اروپا

Due to its special geopolitical position, Ukraine has inadvertently been involved in international conflicts, conflicts that are mainly between the three powers of Russia, the European Union, and the United States. Due to the geographical and geopolitical position of Ukraine, the United States and the European Union are seeking dominance and influence in this country in competition with Russia, which represents the height of the differences and geopolitical competition between them. The foreign policy of each of the involved parties does not allow the fire of this crisis to be extinguished. In this research, using library sources and descriptive-analytical research method, we have sought to answer the question of what has been the foreign policy of the United States as a major global power in this field, because the ups and downs of the Ukraine crisis and its results are subject to the pattern It is the behavior of big powers like America in this field. Finally, we have come to the conclusion that America, as a superpower, has taken interests for itself everywhere in the world; This can also be seen in the Ukraine crisis. Confronting Russia's reassertion of power and playing a role as a hegemon is one of the factors affecting the US foreign policy in the Ukraine crisis. Analysis of the foreign policy of Russia and the United States regarding the crisis and war in Ukraine

European countries primarily address terrorism, a significant security concern, through criminal justice mechanisms and the criminalization of various terrorist activities. However, it is imperative to address the substantial influence of both social and individual factors on the formation and proliferation of terrorist groups. Restorative justice offers decision-makers an alternative strategy to achieve this goal. The main question of this research is: How has restorative justice influenced the fight against terrorism in Europe? This study applied the principles of community of practice theory and the explanatory-constructive method to assist Iranian security policymakers in their efforts to combat terrorism. An analysis of prior experiences in European countries demonstrates that restorative justice is effective in combating terrorism and can promote social peace by redefining individual and social identities. This redefinition encourages individuals to reconsider their terrorist identity, thereby laying the foundation for social peace. Restorative justice enables society to combat extremism effectively and reintegrate individuals by reinforcing societal values and denouncing criminal behavior. This approach is crucial in reducing marginalization and facilitating successful reintegration into society.

Conflict is a natural phenomenon in human social life, yet the tools for managing it have not been uniform across historical periods. Prior to the Treaty of Westphalia, conflicts were resolved through subjugation and the exercise of force. However, the religious Thirty Years' War demonstrated that force no longer retained its former effectiveness. From that point onwards, the balance of power and diplomacy emerged in European relations. This article seeks to elucidate the components and processes that can be used to evaluate the role and position of diplomacy in resolving Europe's conflicts and crises. The findings indicate that, following the Renaissance, a set of factors, trends, and events accumulated over centuries, resulting in the prioritization of diplomacy over force. An interplay of national and structural trends influenced the shift of Europeans' conflict resolution tools from force to diplomacy. Europeans gradually learned the connection between survival and diplomacy. The structural imperatives and constraints that manifested in the emergence of the balance of power system, coupled with a shared historical memory, a common lived experience, a relatively shared identity and culture, a common enemy, and relatively shared values ​​and beliefs, as well as numerous other factors, such as the belief in solutions that yield maximum benefits at minimal cost, accumulated in Europe over centuries. They led to a heightened desire and determination among Europeans to prioritize peaceful approaches. This research, conducted using a descriptive-explanatory approach within a historical sociology framework, underscores the historical processes that led to the prominence of diplomacy in Europe.

The purpose of this research is to examine the causes of divergent tendencies in the European Union, especially Britain and Greece. The developments in Europe have created a wave of instability in that continent. Countries with external debt such as Italy and Greece are still struggling with challenges. These challenges and problems have led to citizens' skepticism, and with Britain's departure from this union, the problems of the union have multiplied.The research method in this research is qualitative. The method of gathering materials is through the study of documents and library sources and the method of analyzing information is based on the descriptive-analytical method.The findings of this research confirm the hypotheses of the research and show that the economic component was the most important reason for convergence in the European Union and now this component has led to divergence in the member states.In this research, we come to the conclusion that; In Britain, in addition to economic reasons, factors such as national pride, lack of independence in decision-making areas, lack of understanding in many areas with the union, etc. are among the reasons for divergence, and in Greece, heterogeneous political and economic development, institutional structure and management capacity. And the leadership of Greece is one of the reasons for the divergence.

