their relations are largely opportunistic and tactical rather than strategic. To overcome these challenges and strengthen their strategic relationship, Iran and Russia should focus on several key areas: 1) Building mutual trust through the development of joint institutions and legal frameworks that ensure long-term benefits for both countries. 2) Enhancing economic and trade cooperation by removing structural barriers, improving transportation infrastructure such as the North-South Corridor and strengthening technology-based partnerships.3) Deepening cultural and social interactions to bridge gaps in understanding and create greater social cohesion. 4) Determining long-term and common foreign policy goals with a focus on countering unilateralism and promoting multilateralism in the international system.

Since the Justice and Development Party came to power, a new cornerstone in Turkish foreign policy has been gradually implemented largely influenced by the thoughts of Ahmet Davutoğlu. Davutoğlu, in his book "Strategic Depth," believes that Turkiye, considers itself an inseparable part of the South Caucasus region historically, culturally, and geographically. Samuel Huntington also points out that Turkiye after the Ottoman Empire, turned away from Mecca and turned westward; however, it did not hear a call from the West and after the collapse of the Soviet Union, one way to ensure its survival was to look to the East (Central Asia and the Caucasus). Accordingly, the South Caucasus, especially Republic of Azerbaijan, received special attention from Turkiye after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The principle of cooperation and expansion of influence in the South Caucasus countries has been the basis of Turkiye's policy towards the the South Caucasus crises, which is pursued both regionally and trans-regionally. In its extraterritorial focus, Turkiye cooperated with the West, especially NATO and the United States. At the regional level, Ankara prioritized its policy in the Caucasus by establishing extensive cooperation with Baku. The concept of power has historically been synonymous with military capacity. However, after World War II, the economy also became important; therefore, power was considered as a component of both military and economic capacity. However, after the Cold War, another aspect of power emerged, introduced by Joseph Nye. This type of power, which does not involve coercive methods, is called soft power. After going through a challenging path of criticism and justification, the concept of soft power, has established its place in the international academic space and has now become one of the main concepts in international relations. Since the rise of the Justice and Development Party, Turkiye has paid more attention to soft power, influenced by the vision of Ahmet Davutoğlu's perspective, with the aim of expanding its sphere of influence. This study first explains Joseph Nye's soft power theory and secondly, it shed lights on the historical relations between Turkiye and Azerbaijan Republic, as well as the role of soft power in strengthening their relations. Research question: What role has soft power played in the development and deepening of the strategic alliance between Turkiye and Azerbaijan?Research hypothesis: Soft power has played a driving and facilitating role in the strategic alliance between Turkiye and Azerbaijan Republic. In this research, the historical-analytical 'process tracing method' was used." This method allows for the investigation of causal mechanisms and changes and allows for the evaluation of the sequence of events and the relationships between variables over time. This method allows for the examination of causal mechanisms and changes, enabling the assessment of the sequence of events and the relationships between variables over time. This method allows for the examination of causal mechanisms and changes, enabling the assessment of the sequence of events and the relationships between variables over time. In this regard, this research describes the strategic alliance between Turkiye and Azerbaijan as a historical process rather than a situation. This means that the process of forming a coalition has a starting point and has reached its peak during a historical journey. By using this method, the authors aim to explain the role of soft power in the development of this alliance. The failure of Turkiye's plans to join the European Union has made the idea of Pan-Turkism and the formation of a "great empire" increasingly more attractive to Ankara than ever before. Alongside the neo-Ottoman idea, which focuses on the Arab countries of the Mediterranean and the Balkans, the unity of all Turkic peoples based on ethnic and linguistic ties, from the Bosporus Strait to China, is also on Turkiye's agenda. The ideas of Pan-Turkism are increasingly becoming a reality in many areas. The concept of unity and a common destiny of Turkic peoples is taking shape more than ever before. Turkiye, relying on its ethnic identity and Turkish element, sought to establish complete solidarity with Azerbaijan. Therefore, the slogan "One Nation - Two States" was the driving force behind Turkish-Azerbaijani relations during the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War. The Shushi statement clearly states the overall policy of coordination in military, political, and foreign policy spheres. In fact, this document proves that Turkiye has gained complete influence in Azerbaijan. In previous contracts, there was no mention of the Turkic world; however, this statement clearly indicates the coordination of forces between the two countries for the development of the Turkic world. In previous agreements, there was no mention of the Turkic world; however, this statement clearly outlines the coordination of forces between the two countries for the development of the Turkic world.In general, among Turkiye's multiple soft power mechanisms, the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency can be mentioned. In general, the multiple mechanisms of Turkiye's soft power include the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency, the Public Diplomacy Coordination Organization, the Yunus Emre Foundation, the Turkish Radio and Television Corporation, the Anadolu Agency, the Organization of Turks Abroad and Related Communities, Turkish Airlines, the International Turkish Culture Organization, the Maarif Foundation, the Turkish Red Crescent, the Disaster and Emergency Management Authority of Turkiye, the Directorate of Religious Affairs, the Turkish Armed Forces, the Turkic Council, the International Turkic Academy, the Turkish Business Council, the Turkish Chamber of Commerce and Industry, the Union of Turkish Universities, and so on. Turkiye's goal with such measures is to strengthen cooperation between Turkiye and the Turkic republics in the political, economic, cultural and educational fields. On October 20, 2022, during the meeting of representatives of the Turkic Council member states in Bursa, a decision was made to establish a "Commission for the Creation of a Unified Alphabet" within the structure of the Turkic Council. The goal of this commission is to achieve linguistic unity among Turkic countries and to adopt a common alphabet. The overall result of the research indicates that Turkiye's attractiveness to Azerbaijan has played a significant role in the formation of an alliance between the two countries; the cultural cooperation between the two countries has spilled over into geopolitical and geoeconomic spheres, deepening their alliance, which was manifested in the Shushi Declaration. This statement clearly expresses overall policy coordination in the military, political, and foreign policy spheres and emphasizes the alignment of forces between the two countries for the development of the Turkic world. Thus, the Shushi Dclaration reveals the manifestations of Pan-Turkism in the Turkish Azerbaijani relations.