Recent political developments in Europe show different characteristics of political currents. The increase in popularity of extreme right parties compared to extreme left parties is one of these cases. This article examines the factors that have led to this difference. The main question of this realization is what factors have contributed to the success of extreme right parties compared to extreme left parties in attracting the support of European people? In response to this question, we hypothesize that extreme right parties have been able to build a base by using economic crises and unemployment, concerns about immigration and national identity, economic consequences of globalization, cultural concerns, and terrorist attacks get a wider social. But on the other hand, extreme left parties have focused more on social issues and justice. These may attract fewer people. In this article, the method of qualitative research and causal explanation is used. The data has also been collected from various library sources. These data are analyzed using content analysis and interpretation of success factors of extreme right parties.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 not only damaged Ukraine’s economy but also put so much pressure on Russia and European countries in gas trade due to the loss of big trade partners. This article aims to answer two main questions: 1- What are the impacts of Russia and Ukraine’s war on the United States and the European Union in the energy area? 2-Does it impact the position of Iran in the energy part in global markets? This research has been done based on the narrative review approach. The findings show the gradual loss of former position in global markets for Ukraine, Russia, and the European Union and the increasing dependency of European countries on the United States in the energy area. If European countries avoid cooperating with huge oil and gas resource-owning countries like Iran, besides aggravating their dependency on the United States, they deprive themselves of cheaper energy resources.

The European Union is one of the largest consumers of energy in the world. Due to the increase in energy prices, energy for Europe in European countries, Europe as one of the largest importers of oil and gas in the world due to Russia and security vulnerabilities, the European Union is seeking to diversify its energy sources and find. The supplier is the supplier. In this context, the Persian Gulf region, including Iran, is seen as a potential candidate. This article seeks to answer the question of what opportunities and challenges Iranian energy presents for Europe. The results show that Iran's opportunities as an option to change the European Union's energy portfolio include huge reserves, geopolitical position and the occurrence of civil war. However, sanctions, pressure and foreign intervention, as well as the existence of competitors and other alternatives, are challenges that Iran must overcome in order to achieve a greater share of European energy. The research method is descriptive-analytical and collection with library documents.

The conflict between East and West or North and South has become global. The geopolitical and geoenergy importance of Libya in the neighborhood of Europe and its proximity to Italy, and the ability to disturb the countries on the edge of the regional fault around Libya and the northern part of the African continent, in the form of a domino of instability and insecurity spilling over from this country, show the special situation of Libya in this campaign of world order. Also, the issue of the refugee crisis for Europeans in the light of the current crisis of the war in Ukraine, which they are heavily involved in its waves, and the intersection and condensation with the developments caused by the wave of war refugees has added to these problems. In addition, the issue of the importance of Libya's geoenergy and the importance of maintaining the country's energy flow in light of the attempt to cut off Iran's connection with the global energy markets and the connection of Libya's oil logistics lines to supply Europe are other aspects of the importance of Libya in the current situation for the West and the East. From another point of view, the question of the presence or absence of Brotherhood political Islam has put Turkey in front of actors such as Egypt and the UAE and has expanded the conflict front in Libya to the maximum possible extent. In the current research, we will discuss the dynamics of internal parties and organizations in Libya, their role in the operational scene, their impact and their future prospects.

The rise of the populist radical-right parties (PRRP) stands out as one of the most significant developments in Western democracies over the past two decades. This trend, seen as a challenging sign within democracy but against liberal democracy, highlights the mounting pressure faced by Western political regimes from forces and groups that diverge from the dominant political currents of the last two decades. More specifically, one of the trends in various regions of the EU is the fact that voters, disillusioned by traditional (EU) politics, are turning towards populist and extreme parties both on the left and the right. In this respect, the current research aims to address the question: What were the causes and underlying factors contributing to the rise of radical right parties to power in Europe over the last two decades?