Since the Justice and Development Party assumed power in 2002, Turkish policymakers have prioritized fostering extensive engagement with the surrounding region under the influence of Davutoğlu. Therefore, the Republic of Türkiye tried to strengthen its ties with the Republic of Azerbaijan. The 2020 Nagorno–Karabakh War deepened Ankara–Baku relations, culminating in the Shusha Declaration. This declaration can be considered a cornerstone of Turkish–Azerbaijani relations, clearly outlining coordination in military, political, and foreign policy spheres. Essentially, it signifies a strategic alliance between the two countries. This paper employs a descriptive-analytical approach, using Mohiyoddin Mesbahi's three-level, three-domain theoretical framework—i.e., a unique reading of geopolitics offering a tripartite view of the international system encompassing domestic, regional, and international levels. Additionally, it introduces three interconnected yet distinct domains: geopolitics, geoeconomics, and geoculture. This framework is drawn on to address the following question: What factors have contributed to the formation and deepening of the strategic alliance between Türkiye and Azerbaijan? The hypothesis is that a combination of geopolitical, geoeconomic, and geocultural factors at the international, regional, and domestic levels have driven this alliance. The research methodology involves a review of written references, e.g., books, papers, and documents, as well as online data.

The meaning of “strategic alliance” is not solid in international relations literature. Regardless of various possible understandings, this concept is subject to further modifications that may result from changes in equations of the global order. In this situation, it is possible that what is understood by the two ends of a strategic alliance would be significantly different from the original understanding held by each party. Although Iran is located in a specific and sensitive location in the world's political geography, it is not considered to be in any major alliance with a regional block in its foreign relations: neither from the natural nor civilization perspectives. This is because, both naturally and historically, Iran is not a part of the Turk, Arab or Sunni blocks in the region. Therefore, Iran is somehow accepted as a “special entity” in the region. Along with Iran’s geographical position, which has historically instigated global competition, this “exceptionalism” could be the origin of the concept called Iran’s strategic loneliness. In this research, we use a qualitative analysis approach along with several historical facts. We focus on Iran’s perception of the concept of the strategic alliance with regard to the historical competition of the global powers and Iran’s strategic loneliness, especially at the intersection of the two. We will discuss Iran’s position in its strategic environment in contemporary history along with the misunderstandings it might cause based on how “strategic alliance” is perceived in Tehran vs. other capitals.