Literature Review:

In Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe, Cas Mudde (2007) delved into the ideology of PRRPs. He identifies three core tenets, namely nationalism, authoritarianism, and populism, contending that PRRPs are not passive entities; rather, they are engaged in actively shaping their destiny within contemporary Western societies. In the article “Economic Insecurity and Demand of Populism in Europe,” Guiso et al. (2022) relied on the approach based on demand of populism to argue that market as well as government inefficiencies in providing security have eroded citizen trust in traditional political parties and institutions. The escalating threats of immigration and globalization have further heightened desperation and fear, contributing to the intensified demand for populist policies. Guiso et al. (2022) explain how this dual crisis, reflected in economic insecurity, systematically influences the demand for populism. In “Conditions Favouring Parties of the Extreme Right in Western Europe,” Jackman and Volpert (2017) conducted a comprehensive examination of systemic conditions influencing the electoral success of extreme right-wing parties in 16 Western European countries between 1970 and 1990. They concluded that factors such as the electoral system, party structure, and higher unemployment rates created a conducive environment for the emergence of such political movements. In addition, Dehshiri and Ghasemi (2015), in their article titled “Fourfold Crises and the Rise of the Radical Right in Europe,” posit that the four crises (i.e., resource distribution, representation, identity, and immigration) played an undeniable role in shaping the radical right movement in Europe.The review of the literature shows different vantage points used to examine the causes, contexts, and consequences of the rise of radical right parties to power. There is a focus on particular aspects such as the electoral system, party structure, identity, and immigration. The novelty of the present research lies in its comprehensive approach based on supply and demand of populism, which explores a combination of socio-economic and political motivations and variables that impact the rise of radical right parties in European countries.

The present research used the supply and demand of populism as the framework to conduct a bottom-up and top-down analysis of the rise of radical right parties in Europe during 2008–2018.

Using the supply and demand of populism, the research can shed light on different dimensions of the rise of PRRPs in Europe during 2008–2018. On the demand side of populism, the ineffectiveness of governments in managing the financial crisis—often marked by cost reduction, tax increases, and rising unemployment—created the fertile ground for populist tendencies, including anti-immigrant sentiment, xenophobia, Euroscepticism, and nationalism. Meanwhile, the influx of immigrants into Europe, coupled with the adoption of multiculturalism in sociocultural spheres and globalization in the economic realm, could have contributed to the emergence and resurgence of radical right parties. On the supply side of populism, institutional mechanisms and political strategies (e.g., the nature of the electoral system, party ideologies, organizational structures of parties, and party leadership), alongside the influence of messages, rhetoric, and media propaganda, further laid the ground for the rise of radical right parties to power.

Relying on the supply and demand of populism as the framework, the present research demonstrated that economic and sociocultural demands and dissatisfactions on the demand side (bottom-up approach), coupled with the political and institutional strategies and mechanisms employed by populist statesmen and parties on the supply side of populism (top-down approach), prompted European voters to turn towards radical right leaders and parties. These conditions could foster the political mobilization of citizens by these parties, ultimately resulting in their rise to power, particularly between 2008 and 2018. Following the disorders such as the 2008 economic crisis, the 2014 terrorist crisis, the immigration crisis after 2015, and the ensuing sociocultural dissatisfaction, populist parties and leaders capitalized on the political opportunities available in the populism market, emerging as key players in the political arena. Concerning the supply of populism, radical right parties successfully provided the narratives necessary for political mobilization around shared concerns. They attracted the majority of votes by leveraging legal and institutional mechanisms (such as elections, media, and the unique leadership capabilities), ultimately securing political power.

Regional integration is considered one of the most important international phenomena in the world, which has always had special theoretical literature in international relations and regional studies. Theories such as federalism, functionalism, neo-functionalism, communication theory, etc. are among the most important theories that specifically seek to explain how regional integration occurs in a specific region. "Practice turn" or "practice theory" is considered one of the latest theoretical achievements in international relations, which many researchers have tried to apply in regional integration studies. According to the main principles of this theoretical approach, international phenomena are analyzed in terms of international "actions". The specific and pluralistic ontology, epistemology, and methodology of this theoretical approach have made many researchers of European studies use it to analyze and investigate the integration in Europe. For this purpose, in the present article, we intend to describe this theoretical approach and apply it to European integration studies and its development. Therefore, the main question of this article is, how has practice theory influenced the development of integration studies in Europe? The findings of this paper show that studies based on practice theory have challenged the more traditional understanding and previous theoretical literature on the dynamics of European integration. In fact, practice theory has forced the new generation of European studies researchers to reconsider the main assumptions of the European Union and go beyond the ontology and methods related to the existing theories in international relations.

China's foreign policy continues its multilateral economic plans in the international arena such as; "Belt and Road Initiative", "Made in China 2025", " Health Silk Road", "Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank" and..., have considered cooperation with European countries. In the last decade, Beijing has established multilateral mechanisms and initiatives at the regional, transregional and bilateral (pivot countries) levels and in the form of these multilateral initiatives, it includes economic, political, and cultural dimensions with different regions, especially Europe. In this framework, the "16+1 Initiative" was defined in 2012 as a complement to the " Belt and Road " by China and Central and Eastern European countries to develop multilateral cooperation. The purpose of this article is to explain the impact of this multilateral initiative on the cooperation between China and the countries of Eastern and Central Europe, and the question of how the multilateral initiative 1+16 is the context of the interwoven cooperation between China and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CE E) has prepared? The hypothesis is that the 16+1 multilateral mechanism has created a complex network of cooperation between China and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, which has led to positive achievements in specific subject areas. The findings show that China has planned and implemented projects and plans in the form of a win-win game with the cooperation of various groups of the above countries (Balkans, Visegrad, Axis countries), which has resulted in the reaction of other Chinese competitors.

After the insecurity in West Asia and the emergence of the extremist terrorist group ISIS, we have seen the acceptance of the European people from the extreme right-wing parties in Europe. Although apparently these two issues are formed in two different geographical regions, but from the point of view of this research, there is a relationship between the growth of Islamic fundamentalism in West Asia and the rise of extreme right in Europe; Therefore, this research has emerged in response to the question that Islamic fundamentalism in West Asia has had an impact on the rise of European far-right parties? The findings show that with the emergence of fundamentalism in West Asia, the middle variable of Muslim immigration to Europe caused the extreme right parties to turn the opinion of a significant part of the voters in the elections towards the security of immigrant Muslims and linking them to the insecurities of Europe. attract; Therefore, the emergence of xenophobia and anti-immigrant discourses in the sphere of European societies by far-right parties caused these slogans to be associated with a significant reception of the people in the elections and the victory of the far-right.

In the anarchic international system, there is no superior authority and no coercive power to enforce law and order in international politics. Therefore, states rely on their internal capabilities to ensure their security. China needs abundant energy resources and an uninterrupted supply of energy to sustain its economic growth. It is seeking to diversify its energy import routes through pipelines. In addition, Europe has been trying to diversify its energy import routes away from Russia following the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Caspian resources are an alternative for both sides. The aim of this study is therefore to examine Are the energy cooperation trends in the Caspian Basin based on interdependence towards China or Europe? The research hypothesis is that the stable growth of China's energy consumption and fewer conflicts in the eastern part of the Caspian Basin have led the Caspian countries to cooperate more with China in the energy sector than with Europe. The research findings show that China has been experiencing sustained growth in gross domestic product (GDP) and human development index (HDI) for years after its economic reforms. Moreover, Chinese energy diplomacy in the Caspian Basin can be defined within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI), the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and mutual cooperation with Caspian Basin countries. After all, the conflicts around the Caspian Sea in the west have geopolitical roots, but in the east of the Caspian Sea the conflicts have internal roots. Therefore, the current trends in the Caspian Basin have resulted in the Caspian Basin moving towards China.

Measuring the level of power of countries and comparing them with each other is one of the topics studied in geopolitical knowledge. Geopolitical knowledge means the optimal use of geographical sources of power in relations between actors. Therefore, the main question of the research is how the economic power of France is compared to its regional competitors? To answer this question, the research method has been used descriptively-analytically and its purpose has been applied. The present study is conducted in two dimensions. In the first stage, the required information was studied through documentary study and libraries. Then, the goals, important strategies to achieve the goals and capabilities of France's economic power were entered into the Meta-SWOT software; Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine the competitive advantage of French economic power compared to regional competitors in Europe. The results show that according to the advantages and capabilities of France in comparison with the countries in question, there is a kind of competitiveness that can depict the level of economic power of France according to the resources and capabilities of other countries in the region. The obtained results show that the most important advantages of France's power over competitors (Norway, Belgium, Croatia, Czech Republic, Germany, England, etc.) include innovation capacity, high-tech export, scientific technology level, investment attraction. Foreign and knowledge-based economies have been the most strategic resources and economic capabilities to become economic power, respectively. And variables such as doubts and uncertainty that people have about the social and economic situation, the existing economic structure, controlling high unemployment rates, slow economic growth are considered to be the most persistent problem facing the economic power of France. Global market dominance, global trade share with 4 points, Gini index with 3.9 points, GDP and overseas investment with 3.7 points, economic complexity with 3.6 points, high-tech exports with 3.5 points, respectively, the most strategic France's economic resources and capabilities have been to become an economic power. The comparison of France's level of competition with other European competitors showed that Norway, the United Kingdom, Germany, Sweden and Switzerland had the highest level of economic competition with France.