The present article seeks to explain and evaluate the strategic relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Pakistan. Based on its neighborhood policy and economic diplomacy strategy, the Islamic Republic of Iran has defined a special importance and position for the development of relations with countries in its periphery. Pakistan also has a strong interest in reducing disputes on the western border with Iran to focus on managing the eastern border with India and meeting its economic needs from Iran. In this regard, the main question of the present article is, considering the various levels and dimensions of the Islamic Republic of Iran's relations with Pakistan, to what extent is it possible to form a strategic alliance in the relations between the two sides? In response, the hypothesis is tested that cultural and security commonalities, along with geographical, historical, and economic proximity, also complement convergence factors in Tehran-Islamabad bilateral relations, while variables such as US strategy toward Iran, Saudi Arabia, and UAE anti-Iranian foreign policy. Arab and border disputes, along with the re-emergence of the Taliban in Afghanistan, have paved the way for divergence in bilateral relations.

Syria has had the highest level of relations among arab states and the Islamic Republic of Iran. This country was supporters of Iran during the imposed war. After the war, two mentioned countries completed political relations by economic exchanges and cultural relations Tehran and Damascus were considered as strategic allies in the middle east. To find the cause of the intimate relations between Iran and Syria, we must pay attention to the ideological and strategic context of these relations. Essentially The common ideology of Iran and Syria was an anti-imperialist orientation which was crystallized in anti-American and anti-Zionist tendencies and support for Palestinian groups. On the other hand, confronting with common threats in the periods of imposed war (Saddam Hussein and Israel) after that, Saudi Arabia and then Iran's effort to reach to the position of regional power are the main factors of strategic alliance of two countries (Hypothesis). As a result, the policy of both countries is not only maintaining the independence exploit of transnational forces in the region but also creating a kind of stability against the security threats of the middle east, which caused from the global pressures of powers, mostly. Thus, the alliance of Iran and Syria brings a new balance of power in the region that challenges the regional order influenced by Western global politics. In this study, we will look for reviewing a system of balancing power in the Middle East and the status of the coalition of two countries.

China is an emerging Asian power that is in the proximity of another influential power, Russia. The status of Russia has always been dual in terms of geography and culture, and is considered to be both Asian and European. Russia and China have historically experienced ups and downs in their relationship. following the collapse of the Soviet Union, both countries witnessed the promotion of cooperation in their relations. The importance of examining the relations between these two states is that both are among influential powers in the international system. The chief question here is why Russia’s geopolitical encounter with China will lead to Russia’s inclination toward the West. The hypothesis is that because Russia has major disagreements with China in the Far East and Central Asia, and because Russia is unable to defend its long borders, it will have no choice but to compromise with the west as a less severe threat. In this study, the history of the relations between the two states will be elaborated and after tracing Russia's common historical and behavioral pattern in similar circumstances, Russia's reaction to China’s threat will be evaluated. Theoretical framework used in this study is that of balance of threat. According to this theory it is concluded that Russia ultimately formulates its western identity, not for the purpose of establishing tactical and temporary cooperation with the West but a strategic and lasting alliance with it.

Russia and the Middle East have had along-standing historical relations. This relationship has continued over the centuries and in every period has had its peculiarities. So that Russia's relations with the Middle East can be divided into different periods. The Arab Spring has created a completely new situation and new imbalances in the Middle East. It has caused great powers to fear that they will see their regional influence decline, which will affect global stability. Russia is no exception in this regard. After the popular uprisings in the Arab, the Russian leadership sought to formulate a policy to deal with the new situation. The present article seeks to investigate the strategies and challenges of Russia in the new Middle East.

Strategic coalition is a model for Regional Development and New Regionalism. in this process, Multinational corporation has basic role for Economic partnership with national and regional countries. This trend have been for in Formed Free Trade Association situation.Regional organizations and frameworks can help determine the perceived regional and global development. Global framework activities is on all level; macro – Regional, trans regional and global. It has been the growth of bilateral agreement.This complexity increasingly coherent in regional economic and social co operation, and hence it is some times difficult to disaggregate the regional from the global. Financial and trade world framework impact on the structure and general development of the global system in varions way. For example, the deeping of ast asian regionalism over recent years has significantly contributed to the global trend of regionalism.