Achieving stable sources of oil and gas has long been one of the main concerns of European countries. Europe imports most of its energy from Russia, but due to numerous disputes with Russia, including the Ukraine issue, it is trying to reduce its dependence on Russia. In this context, attention to the transfer of energy resources from Azerbaijan has been paid much attention. Now, this research is looking for an answer to the question, what is the position of Azerbaijan in Europe's energy security, using descriptive-analytical method? The findings show that despite the fact that Azerbaijan has significant energy resources, but due to the fact that it does not have the capacity to transfer energy to the extent that it can replace Russia, the country's position in Europe's energy security cannot be considered very significant.

During recent decades, Iran and Turkmenistan have become reliable neighbours. But when these two countries want to develop their cooperation in the field of energy and export their gas to Europe through Turkey, they face different obstacles and challenges in issues such as bilateral relations, the Turkish energy market and the European Union. The purpose of this research is to examine the situation of Iran and Turkmenistan in the field of energy and the issue of gas transit to Europe through Turkey.Research Question: The main question is, what are the opportunities and challenges of Turkmenistan gas transit from Iran and Turkey to Europe?

The hypothesis of this research is based on the positive relations between Turkey, Iran and Turkmenistan and the geopolitical position of Iran, the connection with the opportunities and sanctions of the United States on Iran's energy sector, Russia's pressure on Turkmenistan for the exclusive purchase of gas, which is the most important challenge for the transit of gas from Turkmenistan to Europe.

In this paper, the qualitative research method for studying the hypothesis is based on Peter McLaughlin’s functional explanation. The data collection tool is based on library and internet resources. The theoretical framework of this research is based on the regional system proposed by Louis Cantori and Steven Spiegel. By combining this framework with functionalism, it examines the cooperation and competition of governments and analyzes the factors of convergence and divergence in the relations of these countries.

The analysis of this research shows that Iran and Turkmenistan have expanded their economic relations. The opening of the Mashhad-Sarkhs-Tajan railway lines and the Bafaq-Bandar Abbas railway line is considered as an important economic measure for the development of economic and trade relations between Iran and Turkmenistan. Also, the cooperation of the two countries in technical and engineering projects with numerous investments of Iranian technicians in this field has also been important.  Iran and Turkmenistan pursue their economic cooperation within the framework of the Joint Economic Commission. The main export of goods from Iran is related to Turkmenistan, and since 2013, the volume of trade between the two countries has increased, especially with Khorasan Razavi Province.With 5900 industrial units, 46 mineral resources and approximately 800 mines, Khorasan Razavi province has a high rank in the production of products such as saffron, pistachios, pomegranates and medicinal plants and mainly exports these products to Turkmenistan. The implementation of the border-crossing-permit plan between Iran and Turkmenistan has also provided the basis for the movement of nationals of both countries in the border areas.Turkmenistan’s gas reserves are scattered throughout the country. In addition to the huge gas resources and significant production in this country, the discovery of Yultan gas field near Iran's Daulatabad field has put Turkmenistan in the focus of Iran's attention. The desire of Iran and Turkmenistan to cooperate made Turkmenistan agree to the construction of the country's first pipeline in July 1995. The Kerpcheh-Kordkoy pipeline was built in 1997 at a cost of over $200 million to transport gas to northern Iran from the Kerpcheh gas field. With abundant gas resources, Turkmenistan negotiated with Iran to export gas from Iran to Europe via Turkey. Due to its geopolitical position, Turkey has become an energy pole and this has created an opportunity for this country to gain more economic benefits. The European Union (EU) has become heavily dependent on foreign energy resources in recent decades.Due to its geopolitical position, Turkey has become an energy hub that connects the Middle East, Russia and Europe. Many gas pipelines pass through Turkey, transporting gas from Central Asia and the Middle East to Europe. However, some of these pipeline projects have been suspended for some time. Turkey has given the green light to Iran’s presence in the Turkish gas market (to Europe) and the Tabriz–Ankara pipeline operates in this direction. 

The findings indicate that first, long borders and economic capacities in Turkmenistan are like the gateway for Iran to enter this country and the two countries have cooperated in the field of natural gas transportation projects. Second, Turkmenistan’s rich gas resources and various gas fields led this country to build the first Kerpcheh-Kordkoy gas pipeline with Iran, which met the gas consumption needs of Iran’s northern provinces. Simultaneously with the construction of this pipeline, the issue of Turkmenistan gas transit from Iran to Turkey was raised so that Iran would receive transit rights. With Najmuddin Arbakan coming to power in Turkey in 1997, bilateral relations between Iran and Turkey improved significantly and Turkey's economic growth has led to an increasing need for gas imports. In this regard, Turkey has increased its gas transit pipelines in recent years. Europe's effort to diversify its gas imports from exporting countries and not relying only on Russia has provided the opportunity for Turkey to become the energy hub of the region by importing gas from Iran (and even other countries) and using its geopolitical position to re-export energy and gas to European markets. The improvement of relations between Iran and Turkey and the transit of gas to Europe have strengthened their economic growth, but the US sanctions against Iran and possible obstruction of gas exports by Iran in the case of incresing US pressure, may prevent them from making profits in their bilateral transactions.

The environment is the common heritage of humanity and the protection of its rights is a national and international necessity. But in recent years, this common heritage has been seriously jeopardized. In fact, with the advancement of human civilization and the development of technology and increasing population, the world is now facing a problem called crisis and environmental degradation that threatens the lives of the inhabitants of the planet. The environmental movements that have emerged in Europe have been able to influence the level of EU policy at the internal, regional and trans-regional levels due to the goals they have pursued since their inception. Environmental movements in European societies have sought to influence policies that have adverse effects on the human environment. Accordingly, the present study seeks to answer the question of what effect has environmental institutionalism had on the security and environmental issues in Europe? And how have environmental and social movements influenced the EU decision-making process? Answering these two questions requires an extensive study of environmental movements from different angles. As a result, this study focuses on how environmental movements in European communities affect EU environmental policy. The method used in this research will be descriptive-analytical.

The Ukraine crisis is considered a reflection of systematic and organized conflicts that have accumulated between Russia and the West during the years after the collapse of the Soviet Union. At the same time, the war in Ukraine can be seen as the manifestation of the conflict between the great powers over the formation of the future world order. Despite the fact that Western countries tried to put the Kremlin under severe pressure by using the option of sanctions after Russia's military attack on Ukraine, they ultimately failed to change Russia's attitude. In the meantime, the passage of time has shown that the imposition of economic sanctions against Russia can act as a boomerang whose consequences will also affect the western countries themselves. The great economic dependence between Russia and European countries on the one hand, and at the same time Russia's potential reaction and the imposition of reciprocal sanctions that can emerge in areas such as energy, will confront Western countries with greater risks, which will bring the world to the worst point of It is time to end the Cold War. Therefore, it is very important to check the effectiveness of sanctions and also the status of sanctions in the scenarios facing the war in Ukraine.

Citizenship rights are a combination of duties and responsibilities of society members towards one another, society and state. In cases such as threats to national security, governments may serve these threats as a ground for restrictions on these rights. In enforcing this restriction States must adhere to legislative principles such as proportionality and non-discrimination. After the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the European countries have tried to restrict civil rights. The main question is how fighting terrorism has affected Citizenship rights in Europe? Using the explanatory method and with the aim of enriching the research literature on the current situation of civil rights in the light of the anti-terrorist policies of European countries, the results of the study show that in the State of Exception, the provision of security through preventive use of criminal justice in reality, results in ignoring many of the fundamental rights and freedom of individuals and minority groupsIncluding Muslims.